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LI  YE  S 


AKCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY, 


BY 


WALTER  FAEQUHAE  HOOK,  D.D.  F.RS. 

DEAN    OF    CHICHESTER. 


VOLUME   IV. 
MIDDLE-AGE    PERIOD. 


History  which  may  be  called  just  and  perfect  history  is  of  three  kinds,  according  to  the  object  which  it 
propoundeth  or  pretendeth  to  represent;  for  it  either  representeth  a  time,  or  a  person,  or  an  action.  The 
first  we  call  Chronicles,  the  second  Lives,  and  the  third  Narratives  or  Relations.  Of  these,  although  Chronicles 
be  the  most  complete  and  absolute  kind  of  history,  and  hath  most  estimation  and  glory,  yet  Lives  excelleth  in 
profit  and  use,  and  Narratives  or  Relations  in  verity  or  sincerity.  LORD  BACON. 


LONDON: 
BICHAKD   BENTLEY,  NEW  BUBLINGrTON   STREET, 

jcr  in  (Drttmarg  to  |jer 
1865. 


The  right  of  translation  is  reserved. 


CONTENTS 

OF 

THE    FOUKTII    VOLUME. 


BOOK  III.— continued. 
CHAPTER  X. 

JOHN   STRATFORD. 

Born  at  Stratford-upon-Avon. — Parentage. — Educated  at  Merton  Col 
lege,  Oxford. — Graduates  in  Law. — Counsel  for  the  University  against 
the  Dominicans. — Early  Ecclesiastical  Preferments. — Eminent  as  a 
Lawyer. — An  M.P.— A  Clerk  in  Chancery. — Dean  of  the  Court  of 
Arches. — A  diplomatist. — Embassy  to  John  XXII. — Bishop  of  Win 
chester. — His  appointment  opposed  by  the  Government. — Restored 
to  favour. — Takes  part  in  the  Revolution  of  1327. — His  conduct 
towards  Edward  II. — Assists  at  the  deposition  of  the  King. — Perse 
cuted  by  Isabella  and  Mortimer — Obliged  to  conceal  himself. — 
Restored  to  power  by  the  Counter-Revolution. — Pilgrimage  to  France. 
— Lord  Chancellor. — Eminence  as  a  diplomatist  and  statesman. — 
Parliamentary  Reform. — Formation  of  a  separate  House  of  Commons. 
— A  Law  Reformer. — Translation  to  Canterbury. — Peculiarities  of  his 
appointment. — Encourages  trade. — His  policy  as  chief  adviser  of  the 
King. — Disagreement  with  Benedict  XII. — His  view  of  the  French 
War. — Vigour  of  the  Minister. — Intrigues  against  the  Ministry  of 
Stratford. — Perplexities  of  Government. — His  quarrel  with  the  King. 
— Libellus  Famosus. — Spirited  but  temperate  conduct  of  the  Arch 
bishop. — Summoned  to  Parliament. — Persecuted  by  the  new  Ministry. 
— Acquitted  by  the  King. — Restored  to  power. — Was  Prime  Minis 
ter  till  his  death. — Attends  to  ecclesiastical  affairs. — Holds  two 
Councils. — Important  regulations. — Foppery  of  some  of  the  Clergy 

VOL.  iv.  a 


CONTENTS   OF 

censured.— Misconduct  of  Archdeacons.— Banns  of  Marriage. — Wakes. 

Monks  bad  patrons  of  livings. — Archbishop  chief  counsellor   to 

Prince  Lionel  when  Regent.— Measures  adopted  against  Papal  Pro 
visions  and  Reservations. — Controversy  with  the  Pope. — Anti-papal 
Proceedings  of  the  Archbishop. — Good  understanding  of  Clergy  ard 
people  on  subject  of  provisions. — Modification  of  the  Statute  of  Mort 
main. —  Battle  of  Cressy. — Retreat  of  Stratford. — Life  at  Mayfield.— 
Charities  at  Stratford-upon-Avon  of  John,  Robert,  and  Ralph  de 
Stratford.— His  Will. — Dies  at  Mayfield  ....  Page  1 


CHAP.  XL 

THOMAS    BRADWARDINE. 

A  Native  of  Chichester. — Prosperous  state  of  Chichester. — Gilbert  de  S. 
Leofard.  —  John  de  Langton.  —  The  Prebendary  of  Wittering.  — 
Richard  Bury. — An  uncouth  student  described. — Bradwardine  ;i 
Merton  man. — Distinguished  as  a  student. — Mathematical  studies. 
— The  Classical  pursuits. — De  Causa  Dei,  edited  by  Savile. — Cele 
brity  of  the  De  Causa. — Motive  of  the  De  Causa. — Prevalent  Pela- 
gianism. — Styled  Doctor  Profundus. — A  practical  man. — Proctor  o:' 
the  University.  —  Controversy  with  the  Archdeacon  of  Oxford. — 
Neglect  of  learning. — Admitted  to  the  household  of  the  Bishop  ol' 
Durham. — Literary  society. — Formation  of  a  library  by  the  Bishop. 
— Bradwardine  Chancellor  of  St.  Paul's. — Prebendary  of  Lincoln. — 
King's  chaplain. — Goes  to  Flanders. — Royal  progress  up  the  Rhine 
to  Cologne  and  Coblentz. — Bradwardine  Chaplain- General  of  the 
forces. — Elected  to  the  See  of  Canterbury. — Election  superseded  by 
the  King. — Ufford  appointed  to  Canterbury. — UiFord  dies  uncon- 
secrated. —  Bradwardine  elected  to  the  Primacy.  —  Consecrated  at 
Avignon. —  Strange  conduct  of  a  Cardinal. — Returns  to  England. — 
The  Black  Death.— Bradwardine  dies  of  the  Plague  .  Page  80 


CHAP.  XII. 

SIMON    ISLIP. 

Simon's  gigantic  stature. — Place  of  birth  and  education  doubtful. — 
Patronized  by  Stratford  and  Burghersh. — Early  Preferments.— A 
Lawyer—Dean  of  Arches. — Privy  Councillor. — Private  Secretary 
to  the  King.— Penuriousness.  —  Peculiar  circumstances  of  his  ap- 


THE    FOURTH   VOLUME.  Vll 

pointment  to  the  Primacy. — Consecration. — Enthronization  privately 
conducted. — The  Black  Death. — Mortality. — Effect  of  the  Plague. 
— Flagellants. — Tolerant  spirit  of  Islip. — Compromise  between  the 
two  Metropolitans  about  carrying  the  Cross. — Moral  effects  of  the 
great  mortality. — The  Jubilee.  —  Its  fatal  consequences. — English 
prohibited  from  attending. — Increasing  hostility  of  Rome  on  the  part 
of  the  Commons. — Attempt  to  restrict  the  Clergy  and  clerical  duties. 
— Sudden  increase  of  Clergy. — Islip's  Constitutions. — His  writings. 
—  Provincial  visitation. — Controversy  with  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln. — 
Contradictory  Papal  Bulls. — Difficulties  at  Oxford. — Provisions. — 
Statutes  of  Provisors.  —  Statute  of  Praemunire. —  Violation  of  the 
Statutes  by  the  King  and  Prince  of  Wales.  —  Case  of  Bishop  Stretton. 
— Controversy  with  the  Black  Prince. — Case  of  Bishop  Lylde. — 
Order  of  the  Garter. — Ceremonial  on  the  release  of  King  John. — 
Islip's  benefactions.  —  Founds  Canterbury  Hall.  —  Statutes  of  the 
same. — Paralytic  seizure. — Died  at  May  field  .  .  Page  111 

CHAP.  XIII. 

SIMON   LANGHAM. 

A  man  of  wealth. — A  monk  of  "Westminster. — His  munificence. — 
Abbot  Henley. — Lawsuit  with  the  Lord  High  Treasurer. — Abbot 
Byrcheston. — Langham  represents  him  at  the  General  Chapter  of 
Benedictines. — Black  Death. — Deaths  in  the.  Abbey. — Langham 
Prior. — Abbot. — His  confirmation. — Rules  of  the  Benedictines  not 
strictly  observed. — State  of  the  Abbot. — Langham  pays  off  the  debt 
on  the  Abbey. — Langham  a  great  architect. — Important  works  at 
Westminster  Abbey. — Langham's  discipline. — Regarded  as  a  second 
Founder. — His  benefactions. — Appointed  Lord  High  Treasurer. — 
Obtains  royal  donations  to  the  Abbey. — Venison. — Relics. — Lang- 
ham  offered  Bishoprics  of  London  and  Ely. — Chooses  Ely. — His 
consecration. — His  Episcopal  injunctions. — Feasts  of  Fools. — Lang- 
ham's  generosity. — Appointed  Lord  Chancellor. — His  Ministry. — 
Opens  Parliament,  1363. — His  speech. — His  determination  to  enforce 
Statute  of  Provisors. — Opens  Parliament,  13G5. — His  speech. — 
Statute  of  Provisors  made  more  stringent. — Pope  retaliates  by 
demanding  the  tribute. — Opens  Parliament,  1366.  —  Speech. — 
Demand  of  Pope  for  tribute  indignantly  rejected  by  King,  Clergy, 
Parliament,  and  People. — Wiclif  employed  to  write  on  subject. — 
Wiclif  preferred  under  Langham's  government. — Langham  desires 
Church  Reform. — Primacy  offered  to  Bishop  of  Winchester,  and 
refused. — Accepted  by  Bishop  of  Ely. — Langham  enthroned  with 


viii  CONTENTS   OF 

much  magnificence. — Archbishop's  hospitalities  at  Lambeth.— Libels. 
Gratitude  of  monks  of  Ely  to  Langham. — An  accident. — Resigns 
great  seal. — Nevertheless  opens  Parliament  1368. — Arranges  tithe 
for  London  Clergy. — Condemns  Scotales. — Rationalistic  heresies  pre 
valent. Discontent  among  the  people. — John  Balle. — Hymn  to  St. 

Catherine. Clergy  required  to  arm  their  tenants  in  the  event  of  an 

invasion. Case  of  Canterbury  Hall  stated.  — Nominated  Cardinal. — 

The  King's  anger. — Langham  resigns  the  Primacy. — Pecuniary  diffi 
culties. — Reconciliation  with  the  King. — English  preferments. — 
Comes  on  an  embassy  to  England. — Re-elected  to  Canterbury  by 
Chapter. — Refused  Archbishopric  by  the  King  and  the  Pope. — 
Interest  in  the  works  of  Westminster  Abbey. — Obtains  leave  to 
return  to  England. — Prevented  by  a  paralytic  stroke,  which  proved 
fatal  .  .  .  .  Page  163 

CHAP.  XIV. 

WILLIAM    WHITTLESEY. 

Obscurity  of  early  life. — Educated  at  Cambridge. — Master  of  Peter- 
house.— Nephew  of  Archbishop  Islip. — Studied  Canon  Law  at  Avig 
non. — Judge  of  the  Court  of  Arches. — Archdeacon  of  Huntingdon. — 
Bishop  of  Rochester. — Translated  to  Worcester. — Translated  to  Can 
terbury. — Recurrence  of  the  Plague. — Enthronization  conducted  pri 
vately. — Maintains  Edward's  right  to  call  himself  King  of  France. — 
Whittlesey  a  confirmed  invalid. — Unable  to  attend  Parliament. — 
Sent  his  proxy. — Only  officiated  once  at  a  consecration. — Depressed 
condition  of  the  country. — Return  of  the  Plague. — Party  feeling. — 
Clergy  first  regarded  as  professional  men. — Attempt  to  form  a  lay 
government. — Clergy  required  to  arm  themselves. — Offences  against 
Statute  of  Mortmain. — Clergy  taxed  by  Parliament, — Whittlesey 
attends  Convocation. —  Preaches. — Breaks  down. — His  illness. — 
Anti-papal  spirit  among  the  clergy. — Embassy  to  the  pope. — Its 
failure. — A  congress  proposed. — Oxford  empowered  to  elect  its 
Chancellor. — Otford. — Its  medicinal  waters. — Whittlesey  at  Lam 
beth. — His  will. — His  death Page  221 

CHAP.  XV. 

SIMON    SUDBURY. 

Family  name  Theobald,  or  Tybald. — Born  at  Sudbury. — Educated 
abroad. — Graduated  at  Paris. — Patronised  by  Innocent  VI. — Audi- 


THE   FOURTH   VOLUME.  IX 

tor  of  the  Rota. — Chaplain  to  the  Pope. — Chancellor  of  Salisbury. — 
Consecrated  Bishop  of  London. — A  benefactor  of  Sudbury. — Pur 
chased  the  living. — His  unpopularity. — Instance  of  his  bad  manners. 
— His  condemnation  of  pilgrimages. —  Acquainted  with  Wiclif. — 
Goes  on  an  embassy  to  Bruges. — Failure  of  the  embassy. — Unpopu 
larity  of  John  of  Gaunt's  party. — Sudbury  translated  to  Canterbury. 
— Overthrow  of  the  Lancaster  ministry. — Anti-papal  proceedings 
of  the  Good  Parliament. — Splendid  enthronization  of  Sudbury. 
— Sudbury's  munificence  to  the  cathedral. — Injunctions  to  the 
convent. — Another  change  of  ministry. — Party  spirit  displayed 
by  Sudbury. — Convocation  compels  him  to  summon  the  Bishop  of 
Winchester,  William  of  Wykeham,  to  that  synod. — Sudbury  officiates 
at  the  coronation  of  Richard  II. — Opens  Parliament  with  a  speech. — 
Excluded  from  the  Council  of  Regency. — -State  of  parties. — Proceed 
ings  against  Wiclif. — Unwillingness  of  the  English  prelates  to  prose 
cute. — Papal  Bulls. — Proceedings  atLambeth. — Visitation. — Exempt 
monasteries. — Controversy  with  St.  Augustine's. — Parliament  at 
Gloucester. — Violation  of  sanctuary  by  the  partisans  of  John  of 
Gaunt.  —  Rights  of  sanctuary.  —  A  convocation.  —  Constitutions 
enacted. — Laws  concerning  confession. — The  Archbishop  settles  a 
dispute  between  the  minor  canons  and  Chapter  of  St.  Paul's. — Dress 
and  allowances  of  minor  canons. — Urban  VI.  Pope. — Dissenting 
cardinals. — Urban  acknowledged  in  England. — Change  of  ministry. — 
Causes  of  discontent — Villeinage. — Villeins  in  gross  emancipated. — 
Discontented  clergy. — Duke  of  Lancaster  again  in  the  ascendant. — 
His  policy  changed. — Sudbury  Chancellor, — Opens  the  Parliament 
at  Northampton. — Capitation  tax. — Popular  excitement. — Insurrec 
tionary  movements. — Sudbury  goes  with  the  king  to  the  Tower  of 
London. — Wat  Tyler.  —  Rioters  reach  London. — Their  excesses. — 
Destruction  of  the  Savoy  Palace. — They  attack  the  Tower. — Murder 
of  the  Archbishop  .......  Page  244 

CHAP.  XVI. 

WILLIAM    COURTENAY. 

Family  of  Courtenay. — Family  of  Bohun. — William  Courtenay,  son  of 
the  Earl  of  Devon,  born  in  the  parish  of  St.  Martin's,  Exminster. — 
Educated  at  Stapledon  Hall,  Oxford. — A  Doctor  Decretorum. — 
Chancellor  of  the  University. — Peculiar  circumstances  of  his  election. 
-^•His  preferments. — Bishop  of  Hereford  in  his  twenty-eighth  year. — 
State  of  parties. — His  conduct  in  Convocation  anti-papal. — Translated 
to  London. — Unjustifiable  conduct  towards  the  Florentines. — Violent 


CONTEXTS   OF 

conduct  of  John  of  Gaunt. — Courtenay  resents  the  insult  offered 
to  William  of  Wykeham.-  Courtenay  prosecutes  Wiclif. — Scene 
between  him  and  John  of  Gaunt  in  St.  Paul's. — Disturbances  in 
London. — Courtenay's  conduct  with  respect  to  Hawle. — Change  of 
views  in  Courtenay.  —  His  translation  to  Canterbury — Receives 
the  cross  from  Canterbury,  under  protest. — Made  Lord  Chancellor. 
— Opens  Parliament. — Infamous  conduct  of  Parliament. — Courtenay 
officiates  at  the  marriage  and  coronation  of  the  Queen. — Receives 
the  pall. — His  proceedings  against  Wiclif. — Court  of  Inquiry  at 
Black  Friars. —  Earthquake. —  Procession  to  St.  Paul's.  —  Courte 
nay's  proceedings  against  Oxford. — He  officiates  at  the  King's  second 
coronation. — Visitation  at  Leicester. — His  provincial  visitation. — 
Visitation  of  St.  Augustine's,  Bristol. — Opposed  by  the  Bishops  of  Salis 
bury  and  Exeter. — Constitution  against  Choppe  Churches. — Schism 
in  the  Church  of  Rome. — Boniface  IX.  acknowledged  in  England. — 
Sale  of  Indulgences. — Statutes  of  Provisors  renewed. — Unconstitu 
tional  conduct  of  Courtenay. — Jubilee. — Royal  proclamation  against 
the  jubilee. — Boniface  IX.  implores  pecuniary  assistance  from  the 
Clergy  of  the  Church  of  England  in  vain. — The  Archbishop  censured 
by  the  Government. — He  makes  a  strong  anti-papal  protest  in  favour 
of  the  liberties  of  the  Church  of  England. — Provisions  of  the  Act  of 
PrsBmunire. — Difficulties  at  Canterbury  and  Romney. — Simple  tastes 
of  Courtenay. — His  benefactions  .....  Page  315 


CHAP.  XVII. 

THOMAS   ARUNDEL. 

Family  of  Fitzalan. — House  of  Albini. — Richard,  Earl  of  Arundel,  a 
distinguished  man. — Thomas,  his  son. — Knightly  education. — Arch 
deacon  of  Taunton. — Conciliatory  measures  of  the  Pope.  — Thomas 
appointed  by  provision  Bishop  of  Ely  at  twenty-two  years  of  age.— 
Enthronization. — His  munificence.  —  History  of  Henry  Spencer, 
Bishop  of  Norwich. — Bishop  of  Ely's  rebuke  of  the  Earl  of  Suffolk. — 
The  Gloucester  party. — Character  of  Richard  II. — Meeting  of  Par 
liament, — 'Conference  at  Eltham. — Arundel  Lord  Chancellor. — The 
Appellant  Ministry. — Arundel  resigns  the  Great  Seal. — Translated  to 
York. — Preaches  the  funeral  sermon  of  the  Queen. — Praises  her 
study  of  the  Bible. — William  of  Wykeham's  able  administration. — 
Arundel  a  second  time  Chancellor. — Discontent  at  the  removal  of 
the  Court  of  Chancery  to  York. — Arundel  translated  to  Canterbury. — 
Resigns  the  Great  Seal — Conciliatory  policy  of  Arundel. — Treachery 


THE    FOURTH   VOLUME.  XI 

of  the  King. — Opposition  of  the  Earl  of  Anmdel. — Arundel  accused 
of  treason. — Banished. — Goes  to  Rome,  and  received  with  cordiality 
by  the  Pope.— The  King's  letter  to  the  Pope. — The  Pope  afraid  to 
befriend  Arundel. — Translates  him  to  St.  Andrew's. — Walden  ap 
pointed  to  Canterbury. — Arundel  declares  the  translation  a  nullity. — 
Retires  to  Florence. — Plans  of  revenge. — Exile  of  the  Duke  of  Here 
ford.— Arundel  in  communication  with  the  Londoners. — His  journey 
from  Utrecht  to  Paris. — Interview  with  Bolingbroke. — Lands  at 
Ravenspur  with  Bolingbroke. — Preaches  Rebellion. — Attends  Boling 
broke  to  Chester. — Fearful  perjuries  on  all  sides. — The  Archbishop 
visits  the  King  at  Flint. — Interviews  with  Richard  in  London. —  Re 
signation  and  deposition  of  Richard. — Preaches  before  the  Convention 
Parliament. — Crowns  Henry  IV. — Resumes  the  office  of  Archbishop. 
— Refuses  to  recognise  Waldon. — Secular  offices  after  the  Revolution. 
— Raises  money  for  the  Government. — Attacks  made  on  Church 

property  by  Lollards. — Antipapal  legislation Manner  of  bestowing 

high  preferments  in  the  Church. — Bianchini  and  Albini. — Controversy 
with  Oxford. — Proposal  to  exhume  Wiclif. — State  of  parties. — Un 
satisfactory  condition  of  the  country. — Statute  "  De  Heeretico  Coni- 
burendo." — Proceedings  against  Sautree. — Trial  of  Badby. — Trial  of 
Oldcastle. — Arundel's  statement  of  the  case. — Death. — Will. — Inven 
tory  of  his  goods  .......  Page  399 

APPENDIX  to  Chap.  XVII.         .  .  .  529 


LIVES 

OF    THE 

ARCHBISHOPS  OF    CANTERBURY 


BOOK    III.— Continued. 

CHAPTEE  X. 

JOHN   STRATFORD. 

Born  at  Stratford-upon-Avon. — Parentage. — Educated  at  Merton  Col 
lege,  Oxford. — Graduates  in  Law. — Counsel  for  the  University  against 
the  Dominicans. — Early  Ecclesiastical  Preferments. — Eminent  as  a 
Lawyer. — An  M.P.— A  Clerk  in  Chancery. — Dean  of  the  Court  of 
Arches. — A  Diplomatist. — Embassy  to  John  XXII. — Bishop  of  Win 
chester. — His  Appointment  opposed  by  the  Government. — Restored 
to  favour. — Takes  part  in  the  Revolution  of  1327. — His  Conduct 
towards  Edward  II. — Assists  at  the  deposition  of  the  King. — Perse 
cuted  by  Isabella  and  Mortimer. — Obliged  to  conceal  himself. — 
Restored  to  power  by  the  Counter  Revolution. — Pilgrimage  to  France. 
— Lord  Chancellor. — Eminence  as  a  Diplomatist  and  Statesman. — 
Parliamentary  Reform. — Formation  of  a  separate  House  of  Commons. 
— A  Law  Reformer. — Translation  to  Canterbury. — Peculiarities  of  his 
appointment. — Encourages  trade. — His  Policy  as  chief  Adviser  of  the 
King. — Disagreement  with  Benedict  XII. — His  View  of  the  French 
War. — Vigour  of  the  Minister. — Intrigues  against  the  Ministry  of 
Stratford. — Perplexities  of  Government. — His  Quarrel  with  the  King. 
— Libellus  Famosus. — Spirited  but  temperate  conduct  of  the  Arch 
bishop. — Summoned  to  Parliament. — Persecuted  by  the  new  Ministry. 
VOL.  IV.  B 


LIVES    OF   THE 


—  Acquitted  by  the  King.  —  Restored  to  power.  —  Was  Prime  Minis 
ter  till  his  Death.  —  Attends  to  ecclesiastical  affairs.  —  Holds  two 
Councils.  —  Important  regulations.  —  Foppery  of  some  of  the  Clergy 
censured.  —  Misconduct  of  Archdeacons.  —  Banns  of  Marriage.  —  Wakes. 
_  Monks  bad  patrons  of  livings.  —  Archbishop  chief  counsellor  to 
Prince  Lionel  when  Regent.  —  Measures  adopted  against  papal  pre 
visions  and  Reservations.  —  Controversy  with  the  Pope.  —  Anti-papal 
Proceedings  of  the  Archbishop.  —  Good  understanding  of  Clergy  and 
people  on  subject  of  provisions.  —  Modification  of  the  Statute  of  Mort 
main.  —  Battle  of  Cressy.  —  Retreat  of  Stratford.  —  Life  at  Mayfield.—  - 
Charities  at  Stratford-upon-Avon  of  John,  Robert,  and  Ralph  de 
Stratford.—  His  Will.  —  Dies  at  Mayfield. 


CHAP. 
X. 


John 


STRATFORD-UPON-AVON  was,  towards  the  close  of  the  thir 
teenth  century,  the  birth-place  of  two  brothers,  both  of 
Stratford,  whom  were  bishops,  one  of  whom  was  Archbishop'  of  Can- 
1333-48.  terbury5  ^th  of  them  Lord  High  Chancellors  of  England. 
Stratford-upon-Avon  is  now  the  most  celebrated  spo, 
in  all  England  —  one  of  the  most  celebrated  in  the  civilised 
world  ;  but  even  before  the  birth  of  Shakspeare,  it  hac 
become  a  town  of  considerable  importance.  It  was  ante 
cedently  to  the  conquest,  and  for  some  centuries  after 
wards,  the  property  of  the  Bishops  of  Worcester.  By  the 
Conqueror's  survey,  it  appears  that  Stratford,  then  in  pos 
session  of  Wulfstan,  the  celebrated  Bishop  of  Worcester. 
was  rated  at  fourteen  hides  and  a  half,  there  being  at  that 
time  a  church,  and  also  a  mill  yielding  ten  shillings  a  year 
and  a  thousand  eels.  The  value  of  the  whole  extended  to 

Authorities  :  —  The  materials  for  this  life  are  ample.  Birchington 
in  the  Anglia  Sacra  has  given  a  detailed  account  of  his  primacy,  and 
narrated  minutely  the  circumstances  of  his  conflict  with  Edward  III. 
The  domestic  history  of  that  great  monarch  can  scarcely  be  said  to  exist, 
all  modern  historians  having  directed  their  attention  to  the  warlike  splen 
dours  of  his  reign.  It  is  very  difficult  therefore  to  decide  on  the  merits 
of  the  Archbishop's  controversy  with  Edward  III.  What  is  here  stated 
is  deduced  from  a  comparison  of  the  Libellus  Famosus,  with  the  Arch 
bishop's  Excusatio.  The  other  authorities  are  Adam  de  Muriniuth, 
Walsingham,  Dugdale,  and  the  public  documents,  to  which  special 
reference  is  made.  Barnes  is  full  of  information  respecting  the  reign 
of  Edward,  though  badly  arranged. 


AECHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  O 

twenty-five  shillings.    Eichard  I.  gave  it  a  weekly  market,     CHAP, 
and  King  John  an  annual  fair.     In  this  record  it  is  named  —  ^  >* 
Stradford,  from  its  providing  the  traveller  on  the  great   Stratford 
street  or  road  between  Henley-in-Arden  and  London,  with 
a  ford  over  the  Avon. 

The  parents  of  our  Archbishop  were  Eobert  and  Isabel. 
They  were  nearly  related  to  another  distinguished  Strat 
ford  man,  Ealph  Hatton  de  Stratford,  Bishop  of  London. 
It  has  been  supposed,  though  not  positively  asserted,  that 
Ealph  and  the  elder  Eobert  were  brothers.  If  this  were 
the  case,  there  must  have  been  a  great  difference  between 
the  ages  of  the  two  brothers  ;  for  Ealph  was  nearly  con 
temporary  with  the  sons  of  Eobert.* 

The  two  sons  of  Eobert  and  Isabel  were  sent,  at  the 
proper  age,  to  the  University  of  Oxford.  John  became  a 
Fellow  of  Merton,  and  his  name  appears  frequently  on 
the  Bursars'  Books.  He  took  his  degree  of  Doctor  of  Civil 
Law  about  1312,  and  is  said  to  have  acquired  a  great 
reputation  for  his  proficiency  in  the  civil  and  canon  law.*)* 

While  John  was  yet  a  Fellow  of  Merton,  a  controversy 
arose  between  the  University  and  the  Dominicans.  The 
Dominicans  claimed  for  their  scholars  exemption  from 
certain  exercises,  and  a  right  to  confer  degrees  indepen 
dently  of  the  University  authorities.  As  the  Friars  rested 
their  claim  upon  certain  privileges  conferred  generally 
upon  their  order  by  the  pope,  the  suit  was,  in  the  first 
instance,  to  be  tried  in  the  papal  court. 

Among  the  advocates  and  proctors  appointed  to  main 
tain  the  cause  of  the  University,  we  find  the  name  of  Mr. 
John  de  Stratford.  The  case  was  most  probably  heard  at 
Avignon,  though  Wood  inclines  to  think  that  it  wasatEome. 

*  He  is  mentioned  by  "Wood  in  a  note  to  Eobert  Stratford.  Col 
leges,  14.  Newcotirt,  i.  18,  makes  the  Bishop  of  London  nephew  to  the 
Archbishop. 

f  Wood,  ibid.,  Leguni  doctor  eximius.     Ang.  Sac.  i.  19. 

B   2 


4  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP.         The  proctors  of  the  University  contended  that  it  was 

^.J^L^  an  English   case,   and  ought  to  be  tried  in  the  English 

stmtford.    courts ;    and    they    succeeded.       Certain   commissioners 

1333-48.    }iaving  been  appointed,  both  parties  were  heard,  and  a 

.  compromise  seems  to  have  been  the  result,  which  placed 

the  Dominican  houses  in  a  position  very  similar  to  that 

which  was  occupied  in  our  own  times  by  New  College 

in  Oxford,  and  by  King's  College  in  Cambridge.      Tli3 

founders  of  these  secular  institutions  probably  urged  the 

precedent  set  by  the  Friars,  to  obtain  exclusive  privileges 

for  their  respective  establishments. 

At  what  time  Stratford  was  ordained,  where,  and  by 
whom,  I  have  not  discovered ;  but  he  was  certainly  in 
holy  orders  before  the  year  1319,  for  he  then  became; 
Archdeacon  of  Lincoln,  and  he  was  soon  after  a  Canon  of 
York.*  These  preferments  he  held,  performing  the  duties 
by  deputy,  in  order  to  secure  for  himself  an  income  while- 
pursuing  his  studies  or  performing  his  duties  as  a  lawyer. 
As  a  lawyer,  he  soon  rose  to  eminence  in  the  King'e 
courts;  and  during  the  years  1317  and  1318  he  was 
summoned,  with  other  lawyers,  before  the  Council  to  give 
his  opinion,  as  an  expert,  on  various  important  subjects. •(• 
In  the  following  year,  he  sat  in  the  House  of  Commons 
as  a  member  of  Parliament, J  and  from  the  place  in  which 
his  name  occurs,  it  is  conjectured  by  Mr.  Foss  that  he 
was  either  an  officer  of  the  Exchequer,  or  perhaps  a 
clerk  in  Chancery. §  In  1321  he  became  a  judge,  Arch 
bishop  Walter  Eeynolds  having  appointed  him  Dean  of 

*  Ang.  Sac.  i.  316. 

•f  In  Fcedera,  ii.  464,  he  is  styled  "  Juris  civilis  professor."  At  p. 
463  there  is  a  letter  from  Edward  II.  to  the  pope,  in  which  the  name 
of  Master  John  de  Stratford,  Archdeacon  of  Lincoln,  occurs.  He  is 
frequently  mentioned  in  the  letters  of  the  period.  At  p.  509  there  is 
a  letter  addressed  to  himself. 

}  Parl.  Writs,  II.  pt.  ii.  1471. 

§  Foss,  iii.  515, 


ARCIIBISIIOrS   OF   CANTERBURY.  5 

the  Court  of  Arches.      The  jurisdiction   of  this  Court,     CHAP. 
from  the  union  of  several  other  offices,  discharged  by  the  -  —  ;  —  - 
same  judge,  became  subsequently  more  extensive  ;  but  in    Stratford. 
the  time  of  Stratford  it  had  relation,  exclusively,  to  the    1333-48- 
Peculiars  of  the  Archbishop.      These  amounted  to  fifty- 
seven  ;  the  thirteen  in  the  City  of  London  having  been 
formed  into  a  Deanery. 

It  was  as  a  common  lawyer  that  Stratford  was  distin 
guished  ;*  and  he  was  probably  not  deeply  versed  in  the 
Canon  law  by  which  the  ecclesiastical  courts  were  regu 
lated  ;  for  it  is  stated  of  him  that,  in  his  adjudication  of 
the  cases  brought  before  him,  he  displayed  a  quick 
discernment  and  a  consummate  prudence,  rather  than  a 
knowledge  of  the  law.  But  these  were  the  qualifica 
tions  which  would  render  him  peculiarly  valuable  as  a 
diplomatist  ;  and  in  that  capacity  he  was  soon  employed 
by  the  government. 

He  was  associated  with  Eeginald  Asser,  Bishop  of 
Winchester,  in  the  various  negotiations,  which  the  inter 
ference  of  John  XXII.  in  the  affairs  of  Scotland  had 
rendered  peculiarly  perplexing  and  difficult.  Between 
the  years  1321  and  1323,  he  was  engaged  in  frequent 
embassies  to  the  papal  court  at  Avignon,  Although  lie 
is  described  not  only  as  Doctor  of  Laws,  but  also  as  the 
king's  ambassador,  the  position  he  occupied  was  one 
rather  of  real  than  of  ostensible  dignity.  He  did  the 
work,  while  all  that  related  to  the  dignity  of  the  embassy 
—  a  point  much  thought  of  —  was  represented  by  the 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  who  defrayed  the  chief  expenses. 
The  ability  and  diligence  of  Stratford,  however,  could  not 
escape  the  penetration  of  John  XXIL,  who  determined  to 
bind  the  rising  English  statesman  to  himself,  by  the  ties  of 
gratitude  and  motives  of  self-interest.  On  the  12th  of 


Wood,  152,  Lcgis  Crcsarca}  professor. 


6  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.  April,  1323,  the  Bishop  of  Winchester  died  suddenly  at 
>_  x"  _„  Avignon.  The  death  of  a  prelate  in  curia,  that  is,  while 
Stratford,  hi  attendance  at  the  papal  court,  according  to  the  decretals, 
1333-48.  gave  to  t]ie  p0pe  a  Tight  Of  nominating  his  successor.* 

Had  the  English  government  been  strong,  the  pope 
would  probably  have  consulted  the  king,  before  exercising 
a  right,  which,  though  not  disputed,  was  still  regarded  as 
a  usurpation.  It  was  not  disputed  on  this  occasion,  for, 
while  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  solicited  the  nomi 
nation  of  Stratford,  to  whom  his  patronage  had  been 
already  extended,  the  king,  Edward  II.,  was  as  urgent 
for  the  appointment  of  Eobert  de  Baldok,  a  creature  oi 
the  Despencers. 

Neither  of  the  candidates  were  divines  ;  both  of  them 
were  lawyers  and  statesmen.  The  pope  did  not  hesitate 
between  the  nominee  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  of 
whose  ability  he  had  himself  experience,  and  the  represen 
tative  of  the  favourite  of  a  weak  sovereign.  Consequently, 
at  Avignon,  on  the  2Gth  of  June,  1323,  John  Stratford 
was  consecrated  Bishop  of  Winchester  by  Vitalis,  Cardinal 
of  Albano. 

The  indignation  of  the  king  at  the  rejection  of  his 
request,  was  inflamed  by  the  Despencers,  who  regarded 
the  rejection  of  Baldok  as  an  insult  offered  to  their 
party.  The  disappointed  Baldok  received  the  great  seal 
in  the  August  following  the  consecration  of  Stratford  ;  and 
the  vengeance  of  the  whole  faction  was  now  directed 
against  the  new  prelate.  He  was  recalled  and  deprived 
of  his  office  as  ambassador.  Proceedings  were  instituted 
against  him  in  the  Court  of  King's  Bench,  for,  although 
the  king  had  recognised  the  right  of  the  pope  to  nomi 
nate  under  the  circumstances,  yet  to  accept  the  see  from 

*  By  the  decree  Ex  Debito  Extravag.  Comm.  lib.  I.  tit.  iii.  c.  4, 
Stratford  is  described  as  "  in  curia  tune  praesens."— Ang.  Sac.  i.  316. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OP   CANTERBURY.  7 

the  pope,  without  obtaining  first  the  consent  of  the  crown,     CHAP. 
was  still  an  offence  against  the  common  law  of  the  land.  ^--^ — 
In  all  legal  documents  his  episcopal  title  was  denied  him ;    Stratford. 
for  without  the  king's  permission  he  could  not  take  pos 
session  of  the  bishopric.     His  property  was  confiscated, 
and  a  royal  proclamation  was  issued  forbidding  any  one 
to  harbour  or  relieve  him.* 

The  persecution,  however,  did  not  last  long.  The 
archbishop  interposed  his  good  offices,  and  as  there  was 
no  personal  feeling  of  animosity  against  the  bishop  on  the 
part  of  the  king,  and  as  the  government  of  the  Despencers 
was  tottering  to  its  fall,  he  was  successful.  The  tempo 
ralities  of  the  see  of  Winchester  were,  therefore,  restored 
to  Stratford,  on  the  28th  of  June,  1324  ;  although  he  had 
to  purchase  a  recognition  of  his  episcopal  authority  by  a 
bond,  to  pay  the  king  ten  thousand  pounds,  a  payment 
which  was  never  enforced.^ 

Before  the  close  of  the  year  the  Bishop  of  Winchester 
was  again  employed  on  foreign  service.  It  does  not 
appear  whether,  while  he  was  abroad,  he  was  made 
acquainted  with  the  intrigues  of  the  queen,  who  went  to 
France  in  the  spring  of  1325  ;  but  it  is  certain,  that  he 
took  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  Eevolution  which  was  ac 
complished  in  1327. 

A  mystery,  as  we  have  had  occasion  to  remark  before, 
surrounds  this  whole  affair,  which  has  not  yet  been 
penetrated. 

As  the  king  did  not  labour  under  any  special  delusion, 
he  could  not  be  treated  as  a  madman ;  but  his  weakness 


*  He  suffered  "  innumeras  tribulationes  et  persecutiones,  adeo  quod 
nullus  sibi  victualia  vendere  aut  domos  ad  inliabitandum  vel  moran- 
dum  conducere  ac  accommodare  audebat." — Aug.  Sac.  i.  19.  See  also 
Foedera,  ii.  526,  527. 

f  Parl.  Writs,  IT.  pt.  ii.  app.  258. 


8  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,  of  character,  degenerating,  as  such  weakness  often 
^_  ^'  _,  does,  into  immorality,  rendered  him  the  easy  victim  of 
Stratford,  designing  men,  who  would  pander  to  his  vices  and  in- 
1333-48.  dulge  him  in  his  extravagances.  To  this  weakness,  which 
amounted  to  moral  insanity,  a  considerable  degree  of 
obstinacy  was,  in  this  case  as  in  many  others,  attached. 
At  a  period  when  the  powers  of  the  prerogative  were 
great,  and  when  those  powers  were  exercised  by  un 
scrupulous  men,  who  converted  the  king  into  a  puppet ; 
the  evils  resulting  from  the  mismanagement  of  the 
government  might  easily  become  intolerable.  The  senti 
ment  of  loyalty,  under  the  feudal  system,  differed  materially 
from  those  notions  upon  the  subject  which  have  pre 
vailed  since  the  days  of  the  Stuarts.  The  king,  as 
the  chief  of  the  nation,  was  bound,  in  the  first  place  and 
before  all  things,  to  afford  protection  to  his  subjects  ;  and 
to  him,  as  their  protector,  the  people  were,  consequently, 
bound  to  render  certain  duties.  If  the  king,  as  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  III.,  was  unwilling,  or,  as  in  the  reign  of 
Edward  II.,  was  unable,  to  afford  protection  to  his  people 
— that  is,  if  he  were  unwilling  or  unable  to  perform  his 
part  in  the  national  compact — the  people  might  with 
draw  their  allegiance. 

We  are  not  surprised,  therefore,  to  find  that  the  par 
liament  determined  that  Edward  II.  should  cease  to 
reign ;  although  there  was  a  doubt  as  to  the  proper  or 
best  mode  of  effecting  the  object  and  of  carrying  out  the 
national  will ;  occasioned  by  that  respect  to  law,  which 
always  has  predominated  in  the  English  character,  and 
has  induced  us  to  look  out  for  precedents,  even  under 
exceptional  cases  and  at  revolutionary  periods. 

What  creates  surprise  is  the  conduct,  not  of  the  par 
liament,  but  of  Edward  himself.  It  is  surprising  that  one 
who,  if  easily  led,  could  still  be  perversely  obstinate 
when  opposed,  and  who  was  not  wanting  in  animal  cou- 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  9 

rage,  should  have  yielded  on  this  occasion  so  tamely;     CHAP. 
— that  he  should  have  been  so  utterly  abject — that  he  - — ~ 
should  have  abstained  not  only  from  resistance  which  he   stmtfbrd. 
could  not  offer  with  any  probability  of  success,  but  even    1333-48- 
from  remonstrance. 

There  are  certain  facts  to  be  observed  :  first,  the  sub 
mission  of  the  king  to  the  will  of  parliament,  without 
remonstrance  or  murmur ;  secondly,  the  gratitude  which 
he  expressed  to  parliament  for  having  elected  his  son  ; 
thirdly,  the  firm  determination  of  his  son  not  to  accept 
the  crown,  unless  it  were  first  resigned  by  his  father, 
whose  right  to  possess  it  was  implied  in  his  right  to 
resign  it ;  fourthly,  that  a  report  prevailed,  that  Edward  of 
Carnarvon  was  not  the  son  of  the  greatest  of  the  Planta- 
genets,  King  Edward  I.  It  was  said  that  the  royal  child 
of  Edward  and  Eleanor  having  been  put  out  to  nurse, 
was  mangled  in  the  face  by  a  sow,  which,  some  how  or 
other,  got  into  the  royal  chamber  ;  and  that  the  affrighted 
nurse,  snatching  him  from  the  cradle,  supplied  his  place 
by  the  son  of  a  carter. 

To  the  story  just  mentioned  frequent  allusion  is  made 
in  the  political  songs  of  the  day,  though  means  were  taken 
in  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  to  suppress  the  report.  So 
far,  however,  in  spite  of  every  precaution,  had  it  obtained 
credit,  that  an  impostor  appeared  in  1318,  with  marks 
on  his  face,  said  to  be  those  inflicted  by  the  sow,  who 
claimed  to  be  the  veritable  Edward  of  Carnarvon. 

I  cannot  but  think  that,  through  the  influence  of  the 
queen  and  her  paramour  Mortimer,  using  as  their  agent  the 
unprincipled  Orlton — bishop  first  of  Hereford  then  of 
Winchester — the  weak  mind  of  the  king  was  made  to  give 
credit  to  this  improbable  story  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  great  statesmen  of  the  day,  such  as  Stratford,  seeing 
the  fatal  consequences  to  the  reigning  dynasty  of  the 
propagation  of  such  a  report,  not  only  exerted  themselves 


10  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     to  prevent  its  circulation,  but  were  most  careful  to  avoid 
._  x>  _^  any  reference  to  it  in  the  proceedings  of  a  revolution, 
Stratford,   which,  though  regarded  as  a  necessity,  was  conducted 
1333-48.    on   principles   that  would   lead  to  as    few  changes    as 
possible  in  the  constituted  order  of  things.     The  illegiti 
macy  of  the  prince  would  be  involved  in  the  illegitimacy 
of  his  father ;  and  by  mooting  the  question,  a  pretender 
to  the  throne  would  be  encouraged  to  raise  the  standard 
of  rebellion. 

A  key  to  many  difficulties  is  afforded  by  our  taking 
this  view  of  the  circumstances  of  the  case.  Why  should 
Stratford,  in  the  first  place,  be  selected  to  take  an  active 
part  in  the  revolution  ?  The  queen  and  Mortimer  hated 
him.  But  the  young  Prince  Edward  selected  him,  we 
know,  to  be  his  adviser.  The  adviser  of  the  prince  was 
not  likely  to  recommend  measures,  that  would  imperil 
the  dynasty,  which  the  parliament  was  determined  to 
sustain.  The  queen  lent  her  support  to  the  minister  who 
had  sent  in  his  adhesion  to  the  revolutionary  party ;  but  she 
became  his  bitter  enemy,  when  she  found  that  Stratford's 
design  was  to  invest  the  young  prince  with  the  full 
powers  of  royalty,  and  to  constitute,  as  the  adviser  of  the 
crown,  not  Mortimer,  but  himself.  She  determined  to  be 
de  facto,  as  well  as  nominally,  regent ;  Mortimer  was  de 
termined  through  the  queen  to  be,  though  not  nominally, 
yet  in  reality,  king.  The  queen  and  Mortimer  saw  that 
to  this  arrangement  the  principles  and  the  ambition  of 
Stratford  would  be  opposed,  and  on  the  destruction  of 
Stratford  they  were  resolved. 

It  is  not,  however,  my  business  to  pursue  this  subject 
farther.  I  have  only  here  to  remark,  that  up  to  a  certain 
point  the  two  parties — that  of  the  queen  and  that  of  the 
prince — acted  in  harmony.  The  parliament  assembled 
in  January  1327.  The  question  which  the  parliament 
was  to  decide  was,  whether  Edward  the  father,  or  Edward 


AKCIIBISIIOPS   OP   CANTERBURY.  11 

the  son,  should  reign  over  England.     When  it  was  deter 
mined  that  the  father  should  cease  to  reign ;  then  to  John, 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  the   adviser   and  friend  of   the    Stafford, 
prince,  was  assigned  the  delicate  and   difficult   task   of    1333~48- 
drawing  up  the  reasons  to  be  constitutionally  assigned 
for  a  measure  so  extreme.      The  work  was  completed 
to  the  satisfaction  of  parliament  by  the  bishop  and  his 
secretary.      The  next  step  was  to  notify,  in  due  form,  to 
the  king,  now  a  prisoner  at  Kenil worth,  the  determination 
of  the  country. 

It  was  determined  that  every  class  in  the  community 
should  be  represented.  At  first,  it  was  thought,  that 
every  knight  of  the  shire  should  be  on  the  commission 
— a  fact  which  shows  how  much  the  influence  of  the 
Commons  had  increased,  though  they  did  not  yet  consti 
tute  a  separate  house.  But  it  was  finally  determined 
that  the  commission  should  consist  of  three  bishops,  two 
earls,  four  barons,  two  abbots,  two  justices,  a  certain  num 
ber  of  the  citizens  of  London,  and  of  the  burgesses  of  the 
Cinque  Ports.  Sir  William  Trussel  was  appointed  pro 
curator  or  proctor  of  parliament.  He  is  called  by  Grafton 
speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons  ;  but,  as  the  Commons 
did  not  as  yet  sit  as  a  separate  house,  this  probably  means 
that  lie  acted  as  their  representative,  in  conjunction  with 
the  persons  already  mentioned.*  They  were  to  demand 
of  Edward  the  voluntary  resignation  of  his  crown  ;  and, 
if  he  refused,  they  were  authorised  then  to  give  up  their 
homages,  and  to  act  according  to  their  discretion. 

It  was  mercifully  and  wisely  determined  that  the  king 
should  be  prepared  for  an  event  of  such  importance  ;  and 
that  he  should  be  induced  to  submit  with  a  good  grace 
to  what  was  now  inevitable.  The  persons  selected  to 
wait  upon  Edward,  from  whom  some  opposition  was 

*  My  chief  authorities  for  the  following  statements  are  Walsingham 
and  De  la  More. 


12  LIVES   OF   THE 

anticipated,  were  the  Earl  of  Lancaster,  a  kinsman  of  the 
fallen  monarch,  and  John  de  Stratford,  the  counsellor  and 
stmtford.  friend  of  the  young  prince.  Constrained  to  resort  to 
1333-48.  extreme  measures  in  demanding  the  abdication  of  the 
king,  they  both  of  them  commiserated  the  fallen  man, 
and  discharged  the  unpleasant  duty  to  which  they  were 
called,  in  a  manner  creditable  to  their  feelings. 

The  earl  and  the  bishop  found  the  king  humiliated  and 
compliant.  They  promised  him  the  luxuries  of  a  court, 
and  a  retention  of  those  external  ensigns  of  royalty, 
which  were  all  that  he  had  cared  for,  if  he  would  resign 
the  substantial  power,  which  he  had  only  valued  as  means 
conducive  to  the  indulgence  of  his  private  tastes  and  plea 
sures.  He  conceded  everything ;  and  it  only  remained  to 
make  preparations  for  the  resignation  of  the  crown,  under 
such  forms  as  might  give  to  a  revolution  in  fact,  the  ap 
pearance  of  a  mere  abdication. 

When  the  way  was  thus  prepared  by  Lancaster  and 
Stratford,  the  other  commissioners  arrived  at  Kenil worth. 
On  the  2  5 tli  of  January — the  conversion  of  St.  Paul — 
the  proper  officers  arranged  in  the  presence-chamber  the 
crown,  the  sceptre,  and  the  other  royal  ornaments. 
Adam  Oiiton,  Bishop  of  Hereford,  assumed,  or  was 
elected  to,  the  office  of  prolocutor  of  the  commission.* 

One  by  one  in  solemn  silence  the  commissioners  each 
stood  in  the  place  assigned  to  him.  A  signal  was  given, 
and  the  door  leading  to  the  private  apartment  of  the  king 
was  opened.  Edward  appeared,  unattended  ;  not  in  royal 
robe,  or  in  armour,  but  in  a  morning  gown.  He  was  as 
pale  as  death.  Not  a  word  was  yet  uttered  ;  but  Adam 
Oiiton,  Bishop  of  Hereford,  stood  forth  to  address  the 
king.  At  the  sight  of  this  prelate  Edward  was  seen  to 

*  Orlton  was  consecrated  in  1317,  Burwash,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  in 
1320,  and  Stratford  in  1323.  We  may  presume,  therefore,  that  Orl 
ton  claimed  to  lead  on  the  ground  of  his  priority  of  consecration. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  L3 

totter :  Stratford  and  the  Earl  of  Lancaster  rushed  for-     CHAP. 
ward,  and  caught  him  in  their  arms.     They  were  just  in  . — 5 — 
time  to  prevent  him  from  falling,    for  he   had  fainted,   stratford. 
They  laid  him  on  the  ground,  and  there  he  continued    1333-48- 
to  lie,  while  his  subjects  looked  down  in  silence,  upon 
their  fallen  king  ;  waiting  to  see  whether  this  were  only 
a  swoon,  or  whether,  as  was  possible,  it  was  the  sleep 
of  death. 

With  returning  life  revived  something  of  the  spirit  of  a 
Plantagenet.  Edward,  raised  to  his  feet,  refused  support. 
The  Bishop  of  Hereford  then  read  the  address,  which 
repeated  the  articles  drawn  up  by  Stratford  and  ratified 
by  parliament,  in  which  the  charges  of  misgovernment 
are  stated  as  things  notorious  and  beyond  contradiction. 
He  concluded  by  offering  to  Edward,  in  the  name  of  the 
commonwealth,  the  alternative  of  an  abdication  in  favour 
of  his  son,  or  of  submitting  the  government  of  the  country 
to  a  Eegent  to  be  appointed  by  parliament. 

While  the  Bishop  of  Hereford  was  speaking,  tears 
were  coursing  one  another  down  the  poor  king's  cheeks. 
He  continued  to  weep,  and  his  sobs,  for  a  time,  rendered 
him  unable  to  give  utterance  to  words.  When  he  be 
came  more  composed,  he  expressed  his  contrition  for 
having  misconducted  himself,  and  he  humbly  asked  for 
giveness  from  all  who  were  present.  He  expressed  his 
readiness  to  abdicate,  and  thanked  his  people  for  choosing 
his  son  to  succeed  him. 

The  prelates  then  came  forward,  and  into  their  hands 
he  delivered  the  crown.  The  sceptre  and  other  insignia 
of  the  royal  office  he  solemnly  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 
persons  appointed  to  receive  them.  Sir  William  Trussel, 
who  acted  for  the  chief  justice  of  England,  and  had  been 
chosen  proctor  of  the  whole  parliament,  now  stood  forth, 
and  said  : — 

"I,  William   Trussel,  Proctor  of  the   Prelates,  Earls, 


14  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     and   Barons,    and  other   people   in    my    proxy   named, 

._  ^'  _„  having  for  this  full  and  sufficient  power,  do  surrender 

Stratford,    and  deliver  up  to  you,  Edward,  King  of  England  before 

1333-48.    -j-kig  tmie?  t}ie  homage  and  fealty  of  the  persons  in  my 

proxy  named,  in  the  name  of  them  and  every  of  them, 

for   certain  causes   therein   mentioned;    and    do   return 

them  up  to  you,  Edward,  and  acquit  or  discharge  the 

persons  aforesaid  in  the  best  manner  that  the  law  arid 

custom  can  give  it,  and  do  make  this  protestation  in  the 

name  of  all  those  that  will  not  for  the  future  be  in  your 

fealty  or  allegiance,  nor  claim  to  hold  anything  of  you  us 

king ;  but  account  you  as  a  private  person,  without  any 

manner  of  royal  dignity.  "* 

The  high-steward,  Sir  Thomas  Blunt,  immediately 
broke  his  staff  of  office  ;  and  soon  afterwards,  he  dis 
charged  all  the  officers  of  the  royal  household,  as  if  tli3 
king  was  defunct. 

Stratford  was  now  appointed  one  of  the  twelve  guar 
dians  of  young  King  Edward  III.,  or  one  of  that  board  of 
regency  of  which  Lancaster  was  nominally  the  head. 

It  is  easier  to  commence  than  to  conclude  a  revolution  ; 
and  the  objects,  which  the  queen  and  Mortimer  had  ir. 
view^  could  not  be  accomplished,  if  Stratford,  whose  in 
fluence  over  Lancaster  and  the  king  was  well  known 
should  remain  in  office.  What  were  Mortimer's  ulterior 
views  it  is  difficult  to  surmise.  At  the  present  time,  it 
was  his  determination  to  govern  the  country  in  the  queen's 
name,  and,  as  a  first  step,  the  destruction  of  Stratford 
was  determined  upon.  A  demand  was  accordingly 
made  upon  him  for  the  payment  of  the  ten  thousand 
pounds,  for  which  he  had  given  his  bond  when  he 
was  put  in  possession  of  the  temporalities  of  the  see. 
It  was  to  serve  some  such  purpose  as  this,  and  to 
place  a  rising  statesman  at  the  mercy  of  the  govern- 

*  Parl.  Hist.  i.  18G. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  15 

ment,  rather  than  from  any  expectation  of  payment  CHAP. 
that  the  bond  was  originally  demanded  ;  and  Strat-  » — ; — 
ford  knew  that  the  demand  now  made  was  a  deck-  Stratford 
ration  of  war  on  the  part  of  the  queen  and  Mortimer,  1333-48, 
who  had  secured  the  majority  of  the  council.  The  popu 
larity  of  the  queen  had  not  yet  waned.  The  Bishop  of 
Winchester  was  well  aware  that  his  sacred  character 
would  be  no  protection  to  him  from  the  violence  of  such 
opponents,  and  that  his  only  chance  of  safety  was  in 
flight.  His  flight  strengthened  the  hands  of  his  enemies, 
who  represented  themselves  as  only  desiring  the  capture 
of  a  public  defaulter.  When  Stratford,  therefore,  sought 
sanctuary  at  Wilton,  the  monks  warned  him  that  they 
were  not  strong  enough  to  prevent  its  violation  by  the 
mercenaries  of  Isabella  and  Mortimer,  now  on  their 
inarch  to  Wiltshire.  As  these  men  approached,  Stratford 
concealed  himself,  with  a  few  followers,  in  the  surround 
ing  marshes.  From  these  damp  quarters  he  escaped  to 
Honiton.  Hither  the  spies  of  government  dogged  his 
steps.  He  now  thought  of  resistance,  and  repaired  to 
Winchester.  Wolvesey  Castle  was  the  bishop's  palace, 
and  had  been  made  a  fortress  of  considerable  strength  by 
Henry  of  Blois,  in  the  time  of  King  Stephen.*  But  it 
had  been  soon  after  dismantled  by  Henry  II.,  and  Strat 
ford  perceived,  that  it  would  not  be  in  a  condition  to 
stand  a  siege.  It  had,  indeed,  afforded  protection  to  the 
half  brothers  of  Henry  III.  in  the  Barons'  war,  but  at 
that  time  they  could  appeal  to  the  loyalty  of  the  people, 
and  the  old  Norman  castle,  which,  erected  by  William  the 
Conqueror,  occupied  a  commanding  position  on  the 
south-west  of  the  cathedral,  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
royal  party.  This  castle  was  now  occupied  by  the  forces 

*  In  times,  not  yet  forgotten  by  the  writer,  the  Winchester  boys 
would  assemble  amidst  the  ruins  of  Wolvesey,  to  hold  a  debating 
society — a  parliament,  at  which  speeches  not  ineloquent  were  delivered. 


16  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  of  the  queen  and  Mortimer;  and  a  bishop,  scarcely 
« — ^ — •  known  to  the  people  of  his  city,  one  who  had  hitherto  re- 
stratford.  garded  his  diocese  only  as  a  source  of  wealth,  was  not 

1333-48.  likely  to  obtain  a  cordial  support  from  the  citizens, -even 
if  any  support  could  have  been  rendered  efficacious, 
when,  by  holding  the  other  castle,  the  enemy  was  in  com 
mand  of  the  well-fortified  walls,  Hanked  by  numerous 
towers,  and  defended  by  bastions. 

Finding  that  open  resistance  to  the  government  was, 
as  yet,  impossible,  the  bishop  now  fled  to  another  re 
sidence  of  the  Bishops  of  Winchester — Bishop's  Waltham. 
But  still  the  vigilant  eye  of  the  enemy  was  upon  him  ;  an  I 
Stratford  was  obliged  to  seek  security  in  the  neighbour 
ing  woods.  In  the  recesses  of  the  forest,  the  mercenaries 
of  the  government  were  unwilling  to  entangle  themselves  ; 
for  here  their  superior  numbers  would  have  been  of  little 
avail.  The  bishop  had  with  him  a  force  sufficient  to 
protect  him  from  the  attack  of  the  other  outlaws,  who 
sought  shelter  from  the  pursuit  of  their  enemies.  There 
seems,  indeed,  to  have  been  a  kind  of  common  law,  tha; 
the  forest  should  be  as  a  sanctuary,  with  the  privileges 
of  which,  no  one,  who  was  himself  an  outlaw,  woulc 
interfere.  Under  the  greenwood-tree  the  bishop  had  the 
daily  service  performed;  and  as  the  chaplains  chanted 
the  psalms,  they  would  compare  their  persecuted  master 
to  the  outraged  David  when  flying  from  the  unjust  wrath 
of  Saul.  Then  would  the  dogs  be  called,  and  the  bows 
were  bent,  and  hunting  became  a  business  as  well  as 
a  sport ;  for  the  venison,  which  the  bishop,  as  a  Strat 
ford  man,  dearly  loved,  was  to  be  supplied  by  the  cross 
bows  pointed  by  his  attendants — perhaps  by  his  own 
right  reverend  hand. 

In  this  his  retirement,  of  which  the  remembrance  was 
not  unpleasant,  Stratford  found  means  of  communicating 
with  the  king,  and  of  warning  him  of  his  own  danger, 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  17 

unless  he  speedily  found  the  means  of  rescuing  himself    CHAP. 
from  the   dominion  of  the  queen  and  Mortimer.      The  , — ^ — , 
king  was  advised  to  prepare  the  troops,  in  whom  he  could   Stra°tford. 
trust  for  action  on  any  sudden  emergency.     Both  king    1333-48. 
and   bishop,  according  to  the  fashion   of  the    day,  en 
deavoured  to  enlist,  in  their  service,  the  spiritual  hierarchy ; 
who,  in  the  world  unseen,  were  supposed  still  to  take  a 
part  in  the  affairs  of  this  world.      They  vowed  to  make 
pilgrimages  to  sundry  shrines,  if  the  saints,  thus  reverenced 
would  make  intercession  for  them. 

On  the  fall  of  Mortimer,  Stratford  was,  of  course, 
restored  to  honour.  He  received  the  great  seal  on  the 
28th  of  November,  1330,  and  was  immediately  released 
from  all  arrears  of  his  old  obligations.* 

And  what  was  the  first  thing  that  occurred  to  the 
minds  of  the  warlike  king  and  the  astute  statesman  on 
their  resumption  of  power  ? 

We  are  told,  that  they  arrayed  themselves  in  the 
disguise  of  merchants,  and  passed  over  to  France,  there 
to  visit  certain  shrines,  to  which,  in  their  time  of  danger 
and  distress,  they  had  vowed  a  pilgrimage.  It  was  a 
service  of  danger ;  for  by  the  law  of  nations,  as  it  then 
existed,  the  king,  if  found  in  a  country  not  his  own,  might 
have  been  made  a  prisoner,  and  the  ransom,  either  in 
money  or  in  territory,  might  have  caused  the  nation 
expense  and  trouble. f 

*  Rot.  Clans.  4  Edw.  III.  M.  16.    Rot.  Parl.  ii.  GO. 

f  Stow,  230.  Polyd.  Verg.  xix.  3G2.  The  authorities  arc  not  en 
tirely  to  be  depended  upon ;  but  they  record  a  tradition  of  an  event 
which  was  apparently  so  ill-timed,  and  so  objectless  as  an  invention, 
that  I  am  inclined  to  give  credit  to  the  statement.  It  may  have 
been  well  to  let  things  cool  down  after  the  counter  revolution,  and 
before  the  adoption  of  energetic  measures.  In  spite  of  dates,  we 
might  suspect  the  pilgrimage  to  have  occurred  just  before  the  overthrow 
of  Mortimer.  But  it  is  not  probable,  that  Edward  would  have  obtained 
VOL.  IV.  C 


18  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP.  Stratford  retained  office,  at  this  time,  for  four  years  ; 

L_  x'    -  and,  as  Edward  himself  describes  him  in   the  Libellus 

Stratford  Famosus,  he  was  to  the  king  as  a  father,  and  was  next  to 

1333-48.  him  the  most  admired  of  all  men.*      He  deserves,  there 


fore,  to  be  ranked  among  the  most  distinguished  of  the 
many  great  statesmen  whom  this  country  has  produced. 

Stratford  is  not  indeed  to  be  compared  with  Bishop 
Burnell,  the  illustrious  chancellor  and  minister  of 
Edward  I.  ;  but  he  was  a  true  patriot.  He  maintained 
the  principles  of  Magna  Charta,  and  habituated  the  youn^ 
king  to  seek  not  merely  money,  but  counsel  and  ad  vie  3 
from  his  parliaments. 

The  state  of  the  country,  when  Stratford  became  th'3 
chief  adviser  of  the  crown,  was  deplorable.  In  a  com 
munication  made  to  parliament,  it  is  stated,  that  divers 
people,  defying  the  law,  had  gathered  together  in  great 
companies,  to  the  destruction  of  the  king's  subjects,  the 
people  of  holy  Church,  and  of  the  king's  justices  ; 
taking  and  detaining  some  of  them  in  prison,  until,  t(  > 
save  their  lives,  they  paid  great  fines  or  ransoms  at  the 
pleasure  of  the  evil-doers  ;  robbing  some  of  their  good^ 
and  chattels,  putting  others  to  death,  and  doing  other 
misdeeds  and  felonies.  f 

Among  the  personages  thus  captured  by  the  banditti,  if 
we  may  employ  a  word  which  will  suggest  a  comparison 
between  England  of  the  fourteenth  century  and  Italy 
of  the  nineteenth,  was  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  of  England, 
Sir  Eobert  Willoughby. 

To  meet  this  evil,  the  system  of  county  magistrates  was 
adopted  —  a  vigorous  and  important  measure,  by  which, 
besides  the  itinerant  justices,  long  since  established, 

permission  to  quit  the  country,  and,  if  he  had  done  so.  Mortimer  would 
have  contrived  to  have  him  detained  in  France. 
*  Birchington,  Ang.  Sac.  i.  24. 
Rot.  Parl.  i.  214. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  19 

justices  of  the  peace  were  instituted  in  every  shire,  with     CHAP. 
full  power  to  punish  offenders,  and  to  appoint  officers  for  > — ^-~ 

,      .  ,  .  John 

their  apprehension.  Stratford. 

The  energies  of  the  Bishop  of  Winchester  were,  at  this  1333~48- 
time,  severely  taxed.  While  he  was  chancellor,  he  went 
abroad  on  a  mission  relative  to  the  affairs  of  the  duchy 
of  Aquitaine,  and  on  his  return  he  had  to  open  the 
parliament  at  Westminster.  This  was  usually  done  by 
the  chancellor  in  a  speech  from  a  text  of  Scripture,  and 
the  speech  was  scarcely  discernible  from  a  sermon.  The 
fact  is,  that  all  that  was  required  of  parliament  was  to 
sanction  or  to  reject  the  measures  proposed  to  it  by  the 
king's  government ;  and,  if  the  measures  were  sanctioned, 
to  vote  the  supplies.  Except  in  times  of  great  excite 
ment,  the  policy  of  the  country  was  left  in  the  hands  of 
the  king  and  his  council.  Parliament  was  not  yet  a 
channel  to  preferment,  and  the  majority  of  the  members 
were  anxious  to  be  released  as  soon  as  possible  from  their 
attendance.  Hence  the  merit  or  the  demerit  of  the 
political  measures  of  the  government  must  attach  to  the 
king  and  his  ministers. 

To  the  political  wisdom  of  this  minister  must,  however, 
be  attributed  a  measure  of  parliamentary  reform,  which 
had  considerable  influence  in  raising  the  parliament  to 
that  importance,  which  it  soon  after  reached. 

From  the  time  of  Simon  de  Montfort,  the  Commons  had 
been  represented  in  the  great  council  of  the  nation ;  but 
it  was  not  till  1332,  that  the  knights,  citizens,  and  burgesses 
were  permitted  to  form  a  separate  and  independent  house.* 

*  Parl.  Hist.i.  214.  The  Commons  were  at  first  only  required  to 
advise  the  "  Proceres,"  but  the  declaratory  statute  of  York  affirmed 
that  the  legislative  authority  resided  only  in  the  king,  with  the  assent 
of  the  prelates,  earls,  barons,  and  commons  assembled  in  parliament, 
and  that  every  act  not  done  by  that  authority  should  be  void  and  of 
none  effect. — Perry,  xv. 

c  2 


20  LI\7ES   OF   THE 

CHAP.         The   same   principle   was  adopted   when   the   clergy 
-J^—  assembled  in  synod.     Two  houses  were  formed,  and  thus 
tmtford.   ^n  English  synod  assumed    the  form  of  a  convocation, 
1333-48.    gimiiar  to  that  which  is  in  existence  now. 

When  this  principle  was  forcing  itself  into  notice,  the 
question  arose,  whether,  when  certain  questions,  beyond 
those  relating  to  taxation,  were  submitted  to  the  judgment 
of  the  estates  of  the  kingdom,  the  bishops  were  to  discuss 
them  as  barons  in  parliament  or  simply  as  prelates  in 
convocation.  The  prelates  of  this  age  were  seldom 
divines,  and  they  were  influenced  in  their  decisions  less 
by  any  objects  bearing  upon  matters  purely  ecclesiastical, 
than  by  political  considerations. 

Stratford,  one  of  the  people,  acted  on  the  principle 
of  Edward  I.,  and  sought,  through  the  popular  side  of 
the  constitution,  to  control  the  aristocracy.  The  greater 
nobles  were  accustomed  to  attend  parliament  with  an 
armed  retinue,  which,  if  it  did  not  amount  to  a  little  army, 
resembled  what  we  should  now  call  a  regiment  of  soldiers. 
Each  potent  earl  encamped  his  forces  on  the  open  ground 
in  the  vicinity  of  a  town,  if  parliament  assembled  in  the 
provinces ;  if  it  assembled  at  Westminster,  his  inn  or 
castle  became  a  sort  of  barracks,  where  the  strictest  dis 
cipline  was  not  enforced.  The  king  could  maintain  his 
own,  when  his  forces  were  the  more  numerous ;  but  the 
lesser  barons,  the  knights,  and  the  burgesses  might  be 
easily  overawed ;  and  by  arrows  more  bitter  than  those 
which  fester  from  the  tongue,  the  questions  of  the  day 
might  be  silenced  or  decided. 

It  was  as  a  friend  to  parliamentary  government,  that 
Stratford  advised  the  issue  of  a  proclamation,  before  the 
meeting  of  parliament  in  1332,  directing  that  no  man, 
during  its  session,  should  presume  to  wear  in  the  suburbs 
of  London  or  Westminster  a  coat  of  mail  or  any  weapon 
whatsoever.  What  Stratford  commenced  became,  from 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  21 

that  time,  a  custom ;  and    whenever  Parliament  met,  a     CHAP. 

similar  proclamation  was  issued.     No  one  was  permitted  » 

to  hold  games   to  the  disturbance  of  the  parliament,  or   Stratford. 

-i  O  O  O       I  Q 

any  other  plays  for  the  amusement  of  men,  women,  and 
children. 

Stratford  left  the  impress  of  his  mind  upon  the  Courts 
of  Law  as  well  as  upon  parliament.  The  Court  of 
Chancery  had  hitherto  been  ambulatory,  and  the  chan 
cellor  sat  wherever  the  king  might  hold  his  court.  The 
present  chancellor — Bishop  of  Winchester — procured  a 
royal  mandate,  by  which  the  Court  of  Chancery  was 
henceforth  to  be  stationary  at  Westminster. 

During  all  this  period,  and  throughout  his  tenure  of 
office,  Stratford  was  engaged  in  embassies  to  France  and 
other  foreign  powers.  The  consequence  was,  that  he 
was  frequently  obliged  to  perform,  by  deputy,  the  duties 
devolving  upon  him  as  a  lawyer  and  as  an  ecclesiastic. 
In  the  Court  of  Chancery  his  duties  were  performed,  at 
various  times,  by  his  brother  Eobert,  Henry  de  Clyff, 
William  de  Melton,  Archbishop  of  York,  and  some  others. 
His  duties  as  a  bishop  were  performed  by  a  bishop  in  par- 
tibus,  who  acted  as  a  suffragan  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canter 
bury,  and  the  Bishop  of  London,  as  well  as  to  the  Bishop 
of  Winchester.  He  first  employed  in  this  capacity  Peter, 
Bishop  of  Corbavia,  in  Dalmatia,*  who  assisted  at  the  con 
secration  of  a  bell  at  St.  Paul's,  in  1331,  and  at  the 
consecration  of  a  bishop  in  1332.  After  the  death  of 
Peter  the  same  office  was  discharged  by  Benedict  "  Car- 
dicensis  "  (Sardis  or  Sardica),  who  was  prior  of  the  Austin 
Friars  at  Norwich.^ 

The  neglect  of  a  non-resident  prelate  performing  the 
duties  of  his  office  by  a  curate,  so  to  say,  was  not  likely,  in 

*  Farlati,  iv.  95.  He  assisted  at  the  consecration  of  Roger  Northburg 
to  the  see  of  Lichfield,  June  27th,  1332.— Stubbs,  52. 
f  Stubbs,  143. 


22  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     that  age,  to  interfere  with  his  preferment  in  the  Church. 
._  ^'  -x  The    Church  was,    at  this  time,  co-extensive  with  the 
Stratford,   country ;  and  in  serving  his  country,  a  bishop  was  regarded 
1333-48.    ag  donig  his  duty  to   the   Church.      When,  therefore, 
Edward  III.  determined,  that   his  chancellor  should  be 
translated  from  the   see  of  Winchester  to  the  primacy, 
the  country  endorsed  the  proceeding ;  and  his  advance 
ment  was  regarded  as  a  tribute  to  the  merits  of  one,  who 
had  not  only  acted  with  discretion,  but  who  had  suffered 
persecution  at  the  hands  of  an  ousted  and  unpopular 
government. 

On  the  death  of  Archbishop  Mepham,  the  Bishop  of 
Winchester  was  translated  to  Canterbury. 

In  his  appointment  there  was  a  peculiarity,  which  the 
student  of  history  will  not  fail  to  notice.  The  conge 
d'elire  was  as  usual  addressed  to  the  chapter,  and  the 
king  nominated  Stratford  as  the  person  he  expected  the 
chapter  to  elect  or  rather  to  postulate. 

The  tie  which  bound  a  bishop  to  the  church  to  which 
he  had  been  consecrated,  was  considered  so  binding  and 
holy,  that  it  could  be  dissolved  only  by  the  pope.  It  was 
regarded  in  the  light  of  a  divorce.  The  chapter,  therefore, 
which  required  the  translation  of  a  bishop,  postulated  for 
his  removal  from  the  see  of  which  he  was  in  possession 
to  the  one  to  which  he  was  elected.  This  had  become  in 
most  cases  only  a  form ;  but  in  this  instance,  Pope  John 
XXIL,  or  his  advisers,  took  no  notice  of  the  postulation, 
but  proceeded  to  appoint  Stratford,  "non  virtute  postula- 
tionis  capituli  Cantuariensis,  sed  proprio  suo  motu."* 

This  was  one  of  those  many  attempts  made,  at  this 
period,  by  the  papal  authorities  to  obtain,  under  the  name 
of  reservations  or  provisions,  the  entire  patronage  of  all  the 
higher  preferments  of  the  English  Church  ;  and  it  was  to 

*  Murimuth,  Cliron.  72.  When  a  person  elected  happened  to  be  a 
bishop  already,  he  was  said  to  be  "  postulatus,"  not  "  electus." 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY. 

frustrate  this  attempt  that  the  Statute  of  Provisors  was     CHAP. 
passed  in  1351,  which  led  to  a  compromise  hereafter  to  - — - 
be  noticed.     Edward  III.,  however,  at  this  period  of  his    Stratford, 
reign,  did  not  perceive  that  the  proceeding  involved  a    133 
principle  ;  and,  so  long  as  his  end  was  accomplished,  he 
did  not  regard  the  means  employed.     The  appointment 
to  the  see  of  Canterbury  was  virtually  in  his  hands,  and 
when  the  bulls  for  the  translation  arrived,  he  and  his 
chancellor  thought  no  more  of  the  subject.*     The  tempo 
ralities  of  the  see  were  restored  on  the  5th  of  April, 
1334. 

On  the  28th  of  the  following  September,  the  new  arch 
bishop  resigned  the  great  seal.  His  object  in  doing  so  is  not 
apparent.  His  successor  was  his  friend,  Eichard  of  Bury, 
a  man  of  eminence,  whom  he  had  consecrated  shortly 
before  to  the  see  of  Durham.  It  is  possible  that  Stratford 
entertained,  on  accepting  the  primacy,  a  wish  to  retire 
from  political  life,  and  to  devote  himself  to  the  duties  of 
his  sacred  calling  ;  but  if  he  did  so,  he  soon  found  that 
he  could  not  live  without  those  excitements  of  public  life, 
to  which  he  had  been  accustomed  from  his  youth. 
On  the  6th  of  June,  1335,  he  was  again  in  office,  and 
distinguished  himself  by  the  zeal  he  displayed  in  the 
interests  of  trade. 


*  The  bull  by  which  this  usurpation  of  the  court  of  Rome  over  the 
church  of  Canterbury  was  attempted  is  still  preserved.  It  is  dated  at 
Avignon,  the  6th  of  the  calends  of  December,  and  the  18th  year  of  the 
pope's  pontificate.  The  policy  of  the  Roman  court  was,  by  increasing 
the  number  of  bulls,  to  extract  from  the  coffers  of  the  provincial  churches 
as  much  money,  as  possible,  in  the  shape  of  fees.  There  were  six  bulls 
issued  on  this  occasion.  Besides  those  addressed  to  the  chapter,  there  was 
one  to  the  clergy  and  laity  of  the  diocese  of  Canterbury,  another  to  the 
people  of  the  city  and  diocese,  another  to  all  the  vassals  of  the  church 
of  Canterbury,  another  to  all  the  suffragans  of  the  church  of  Canterbury. 
All  were  published  in  the  cathedral  on  the  day  they  wore  received. — 
Battely,  Part  ii.  Appendix  16. 


24  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP.  It  is  curious  to  remark  how,  in  the  revolution  of  ages, 
- — ^ — •  our  position  as  a  commercial  nation  has  changed.  In  the 
Stratford,  fourteenth  century  the  English  monks  and  farmers — the 
1333-48.  Cistercians  especially — directed  their  attention  to  the 
growing  of  wool,  and  we  had  enough  and  to  spare. 
But  we  had  no  skilled  artisans  to  supply  the  foreign 
markets  with  manufactured  goods.  The  wealth  of  the 
country  depended  to  a  great  extent  upon  the  expoit 
of  wool.  In  the  nineteenth  century,  depending  for  our 
wealth  upon  coal  rather  than  upon  our  flocks,  we  tend  our 
sheep  rather  to  supply  the  home  market  with  good 
mutton,  and  importing  our  wool  from  people  who  have 
regard  to  the  fleece  rather  than  the  carcase,  our  exports 
consist  of  the  manufactured  article.  It  is  highly  to  the 
honour  of  Stratford,  that  he  supported  Edward  in  the 
measures  he  adopted,  if  he  did  not  suggest  them,  by 
which  he  encouraged  manufactures,  partly  through  the 
introduction  of  foreign  artisans.  Woollen  factories  were 
established  at  York,  and  in  Worcestershire  ;  Norwich 
manufactured  fustians  ;  Sudbury,  baize  ;  Colchester,  sayes 
and  serges ;  Kent,  broadcloth  ;  Devonshire,  kerseys. 

It  would  have  been  well  for  the  peace  and  comfort  of 
Stratford's  mind,  if,  on  his  appointment  to  the  primacy,  he 
had  retired  from  political  life.  When  the  king  began  to 
think  for  himself,  the  promptings  of  a  youthful  genius  were 
not  so  easily  restrained,  as  at  first,  by  the  sober  judgment 
of  a  less  enthusiastic  counsellor.  Stratford  evidently  as 
sumed,  and  retained  too  long,  a  kind  of  paternal  relation 
to  Edward,  and  was  more  ready  to  dictate  than  to  consult. 
I  have  taken  some  pains  to  ascertain  what  was  the 
view  really  taken  by  Stratford  with  reference  to  the  French 
war.  I  have  examined  patiently  the  statements  and 
counter-statements  made  in  the  correspondence  between 
him  and  the  king,  to  which  more  particular  reference 
will  presently  be  made,  comparing  them  with  the  his- 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  25 

torical  facts,  and  I  come  to  the  conclusion,  that  Stratford     CHAP. 
was  a  consistent  as  well  as  a  patriotic  statesman. 

He  did  not  doubt  the  right  of  Edward  to  the  crown  of  stiatford, 
France.     He  expressly  calls  Philip  of  Valois  a  usurper. 

Off-hand  historians,  in  these  days,  pronounce  the  claim 
of  Edward  to  the  throne  of  France  preposterous  and 
absurd.  So  it  was,  according  to  modern  notions,  and  at 
a  time  when  the  law  of  succession  has  been  settled 
and  defined.  But  we  are  writing  of  times,  when  many 
points,  now  decided,  were  open  to  discussion.  To 
decide  between  Balliol  and  Bruce,  as  to  the  right  of 
succession  to  the  Scottish  throne,  would  be  a  matter 
of  no  difficulty  at  the  present  time,  but  it  required 
the  application  of  acute  minds  to  the  subject,  before  a 
judgment  could  be  given  in  the  reign  of  Edward  I. 
Among  the  ancestors  of  Edward  III.  many  sat  on  the 
English  throne,  their  right  to  do  so  being  undisputed  by 
the  majority  of  the  nation,  who  would  be,  and  indeed 
by  some  persons  are,  in  the  present  age,  regarded  as 
usurpers. 

We  are  not  to  suppose  that  Stratford  was  in  advance 
of  his  age ;  and  what  was  the  prevalent  opinion  at  this 
time  upon  the  subject  of  the  succession,  we  have  in  an 
ancient  writer,  Capgrave,  who  says  : — 

"  Thanne  rose  the  noyse  thorw  the  lond  that  the  kyng 
had  rite  to  the  crowne  of  Frauns  be  his  modir.  For 
Seynt  Lodewik  was  the  rithfulle  kyng  and  eyir  of  Frauns. 
He  had  a  son  thei  clepid  Philippe  ;  and  that  Philip  begat 
anothir,  thei  cleped  him  Philip  the  Faire  ;  whech  Philip 
had  IIII  childyrn,  Ysabelle,  inoder  to  kyng  Edward  ;  sche 
was  eldest.  The  secunde  was  Lodewik ;  he  was  kyng 
aftir  his  fader.  The  third  was  Philip.  And  he  had  to  dow- 
teres  ;  on  was  weddid  to  the  erl  of  Flaunderes,  the  othir 
to  the  Delfyn  of  Vienne,  and  both  deied  withoute  issew. 
Thus  deied  this  Philip  withoute  issew,  which  regned  in 


26  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.    Frauns   aftir   Lodewik.      This   same    Lodewyk   had    to 

. ^;__,  wyves,  on  was  dowtir  to  the  duke  of  Borgayn.     She  had 

stmtford  no  cnn*d  ;  anotm"r  was  dowtir  to  the  kyng  of  Hungarie, 
1333-48.  of  whom  cam  Jon,  cleped  Posthumus.  Than  was  this  the 
ordre  of  kyngis.  First  regned  Lodewik,  the  eldest  son  ; 
and  aftir  him  Jon  Posthumus  was  treted  as  kyng.  He 
deied  withoute  issew.  Than  regned  Philip  the  Secund 
brothir,  whech  had  to  douteris,  as  we  saide ;  and  neyth:r 
of  hem  had  issew.  He  ded,  the  third  brothir  regned, 
cleped  Charles  ;  and,  because  he  had  no  child,  he  mal 
a  statute  that  no  woman  schuld  be  eyir  of  Frauns,  t3 
forbarre  the  rite  of  kyng  Edward,  his  sistiris  son."  * 

But  it  was  one  thing  to  admit  the  right,  and  another  thing 
to  assert  it  by  force  of  arms ;  and  Stratford  was  prepared 
to  make  the  greatest  sacrifices  for  the  preservation  of 
peace,  considering,  as  he  himself  expresses  it,  "  the  peril 
to  soul,  body,  and  property  from  the  drowning  gulf  o? 
war."  Consistently  with  these  principles,  he  headed  the  em 
bassy,  in  1337,  which  was  sent  to  Philip  to  declare  khi£ 
Edward's  right  to  the  crown  of  France ;  and  in  several 
other  embassies  he  incurred  danger,  toil,  and  much  expense. 
But  his  voice  was  still  for  peace.  He  said  to  Edward: 
"Assert  your  right :  make  that  right  the  basis  of  a  treaty 
with  France,  which  shall  be  advantageous  to  England. 
Then,  having  effected  this,  renounce  a  claim,  the  main 
tenance  of  which  can  be  advantageous  to  neither  country." 
It  was  thus  that  the  policy  of  Stratford  was  directly 
opposed  to  that  of  Pope  Benedict  XIL,  when,  in  1337, 
that  pontiff  sent  his  legates  into  England  to  effect  a 
reconciliation  between  the  English  and  the  French 
monarchs.  Benedict  was  a  learned  and  a  pious  man,  and 
was  sincerely  desirous,  no  doubt,  to  stop  any  unnecessary 
effusion  of  blood.  But  he  was  a  Frenchman,  desiring, 
through  peace,  to  promote  the  interests  of  the  King  of 

*  Capgrave,  20G. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  27 

France.     The  pope  and  the  primate  agreed  in  their  desire     CHAP. 
of  peace  ;    but   Stratford   looked   to   English   interests,  > — V — ' 
Benedict   to   French.      When    the    legates    arrived    in    steSord. 
England,  they  were,  in  consequence,  treated   with  the    1333-48- 
respect  which  was  their  due.      The  king  sent  his  son, 
the  young  Duke  of  Cornwall,  afterwards  the  celebrated 
Black  Prince,  to   meet   them.*      The   royal   youth  was 
attended  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  Earl  of 
Warenne,  and  a  few  other  prelates  and  lords.      The  king 
received  the  legates  at  Westminster  in  the  inner  hall,  and 
granted  them  an  audience  in  the  painted  chamber.      The 
cardinals  explained  the  object  of  their  mission,  and  the 
king  promised  to  lay  their  statement  before  his  parlia 
ment.      The  parliament  in  due  time  assembled,  and,  says 
Capgrave,  "  whan  it  was  aspied  that   they  were  more 
favourable  to  the  kyng  of  Frauns  than  to  the  kyng  of 
Ynglond,  the  archbishop  roos  up,  and  declared  that  they 
were  not  sufficient  reformeres  whech  held  with  the  party. "^ 

*  The  Black  Prince  was  invested  with  the  duchy  of  Cornwall  by 
charter  on  the  17th  of  March,  1337,  being  the  first  who  bore  the  title 
of  Duke  in  England.  From  this  time  the  dukedom  of  Cornwall  has 
been  vested  in  the  heir  to  the  English  crown.  The  eldest  son  of  the 
King  of  England  is  Duke  of  Cornwall  by  birth.  He  is  Prince  of  Wales 
by  special  creation  and  investiture.  The  earldom  of  Chester  was  con 
nected  with  the  Principality,  21  Ric.  II.  To  the  dignity  of  Prince 
of  Wales,  Edward  was  appointed  by  his  father,  May  12th,  1343.  He  was 
the  second  English  prince  who  bore  the  title.  It  was  not  bestowed  on  his 
father.  It  was  first  conferred  on  Edward  of  Carnarvon. 

|  Capgrave,  205. — Several  councils  were  held  at  this  period,  which 
were  probably  called  parliaments  without  being  such  strictly  speaking. 
A  council  was  summoned  for  the  6th  of  July  to  meet  the  king,  where- 
ever  he  might  be.  As  the  cardinals  left  England  on  the  10th,  this  may 
have  been  the  parliament  at  which  they  received  this  answer.  I  do 
not  find  any  more  particular  account  of  the  proceedings  of  the  cardi 
nals  ;  but  from  the  strong  feeling  in  favour  of  the  war  which  imme 
diately  ensued,  and  from  Capgrave's  statement,  we  may  infer  that  they 
.said  or  did  something  offensive  to  the  national  pride.  The  feeling 
against  any  political  interference  on  the  part  of  the  pope  was  extremely 


28  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.         There  was  also  a  further  view  of  the  subject,  which  had 

-  —  '  considerable  influence  on  Stratford's  mind.      Popular  as 

Stratford,   the  French  war  became  after  the  first  successes  of  Edward, 


1333-48.  tjiere  was?  from  the  first?  a  powerful  minority  opposed  to 
it.  The  question  occurred,  whether,  if  the  crowns  were 
united,  Paris  would  not  become  the  residence  of  the  king, 
and  England  eventually  a  mere  province  of  France.  This 
feeling  displayed  itself  strongly,  even  in  parliament,  when, 
yielding  to  foreign  counsels,  and  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
celebrated  Jacob  van  Arte  veldt,  Edward  assumed  the 
arms  and  royal  title  of  France.  The  proceeding  was 
viewed  with  such  national  jealousy  and  suspicion,  that 
Edward  was  obliged  to  enter  into  an  explanation  with 
his  parliament,  and  pledge  himself  to  maintain  the 
national  independence.  So  zealous  was  Stratford  in  all 
the  political  measures  in  which  he  embarked,  that  he 
crossed  the  Channel  thirty-two  times  on  various  negotia 
tions,  and  always  at  his  own  expense.  But  there  was  a 
strong  influence  at  work  to  counteract  the  counsels  of  tho 
archbishop,  and  to  alienate  the  young  king's  mind  from  his 
old  adviser  and  friend  ;  and  among  those  whose  ambitior 

strong  at  this  period,  and  the  following  principle  was  soon  after  expressed 
by  a  contemporary  :  "  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  pope  may  often  err 
against  justice,  and  may  excommunicate  the  true  part,  and  give  his 
benediction  to  the  false  part.  He  may  grant  his  indulgence  to  those 
who  are  fighting  on  the  false  side  ;  and  then  God  will  give  His  benedic 
tion  to  the  true  part,  and  the  acts  of  the  pope  will  not  hurt  it."  —  John 
of  Bridlington,  Pol.  Songs,  i.  165.  The  anti-papal  spirit,  not  on  re 
ligious  but  on  political  grounds,  increased  in  vehemence  during  the 
papal  residence  at  Avignon.  The  manner  in  which  some  writers 
assume,  that  the  bishops  must  have  always  sided  with  the  pope,  displays 
an  entire  ignorance  of  mediaeval  feeling,  and  a  forgetfulness  that,  in 
England,  the  clerical  character  was  too  generally  assumed  by  statesmen 
and  lawyers  simply  to  obtain  position  and  an  income.  At  the  siege  of 
Tournay,  Edward  III.  was  attended  by  seven  earls,  eight  bishops,  28 
baronets,  200  knights,  9  000  archers,  all  out  of  England.  —  Grafton,  348. 
The  word  "baronets"  is  in  Grafton,  but  he  evidently  means  bannerets. 


AKCIIBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  20 

prompted  them  to  war  we  must  number  Queen  Philippa.     CHAP. 
She  longed  to  see  her  husband  a  hero  in  the  field  of  <: — V — • 
battle.      Those  who   are    acquainted   with   that   extra-    stra°tford. 
ordinary  and  interesting  poem,  the  "  Vows  of  the  Heron,"    1333-*8- 
of  which  Eobert  of  Artois  is  the  hero,  will  see  at  once 
how  powerfully  foreign  influence,  supported  by  the  queen, 
was  brought  to  bear  upon  the  young  king's  mind ;  while 
they  will  feel  astonished   at  the   prevalent   mixture   of 
courtesy  and  coarseness.* 

The  king,  under  the  advice  of  Stratford,  hesitated  for 
some  time ;  but,  at  last,  the  gauntlet  was  thrown  down, 
and  hostilities  were  commenced,  not  by  Edward,  but  by 
Philip.  Pending  the  negotiations,  Philip  attacked  the 
seaports  of  England,  and  encouraged  the  most  flagrant  and 
cruel  acts  of  piracy  upon  the  coast,  and  invaded  Gascony. 
It  was  on  this  account,  that  the  parliament  consented  to 
a  declaration  of  war.  The  conduct  of  the  French  king 
served  the  cause  of  the  war-party,  as  it  inflamed  the 
anti-Galilean  spirit,  which  now  pervaded  the  country. 
To  France  was  attributed,  in  the  popular  songs,  the 
mingled  qualities  of  the  lynx,  the  viper,  the  fox,  and 
the  wolf. 

Francia,  foeminea,  Pharisa?a,  vigoris  idea, 
Lynxea,  viperea,  vulpina,  lupina,  Medea, 
Callida,  syrena,  crudelis,  acerba,  supcrba, 
Es  fellis  plena,  mel  dans  latet  anguis  in  herba, 
Sub  duce  Philippe  Valeys,  cognomine  lippo, 
Amoris  nomen  famam  cognomen  et  omen.j" 

Stratford  was  not  in  office  when  the  war  was  finally 
declared,  and  it  was  not  therefore  true,  as  his  enemies 
afterwards  asserted,  that  the  war  was  undertaken  by  his 
advice.  But  when  it  was  once  declared,  his  earnest 
desire  was  that  it  should  be  prosecuted  with  vigour.  By 
his  advice  an  alliance  was  immediately  formed  with  the 

*  It  is  published  among  the  Reruin  Britt.  Medii  ^Evi  Scriptores. 
t  Pol.  Songs,  i.  26. 


30  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP.     German  princes.      He  exhorted  the  king  to  enlist  in  his 

s_    ^ — '  services  those  mercenaries,  who  were  adepts  in  the  art  of 

stmtford.   war,  as  well  as  to  discipline  his  own  forces.    He  promised 

1333-48.    to  exert  himself,  and  to  make  personal  sacrifices  in  order 

that  the  necessary  funds  might  be  raised. 

Although  the  archbishop  had  again  resigned  the  great 
seal  in  1337,  it  was  not  with  an  intention  of  retiring 
from  public  life.  He  was  active  and  regular  in  his 
attendance  on  the  Privy  Council  ;*  and  the  great  seal 
was  held  by  his  brother  Eobert,  whose  interests  were 
identified  with  his  own.  On  the  28th  of  April,  1340, 
he  was,  for  the  third  time,  appointed  chancellor. f  But 
the  infirmities  of  old  age  were  creeping  upon  him, 
and  he  pleaded  this  as  an  excuse  for  resigning  the  office 
in  the  following  June.J  This  resignation,  however,  was 
only  a  renunciation  of  certain  details  of  duty,  for  his 
brother  was  again  appointed  his  successor ;  and  on  tho 
king's  going  to  the  Continent,  Archbishop  John  was 
appointed  President  of  the  Council. 

But  his  position  was  becoming  day  by  day  more  irk 
some.  Although  there  was,  as  yet,  no  misunderstanding 
between  the  king  and  the  primate,  there  was  an  imper 
ceptible  but  increasing  alienation  between  them.  The 
king  was  surrounding  himself  with  new  counsellors,  men 
of  his  own  standing ;  and  the  archbishop,  always 
cautious,  and  growing  more  cautious  with  increasing 
years,  was  not  heard  with  the  deference  to  which  he  had 
been  accustomed,  when  he  counselled  prudence. 

This  was  the  case  in  that  rupture  between  Edward  of 
Windsor  and  John  Stratford  to  which  we  must  now 
advert. 

In  the  summer  of  1338  the  king  had  embarked  for  the 
Continent,  and  the  national  feeling  was  gratified  by  the 

*  Foedera,  ii.  883,  1115. 

f  Rot.  Glaus.  K.  Edw.  III.  1.  M.  27.  J  Ibid  1.  M.  13. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  31 

manner  in  which  he  was  received,  as  one  of  the  greatest  CHAP. 
potentates  of  Europe,  during  his  triumphant  progress  up  —^ 
the  Ehine  to  Coblentz,  where  he  was  appointed  Vicar  of  stnrtford 
the  Empire.  England  was  proud  of  the  homage  paid  to 
her  royal  representative ;  and,  wherever  Edward  went, 
princes  of  the  empire  and  burghers  of  the  free  towns, 
great  men,  representing  every  grade  of  society,  from 
Jacob  von  Arteveldt,  the  republican,  to  Louis  of  Bavaria, 
all  conspired  to  do  honour  to  a  prince,  who  could  make 
himself  welcome  in  the  warehouse  of  the  merchant,  as 
well  as  in  the  tournament  of  knights  and  nobles.  Edward 
went  on,  right  royally,  determined  to  carry  his  objects, 
and  utterly  regardless  of  the  means  to  be  employed,  or 
the  possible  consequences.  He  required  a  large  army, 
and  he  stipulated  the  payment  of  large  sums  to  the  cap 
tains  of  those  armed  bands  which,  under  distinguished 
commanders,  came  into  the  war-market  to  sell  their  ser 
vices  to  the  highest  bidder.  Little  better  than  such  a 
trader  was  the  king's  brother-in-law,  the  Emperor  Louis, 
when,  on  the  promised  payment  of  300,000  florins,  lie 
undertook  to  send  two  thousand  lances  to  the  field,  to 
fight,  in  point  of  fact,  his  own  battle.  Most  of  the 
princes  of  the  empire,  including  the  Margrave  of  Bran 
denburg  and  the  Count  of  Nassau,  were  in  Edward's  pay, 
as  were  the  courtiers  to  whose  opinions  the  Emperor  and 
Empress  were  supposed  to  defer. 

The  king  expected  to  be  able  to  fulfil  his  engagements 
by  the  plunder  of  the  enemy.  This  was  considered  so 
good  an  investment,  that  the  merchants  in  Flanders  were 
ready  to  advance,  at  a  rate  of  interest  in  proportion  to 
the  risk,  any  ready  money  he  required ;  and  the  home 
government  felt  so  certain  of  success,  that  many  of  the 
officials,  including  the  archbishop,  became  personally  re 
sponsible  for  large  sums,  while  the  country — clergy  and 
laity — voted  the  most  liberal  subsidies.  In  the  hope  of 


32  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     sharing  the  plunder,  men  from  all  quarters  flocked  to 

— ^ — '  the  standard  of  the  first  general  of  the  age. 

stratfol-d.        Under  such  a  state  of  things  despatch  was  everything. 

1333-48.  j)e}ay  was  ruin.  Whether  fighting  or  not,  men  were  to 
be  fed  and  clothed.  Every  day  of  inaction  added  to  the 
debt  which  the  king  was  incurring.  This  was  known  to 
the  enemy,  who  sought  to  avoid  an  engagement  as  long 
as  possible,  and  amused  the  lukewarm  allies  of  Edward 
by  negotiations.  The  troops  began  to  murmur.  The, 
merchants  of  Flanders  refused  to  make  any  further  loans. 
Time  was  required  to  collect  the  money,  which  had  been 
voted  by  England ;  and,  when  collected,  it  was  only  suffi 
cient  to  meet  the  demands  of  creditors  becoming  more 
clamorous  as  the  prospect  of  immediate  war  was  removed. 
The  king  reproached  Stratford,  and  complained  of  his 
want  of  zeal.  In  short,  in  the  November  of  1339,  King 
Edward  was  placed  under  circumstances,  which  would 
have  crushed  an  ordinary  mortal.  His  fall  had  been  as 
rapid  as  his  rise.  He  who,  a  few  months  before,  had  been 
courted  by  all  the  powers  of  Europe,  except  those  who 
were  in  league  with  France  and  the  pope,  was  now  de 
serted  by  his  allies,  and  obliged  from  want  of  funds  to 
disband  his  mercenary  troops. 

A  great  mind  is  proved  under  such  trials.  Instead  of 
quarrelling  with  the  allies  who  might  hereafter  render 
him  assistance,  Edward  overlooked,  though  he  was  aware 
of,  their  treasonable  correspondence  with  the  enemy ;  and 
he  thanked  them  for  their  past  services.  He  obtained 
permission  of  his  creditors  to  visit  England,  and  left 
Queen  Philippa  in  pawn  for  his  return.  His  appearance 
in  England  revived  the  slumbering  loyalty  of  the  people. 
An  enthusiasm  was  excited  in  his  favour.  When  they 
heard  of  the  queen  left  an  exile  in  Ghent,  their  compassion 
was  excited,  and  her  royal  husband  obtained  an  unpre 
cedented  supply  from  parliament  and  convocation. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  33 

The  country  was  rewarded  for  its  generosity  by  the  CHAP. 
first  great  naval  victory  of  England — a  victory  gained  >- — A— 
against  unequal  numbers — one  of  the  most  splendid  among  Stratford. 
the  splendid  naval  victories  of  which  England  can  boast — 
the  victory  of  Sluys.  Once  more  the  allies  of  Edward 
rallied  round  his  standard,  eager  to  assist  in  expending 
the  treasures,  with  which  the  king  had  come  laden  from 
England ;  and  anticipating  the  plunder  of  fresh  towns. 
An  army  of  a  hundred  thousand  men  was  now  under 
Edward's  command.  But  the  campaign,  though  not  dis 
graceful  to  his  arms,  was,  in  regard  to  political  conse 
quences,  a  failure.  The  mercenary  troops  and  the  Ger 
man  princes  were  not  content  with  barren  honour.  When, 
after  a  siege  of  nine  months,  instead  of  capturing  Tournay, 
the  king  was  obliged  to  seek  or  consent  to  a  truce,  he 
found  himself  involved  in  debt  to  the  enormous  amount  of 
three  hundred  thousand  pounds.*  The  towns  of  the  enemy 
retained  their  wealth  ;  the  allies  of  Edward  claimed  the 
discharge  of  their  arrears.  The  usurers,  of  whom  he  had 
borrowed  money,  at  an  exorbitant  interest,  were  urgent 
for  payment.  He  wrote  to  Stratford  for  an  immediate 
supply  of  money ;  and  received  for  answer  that  he  had 
forestalled  his  income.  The  treasury  was  exhausted. 
When  an  appeal  was  made  to  the  people,  it  was  natural 

*  Knighton,  2573.  Froissart,  c.  39,  40,  41.  It  is  due  to  Stratford 
to  mention  some  of  the  enormous  sums  squandered  by  Edward.  To  the 
emperor  he  gave  8,227/.  Is. ;  to  the  Margrave  of  Juliers,  8,9G2/.  10s.; 
to  Count  Reinald  of  Gtieldres,  who  had  lately  been  made  duke, 
4,G12/.  105. ;  to  Dietrich  Von  Faltenberg,  3,8G4/.  8s.  3d. ;  to  the 
Count  of  Hainault,  3,150/.  ;  to  the  Duke  of  Brabant,  GOO/. ;  to  the 
Archbishop  of  Treves,  506Z.  5s. ;  which  must  all  be  multiplied  by 
fifteen  or  twenty,  and  some  say  twenty-five,  to  bring  the  sums  to  the 
present  value  of  money.  They  were  drawn  on  the  Hanseatic  Exchange, 
which  brought  him  into  the  troubles  mentioned  in  the  text,  and  for 
these  sums  he  endeavoured  to  make  his  ministers  responsible.  See 
Pauli,  171. 

VOL.  IV.  D 


34  LIVES   OF  THE 

CHAP,     to  ask  what  had  become  of  the  enormous  sums  which  had 

> ^ — .  been  placed  at  the  king's  disposal  ?     He  had  been  as  a 

Stratford,  gambler.  Expecting  to  revel  in  the  riches  of  France  he 
1333-48.  kad  rjskeci  an?  and  he  had  lost.  Moreover,  sinister  reports 
reached  England  from  the  camp.  A  profuse  expenditure1, 
it  was  said,  and  with  too  much  truth,  had  enriched 
the  sycophants  and  flatterers,  by  whom  he  had  surrounded 
himself.  Worst  of  all,  Edward,  whose  weakness  as  to 
women  remained  to  the  last,  was  said  to  be  under  the 
influence  of  a  mistress  who  had  command  of  his  purse. ^ 
All  these  parties  conspired  to  prejudice  the  royal  nrind 
against  the  Stratfords.  If  the  archbishop  and  his  bro 
ther,  it  was  said,  had  exerted  themselves,  they  might 
have  obtained  what  was  necessary  to  meet  the  present 
exigence  :  an  assertion  which  carried  with  it  its  own  re 
futation,  when  it  was  added,  that  the  archbishop  had  made 
himself  personally  responsible  for  the  king's  debts.  It 
was  insinuated,  that  Stratford  had  been  bought  by  the 
French  king,  and  that  he  had  been  intimidated  by  the 
French  pope — libels,  which  have'been  repeated  in  modern 
times,  though  the  accusation  was  not  only  not  proved,  but 
is  actually  inconsistent  with  the  whole  character,  mind, 
and  temper  of  the  times. 

The  king  was  urged,  as  we  should  now  say,  to  change 
his  ministers,  and  to  replace  them  by  the  friends  who  sur- 

*  For  these  statements  see  the  Political  Songs,  particularly  a  very 
curious  poem  under  the  pseudonym  of  John  Bridlington.  Political 
songs  are  often  mere  libels,  or  the  witty  repetition  of  scandal,  and  are 
therefore  to  be  received  with  caution.  But  after  making  every  allow 
ance,  the  political  songs  of  Edward's  time  bear  out  the  statements  made 
in  Stratford's  exculpatory  letter  and  other  contemporary  documents. 
The  amatory  propensities  of  Edward  III.  involved  him  in  difficulties  to 
the  very  close  of  his  reign.  At  this  time  he  was  in  other  ways  demo 
ralised,  as  maybe  seen  in  his  conduct  to  the  parliament  of  1340,  when 
to  obtain  a  subsidy  he  made  concessions  to  his  people,  which,  when  his 
object  was  attained,  he  revoked,  asserting  that  his  promises  had  been 
made  with  mental  reservation. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  35 

rounded  him,*  whose  dislike  of  the  Stratfords  was  in-     CHAP. 
creased  by  their  appetence  for  place.     The  new  friends  > — t- — ' 
of  the  king  urged  upon  him  to  compel  the  archbishop  to    stra°tford. 
mortgage  his  estates  for  the  payment,  in  part  at  least,  of   1333-i8- 
the  king's  debts ;  and  they  proposed  to  have  recourse  to 
an  exercise  of  the  royal  prerogative,  by  which,  in  defiance 
of  Magna  Charta,  and  without  the  consent  of  parliament, 
money  might    be   extracted,   sword   in  hand,  from  the 
people. 

While  demands  for  impossible  sums  of  money  were 
made  from  abroad,  the  ministry  at  home  could  not  main 
tain  the  common  establishments  of  the  country.  London 
was  without  a  garrison;  the  country  had  been  drained  of  men 
as  well  as  of  money  ;  a  fleet  of  pirates  might  have  sailed  up 
the  river  and  have  plundered  the  metropolis.  The  royal 
family  were  in  the  Tower,  but  while  the  fortress  was  un 
defended  it  was  scarcely  possible  to  obtain  the  necessaries 
of  life  or  suitable  attendance  in  that  part  of  the  Tower, 
which  was  the  palatial  residence  of  the  royal  children. 
The  ministers  were  in  despair,  f 

The  archbishop  was  accustomed  to  sleep  at  Lambeth, 
and  thence  to  drop  down  in  his  barge  to  the  city  to  tran 
sact  business  with  his  brother  the  chancellor  and  the 

*  One  measure  was  suggested  to  the  king  which  marked  the  com 
mencement  of  a  new  era.  He  was  advised  to  employ  laymen  in  future 
instead  of  ecclesiastics  in  the  public  service  ;  and  this,  throughout,  was 
the  policy  of  John  of  Gaunt,  the  principle,  so  to  say,  of  his  party.  The 
time  had  not  come,  however,  for  such  a  change.  Edward  did  indeed 
for  the  first  time  appoint  a  layman  to  be  chancellor,  Sir  Robert  dc 
Bourchier,  a  gallant  soldier,  being  appointed  with  a  salary  of  ^?500  a- 
year  besides  the  accustomed  fees.  But  the  military  chancellor  was  a 
failure. 

f  The  whole  of  this  narrative  is  given  upon  a  careful  comparison  of 
the  various  authorities,  taking  Birch ington  in  the  Anglia  Sacra  for  the 
basis,  Walsingham,  edit.  Kiley,  Grafton,  Stow,  Dugdale,  the  Libellus 
Famosus,  and  the  Excusatio  Archiepiscopi  ad  Libellum  Famosum,  with 
other  documents  not  to  be  found  in  Birchington  and  Walsingham. 

D  2 


36  LIVES  .OF   THE 

CHAP,  other  counsellors,  who  formed  the  regency.  But  he  was 
now  an  old  man,  and  required  rest  and  repose.  On  the 
29th  of  November,  he  retired  for  a  short  time  to  another 
manor  of  the  see,  at  Charing,  in  Kent.  This  was  a  favour 
ite  and  convenient  retreat.  Standing  on  an  old  Eoman 
road  which  joins  that,  which  runs  through  the  valley  of 
Ashford  to  Canterbury,  forming,  indeed,  part  of  "the  pil 
grim's  way,"  Charing  was  easily  accessible  both  from  Canter 
bury  and  from  London.  Here,  wrhile  thinking,  with  some 
anxiety,  of  his  future  and  of  the  conduct  of  the  king,— 
exasperated  against  him  by  the  influence  of  the  mistress 
obscurely  hinted  at,  in  the  political  songs  of  the  day,  ae 
Diana  —  he  found  some  measure  of  consolation  and  support. 
as  he  looked  upon  the  veritable  block,  on  which  John  Bap 
tist  was  beheaded.  This  had  been  brought,  as  a  precious 
relic,  from  Palestine,  and  presented  to  the  parish  church 
of  Charing  by  Eichard  I.  Stratford  sighed  for  peace  : 

Otium  Divos  rogat  in  patent! 
Prensus 


But  whatever  may  have  been  his  reveries,  he  was  soon 
awakened  from  them  by  the  intelligence,  that  the  king 
was  in  London.  He  could  hardly  believe  his  informant, 
that  the  king,  accompanied  by  the  queen,  had  arrived  in 
London  on  the  30th,  for,  during  the  preceding  night,  a  tem 
pest  had  raged,  through  which  it  was  considered  scarcely 
possible  that  a  ship,  such  as  ships  then  were,  could  have 
lived.  The  storm,  it  was  said  and  believed,  had  been 
raised  by  the  French  necromancers,  under  the  expectation 
that  it  would  cool  the  courage  of  Edward,  and  effectually 
prevent  him  from  putting  to  sea  again.  But  Stratford  had 
no  time  to  investigate  the  rhodomontade  of  the  French  ; 
he  heard,  and  was  not  surprised  to  hear,  that  the  anger 
of  the  king  exceeded  all  bounds,  when,  on  coming  sud 
denly  and  unexpectedly  to  England,  lie  found  his  capital 


ARCHBISHOPS    OP   CANTERBURY.  37 

unprotected,  and  witnessed  the  neglected  condition  of  his     CHAP. 
children.     The  fact  Stratford  had  deplored  ;  but  the  fact  v__^ 
being  so,  he  knew,  that  Edward  was  not  a  man  for  half  gjatford 
measures.     He  felt  that  he  was  not  safe  at  Charing.    His    1333~48- 
palace  at  Canterbury  was  without  a  garrison,  without  even 
a  household.     He  determined,  therefore,  to  throw  himself 
on  the  hospitality  of  the  monks  of  Christ  Church.     It  was 
a  rare  thing  for  an  archbishop  to  be  on  good  terms  with 
his  convent ;  but  fortunately  for  Stratford,  when  he  took 
up  his  abode  among  them,  as  he  had  a  right  to  do,  he 
found  them  prepared  to  act  as  his  friends.     He  retired  to 
Canterbury,  and  there,  taking  up  his  abode  in  the  priory, 
he  prepared,  as  Primate  of  all  England,  to  meet  the  attack 
of  his  enemies. 

The  first  news  that  reached  him  was,  that  his  brother, 
— Bishop  of  Chichester  and  Chancellor  of  England, — the 
treasurer,  and  all  the  great  officers  of  state,  together  with 
the  lord  mayor  of  London,  were  in  prison.  Orders  came 
down  for  the  removal  of  the  sheriff  of  Kent ;  and  notice 
was  given,  that  justices  were  appointed  to  investigate  the 
conduct  of  the  sheriffs  also  of  the  shires,  and  of  all  whose 
business  it  had  been  to  collect  the  taxes.  A  rumour  reached 
him  of  its  having  been  determined,  that  the  archbishop 
and  the  lord  treasurer  (the  Bishop  of  Lichfield),  should  be 
immediately  deported  to  Flanders,  there  to  he  as  pledges 
for  the  money,  which  the  king  had  borrowed,  and  which 
they  ought  to  have  enabled  him  to  pay. 

Soon  after  Sir  Nicolas  Cantilupe  arrived  at  Canterbury, 
attended  by  a  considerable  number  of  the  nobility  and 
by  a  notary  public.  He  caused  it  to  be  proclaimed,  that 
the  archbishop  had  bound  himself  to  certain  foreign  mer 
chants,  under  penalty  of  forfeiting  his  goods,  for  certain 
sums  of  money  borrowed  by  the  king  to  defray  the  ex 
penses  of  the  war  ;  that  for  want  of  receiving  this  money 
the  king's  army  had  been  reduced  to  the  greatest  distress, 


John 


38  LIVES   OF   THE 

and  the  operations  of  the  war  had  been  suspended.     He 
now,  in  the  king's  name,  required  of  the  archbishop  to  ad- 
stratford.   vance  the  money  due  to  the  creditors  of  the  king,  or  else 
1333-48.    to  deliver  himself  up  to  their  custody,  until  the  whole  sum, 
for  which  he  was  bound,  had  been  discharged. 

He  demanded  an  immediate  answer.  The  answer  was, 
that,  in  a  matter  of  such  importance,  the  archbishop 
must  take  time  to  consider  what  that  answer  should  be. 
Stratford  then  addressed  letters  to  the  king  entreating  him 
to  dismiss  from  his  counsels  the  new  advisers,  who  made  in 
their  business  to  calumniate  his  old  and  long- tried  friends. 
Throughout  the  correspondence,  indeed,  he  was  careful 
to  distinguish  between  the  king  and  his  ministers, — that 
important  precaution  by  which  Englishmen  have  been 
accustomed  to  criticise  freely  the  actions  of  the  govern 
ment,  without  renouncing  their  loyalty  to  the  sovereign. 

When  no  notice  was  taken  of  his  letters,  which  he 
suspected  were  not  shown  to  the  king,  he  determined  upon 
an  aggressive  movement.  He  summoned  the  people  to 
the  cathedral.  There  was  an  immense  assembly.  He 
went  in  state  to  the  church.  The  great  western  door 
was  thrown  open.  He  was  incensed  by  the  prior.  He 
was  met  by  the  members  of  the  chapter  and  the  other 
officials  with  tapers  in  their  hands.  He  was  thus  escorted 
to  the  pulpit.  With  their  tapers  lighted,  the  clergy 
arranged  themselves  on  either  side.  The  whole  nave 
was  thronged  with  people,  breathless  with  expectation  of 
what  was  to  take  place.  The  archbishop  selected  for  his 
text  Ecclus.  xlviii.  12  :  "Elias  it  was  who  was  covered 
with  a  whirlwind,  and  Eliseus  was  filled  with  his  spirit ; 
whilst  he  lived,  he  was  not  moved  with  the  presence  of 
any  prince,  neither  could  any  bring  him  into  subjection." 
He  turned,  as  he  spoke,  towards  the  shrine  of  St. 
Thomas  of  Canterbury,  to  whom  the  people  recognised 
the  text  as  applicable.  His  spirit  was  abased,  he  said, 


AECHBISHOPS   OF   CANTEKBUKY.  39 

before  the   wisdom  of  the  martyr.     When  St.  Thomas     CHAP. 

-T7- 

was  enthroned  on  the  marble  chair,  he  resigned  the  chan 
cellorship,  and  renounced  every  secular  pursuit.  Tears 
rolled  down  the  old  man's  cheeks,  arid  for  a  short  time 
stopped  his  utterance.  When  he  broke  the  sympathetic 
silence,  it  was  to  acknowledge  and  confess  that,  to  his 
having  disregarded  the  care  of  his  flock  to  serve  the  king 
and  the  kingdom,  his  present  difficulties  and  sorrows,  the 
very  fact,  that  his  life  was  in  danger,  were  all  to  be  attri 
buted.  He  there  and  then  pledged  himself  thenceforth 
to  the  zealous  performance  of  those  duties,  which  his 
province  and  his  diocese  had  a  right  to  expect  from  him, 
and  which  he  had  hitherto  neglected.  At  the  conclusion 
of  the  sermon,  the  people  knelt ;  but,  instead  of  giving 
the  benediction,  the  Primate  of  all  England  pronounced 
sentence  of  excommunication  upon  all,  the  king  and  his 
family  alone  excepted,  who  should  disturb  the  peace  of 
the  kingdom ;  who  should  lay  violent  hands  upon  the 
persons,  lands,  goods,  or  purses  of  the  clergy  ;  or  should 
violate  the  liberties  of  the  Church.  The  anathema  applied 
especially  to  all  who,  by  any  decree,  should  lessen  the 
privileges  conceded  to  the  country  by  Magna  Charta  ;  to 
all  who  should  bring  a  false  accusation  against  any  person 
whatsoever  ;  to  all,  who  should  bring  an  archbishop  or  any 
bishop  of  his  province  into  the  king's  hate  or  anger,  and 
accuse  him  or  them  of  treason,  or  any  other  notorious  and 
capital  crime,  falsely. 

As  he  ended,  the  torches  were  extinguished.  The  bell 
tolled.  A  stench  unbearable  filled  the  church.  There  was 
no  procession.  Every  one  retired  in  confusion  and  haste. 

When  the  archbishop  reached  the  prior's  lodgings,  he 
issued  a  mandate  to  the  Bishop  of  London  and  all  his 
suffragans,  to  cause  the  sentence  of  excommunication  to 
be  published  in  every  church. 

The   eloquence    of    the  whole   transaction    was    felt 


40  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  throughout  the  country.  Canterbury  was  filled  with  pil- 

v__^ .  grims,  who,  on  their  way  home,  would  descant  on  the 

stmtford.  wrongs  and  on  the  penitence  of  the  primate,  on  his 
1333-48.  patriotism  and  his  firmness.  He  had  placed  himself 
under  the  powerful  protection  of  St.  Thomas,  taking  him 
for  his  example.  Thomas-a-Becket  was  not  then  regarded 
as  the  emblem  of  clerical  intolerance  or  ambition  :  he 
was  venerated  as  the  saint,  who  was  still  engaged  in  pro 
tecting  the  weak  against  the  strong,  and  vindicating 
popular  rights  against  the  aggression  of  kings.  Kings 
still  bowed  the  knee  at  his  shrine  in  fear;  the  people 
worshipped  him  ;  and  when  his  successor  became  his 
devotee,  he  was  at  once  popular.  To  the  popular  rights 
as  maintained  in  Magna  Charta,  and  to  parliamentary  go 
vernment  Stratford  had  always  been  loyal;  and  now  he 
insinuated  that,  through  the  new  advisers  of  the  king, 
those  rights  of  the  people,  as  well  as  the  liberties  of  the 
Church,  were  in  danger. 

The  position  of  the  archbishop  was  strengthened  by 
the  fact,  that  the  king's  advisers  were  afraid  to  face  a 
parliament,  and  were  evidently  persuading  the  king  to 
govern  by  his  prerogative.  A  council,  to  be  composed  of 
their  own  party,  they  determined  to  call ;  and  before  it 
to  compel  the  archbishop  to  appear.  For  this  purpose, 
Ealph  Lord  Stafford  arrived  at  Canterbury,  attended  by 
the  proper  officials,  and  served  a  writ  upon  the  arch 
bishop,  requiring  him  to  repair  immediately  to  the  king ; 
to  consult,  in  the  royal  presence,  with  sundry  prelates 
and  lords,  upon  the  conduct  of  the  war,  and  to  enter,  at 
the  same  time,  into  a  defence  of  his  own  proceedings.  A 
safe-conduct  was  offered. 

The  archbishop  received  the  summons  with  proper  re 
spect,  and  promised  to  take  the  subject  into  consideration. 

Soon  after,  messengers  arrived  in  Canterbury  from  the 
Duke  of  Brabant,  and  demanded  an  audience  of  the 


AKCHBISIIOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  41 

archbishop.     This  he  refused.     They  then  affixed  a  sum-     CHAP. 
mons  to  the  door  of  the  priory,  citing  the  archbishop  to  v_^_ 
the  Duke  of  Brabant's  court  of   justice,  that  he  might    str^tford. 
lawfully  answer,  in  Flanders,  for  the  debts  of  the  king  of   1333-48- 
England,  for  whose  debts  he  stood  engaged  ;    there  to 
remain,  until  his  lord's  debts  were  fully  cleared,  according 
to  the  oath  on  that  part  by  him  made. 

Almost  contemporaneously  with  this,  the  prior  received 
a  letter  in  the  king's  name,  which  he  and  the  convent 
were  required  to  read  publicly  to  the  people.  It  was  a 
circular,  addressed  to  the  Bishop  of  London,  and  intended 
as  an  answer  to  the  archbishop's  sermon.  In  this  letter 
it  was  stated,  that  the  war  was  undertaken  by  the  king  at 
the  archbishop's  advice,  to  recover  his  right-  and  his 
inheritance ;  that  now  the  archbishop,  the  author  of  the 
war,  having  conspired  with  his  enemy,  the  French  king, 
advised  the  king  of  England  to  renounce  his  right,  and 
to  disband  his  forces ;  that  he  had  not,  according  to  his 
promise,  purveyed  sufficiently  for  his  army;  that  he  had 
not  satisfied  the  foreign  creditors  of  the  king,  of  whom, 
upon  his  security,  the  king  had  taken  up  vast  sums  of 
money  for  the  war ;  and  that  now,  when  called  to  account 
for  his  administration,  he  thought  by  his  censures  and 
excommunications  to  elude  a  trial. 

.,  The  prior  laid  the  letter  before  the  primate.  Lent  was 
now  approaching,  and  it  was  known,  that,  on  Ash  Wednes 
day,  the  archbishop  would  again  address  the  people. 
Indulgences  were  offered  to  induce  the  people  to  attend. 
The  cathedral  was  crowded.  The  archbishop  ascended 
the  pulpit.  He  took  for  his  text  Joel  ii.  12,  "  Therefore 
now,  saith  the  Lord,  turn  ye  even  unto  me  with  all  your 
heart,  and  with  fasting,  and  weeping,  and  mourning,  and 
rend  your  heart,  and  not  your  garments,  and  turn  unto 
the  Lord."  The  whole  chapter  was  applicable  to  the 
existing  state  of  the  country.  When  the  sermon  was 


42  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  concluded,  the  archbishop  directed  one  of  the  monks  to 
read  the  letter  addressed  to  the  Bishop  of  London  in  the 
king's  name.  In  order  that  every  one  might  clearly 
understand  the  nature  of  the  charges  brought  against 
him,  he  directed  that  it  should  be  read  in  the  mother 
tongue.  He  desired  no  concealment.  Then,  one  by  one, 
article  after  article,  he  either  refuted  every  charge,  that 
was  brought  against  him,  or  entered  into  an  explanation, 
by  which,  what  was  intended  to  disgrace  him  redounded 
to  his  credit.  He  vindicated  his  loyalty  to  the  king,  and 
his  integrity  in  managing  the  affairs  of  the  country.  Th  3 
sermon  over,  he  directed  the  substance  of  it  to  be  reduced 
to  writing.  The  scribes  in  the  scriptorium  were  employed 
day  and  night,  encouraged  by  his  presence  ;  and  copies  of 
his  defence  were  circulated  throughout  his  province. 
Orders  were  given  that  it  should  be  read  in  every  church. 
It  was  thus,  before  printing,  that  public  documents  were 
published  by  the  clergy  from  the  pulpit,  by  the  officials 
of  the  state  in  the  market-place. 

Not  content  with  this,  the  archbishop  addressed  a 
letter,  also  published,  to  the  king  himself.  He  evinced 
no  anger  against  the  king,  whom  he  addressed  as 
Carissime  Domine  ;  but  wrote  rather  in  sorrow,  and  witli 
a  view  to  warn  him  of  his  danger,  in  surrounding  himself, 
like  Eehoboam,  with  young  and  inexperienced  counsellor?, 
who  consulted  the  royal  wishes  and  their  own  interests 
rather  than  the  well-being  of  the  realm.  He  adverted  to 
the  sad  fate  of  the  king's  father  (whom  God  assoile  !)  occa 
sioned  by  his  violation  of  the  laws,  especially  of  Magna 
Charta,  and  his  disregard  of  parliament.  He  alluded 
to  the  former  unpopularity  of  the  king  himself,  and  the 
dangers  which  surrounded  the  throne,  when  the  bad 
counsels  of  Isabella  and  Mortimer  prevailed.  He  con 
trasted  this  witli  the  subsequent  popularity  of  the  king, 
who  received  eater  supplies  from  the  people  than  any 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  43 

preceding   sovereign;  with  his  successful  and  victorious     CHAP. 

career  both  at  home  and  abroad — with  the  fact  of  his ; — • 

having  now  become  the  most  noble  prince  in  Christen-  Stratford. 
dom.  Of  himself  he  said  nothing :  the  people  knew  well 
who  was  the  king's  counsellor,  when  he  extricated  himself 
from  unparalleled  difficulties,  and  through  his  own  genius, 
properly  directed,  was  elevated  to  a  pinnacle  of  glory. 
He  counselled  the  king  to  call  a  parliament.  He 
offered  before  a  full  parliament  to  vindicate  his  own 
administration,  and  to  prove  who  were  the  persons  that 
squandered  the  supplies,  and  reduced  the  king  to  poverty 
and  disgrace — the  men  who  now  endeavoured  to  shift 
the  blame  upon  the  archbishop  by  whom  they  were 
excommunicated.  He  entreated  the  king  not  to  distrust 
his  people,  but  to  call  a  parliament — which  his  present 
advisers  most  dreaded — and  he  concludes,  "  May  the 
Holy  Spirit  have  you,  my  Lord,  in  His  holy  keeping  as 
to  soul  and  body.  May  He  grant  you  grace  to  hear  and 
receive  good  advice,  and  vouchsafe  you  victory  over  all 
your  enemies." 

The  great  seal  had  now  been  for  the  first  time  con 
signed  to  a  layman.  The  layman  selected  to  be  chan 
cellor  was  not  a  lawyer,  but  a  soldier.  As  the  great  seal 
had  hitherto  been  always  entrusted  to  an  ecclesiastic,  civil 
affairs  had  been  so  mixed  up  with  spiritual,  that,  great  as 
were  Sir  Robert  Bourchier's  ability  and  valour  in  the  field 
of  battle  and  at  the  tournament,  things  were  likely,  in  the 
Court  of  Chancery,  to  be  brought  into  a  state  of  confusion ; 
for  an  extrication  from  which  the  gallant  chancellor  did 
not  possess  sufficient  knowledge  and  skill.  He  evinced  a 
disposition  to  deal  unfairly,  in  all  that  related  to  Church 
matters  and  ecclesiastics.  To  him,  therefore,  the  arch 
bishop  wrote,  "  wishing  him  a  will  to  conserve  the 
liberties  of  the  Church  and  the  law  of  the  land  entire." 
He  made  a  full  statement  of  the  financial  arrangements  of 


44  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,  the  Court  of  Chancery.  In  this  statement,  the  subsidies  of 
'  —  ^r—  '  the  clergy  were  compared  with  the  parliamentary  grants. 
Stratford.  He  entreated  the  chancellor,  to  deal  fairly  by  the  clergy, 


an(j  ^^  reference  to  some  unjust  orders  that  he  had 
given,  he  called  him  to  revoke  them  within  eight  days  of 
his  receiving  the  mandate  to  do  so,  and  threatened  him, 
in  case  of  disobedience,  with  such  measures  of  reprisal 
as  the  Church  still  possessed.  He,  throughout,  assumed 
that,  whatever  acts  of  injustice  were  committed  by  the 
chancellor,  were  done  without  the  knowledge  of  the 
king. 

But,  in  order  that  the  king  might  not  remain  in  ignor 
ance  of  what  his  new  ministers  were  doing  in  his  nam  3 
and  by  his  authority,  Stratford,  at  the  same  time,  addressed 
a  remonstrance  to  the  king  in  council.  In  defiance  of 
Magna  Charta  and  the  laws  of  the  land,  ecclesiastics 
(some  of  whom  were  named,  one  of  them  being  Henry 
Stratford),  and  many  of  the  laity  also,  had  been  dragged 
from  their  homes,  and  imprisoned,  without  any  specific 
crime  being  laid  to  their  charge.  The  object  was  to 
compel  them  to  pay  a  high  ransom  for  their  release.  It 
was  one  of  the  iniquitous  modes  of  raising  money  resorted 
to  in  the  worst  times  of  Henry  III.  He  asserted,  that 
persons  armed  with  authority  from  the  government  had 
entered  the  houses  of  ecclesiastics  with  impunity,  and 
taken  their  property,  pretending  it  to  be  for  the  king's  use. 
He  solemnly  called  upon  the  king,  who  had,  up  to  this 
time,  acted  constitutionally,  to  command  the  release  and 
delivery  out  of  prison  of  those  ecclesiastics,  and  of  others 
who  were  detained  against  Magna  Charta  and  the  laws  of 
the  land.  He  gave  notice  that,  if  a  remedy  were  not 
devised,  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  these  acts  of  tyranny, 
the  censures  of  the  Church  should  be  immediately  put 
forth  against  all,  except  the  king,  his  lady  the  queen,  and 
their  children. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  45 

In  a  circular,  addressed  to  the  Bishop  of  London  and 
his  suffragans,  the  archbishop  enters  more  into  particulars 
— he  speaks  of  false  accusations  as  well  as  imprisonments,    stmtford. 
and  alludes  to  the  insecurity  of  all  property.     He  specifies    1333-48- 
the  various  laws  which,  besides  Magna  Charta,  had  been 
violated,  and  calls  upon  his  brethren  to  unite  with  him 
in  maintaining  the  cause  of  justice,  and  in  enforcing  the 
observance  of  the  laws  of  the  land. 

So  powerful  was  the  effect  of  the  energetic  measures 
adopted  by  the  archbishop,  that  the  ministry  found  it 
necessary  also  to  appeal  to  the  people,  by  the  publication 
of  what  Stratford  called  an  infamous  libel,  a  document 
known  in  history  as  the  Famosus  Libellus.*  It  is  a 
remarkably  clever  production,  and  was  acknowledged 
generally  to  be  the  work  of  the  ministry  and  not  of  the 
king  himself,  although  he,  of  course,  assented  to  the  publi 
cation.  This  letter,  written  in  the  king's  name,  refers  first 
to  the  confidence,  which  the  king,  at  the  commencement  of 
his  reign,  while  yet  in  his  tender  years,  had  put  in  John, 
then  Bishop  of  Winchester,  now  Archbishop  of  Canter 
bury  ;  who  was  received  into  such  familiarity,  and  enjoyed 
so  much  of  the  royal  favour,  that  lie  was  called  "  our 
father,"  and  next  to  the  king  was  admired  of  all  men. 
He  is  accused  of  having  advised  the  war  with  France, 
and  the  league  with  the  German  princes ;  of  having 
promised  that,  if  the  king  would  discipline  the  army, 
he  would  be  responsible  for  the  means  of  defraying 
the  expenses  of  the  war.  On  the  strength  of  these  pro 
mises  the  war  was  undertaken,  great  expenses  incurred, 
the  princes  subsidised.  But  alas ! — the  king  is  made  to 
say, — we  put  our  confidence  in  the  staff  of  a  broken  reed, 

*  Auditis  itaque  litteris  Ai'chiepiscopi,  et  singulis  intellects,  aliis 
insuper  nommllis  ah  aulicis  regiis,  ut  putabatur,  Archiepiscopo  imposi- 
tis,  liex  Edwardus  misit  episcopo  Londoniarum  littcram  ut  subsequi- 
tur. — Walsingham,  i.  2 1<>. 


46  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  whereon,  according  to  the  prophet,  if  a  man  lean,  it  shall 
_^'  _^  go  into  his  hand  and  pierce  it.  Defrauded  of  his  pro- 
stmtford  ntised  aid  from  the  archbishop,  the  king  contracted  debts 
1333-48.  at  heavy  interest  from  the  mere  necessity  of  carrying  on 
the  war;  until,  at  length,  from  the  misconduct  of  the 
archbishop,  the  king,  being  still  in  want  of  funds,  was 
obliged  to  suspend  his  operations  and  throw  himself  on 
the  generosity  of  the  prelates,  barons,  and  other  liege 
subjects  of  his  kingdom  in  parliament  assembled.  From 
them  he  received  a  ninth  of  their  corn,  lambs,  and  wool  ; 
and  obtained  besides,  a  tenth  from  the  clergy.  If  th  s 
had  been  faithfully  collected  it  would  have  sufficed ; 
and  the  archbishop  promised  not  only  to  attend  to  tliis 
duty,  but  to  procure  money  from  other  sources.  Thus 
encouraged,  the  king  renewed  the  war,  and  gained  a  great 
naval  victory  over  enemies,  who  had  combined  for  th<3 
destruction  of  the  king  and  the  English  nation.  He 
then  encamped  against  the  strong  city  of  Tournay,  ami 
expected  the  promised  supplies,  but  they  never  came 
though  messenger  after  messenger  was  sent  to  demanc 
payment  from  the  archbishop  and  the  other  counsellors 
joined  with  him  in  the  commission.  These  ministers 
were  attending  to  their  own  interests,  neglecting  the 
king's  affairs,  and  palliated  their  idleness,  not  to  say  fraud 
and  malice,  with  painted  glossings  and  frivolous  excuses. 
At  the  point  of  success,  the  king  was  obliged  to  raise 
the  siege ;  and,  retiring  to  Flanders,  was  exposed  to 
disgrace  by  being  unable  to  fulfil  his  engagements  or 
pay  ofF  his  foreign  auxiliaries,  except  by  contracting 
fresh  debts  at  usurious  interest.  On  the  king's  con 
sulting  the  companions  of  his  labours,  the  sharers  of 
his  troubles,  they  all  agreed  that  the  whole  fault  lay 
in  the  misgovernment  of  the  archbishop,  and  the  other 
members  of  the  commission.  These  persons  were  sus 
pected  also  of  bribery,  of  corruption,  oppression,  and 


AKCIIBISHOrS   OF   CANTERBURY.  47 

other  heinous  offences.  The  document  then  proceeds  to  CHAP. 
mention  the  various  steps  taken  by  the  king,  to  effect  a  * — ^ — - 
change  in  the  ministry.  He  was  obliged  to  imprison  Stratford. 
many  of  those,  who  had  been  in  office,  lest,  if  at  liberty,  1333~48- 
they  should  impede  the  investigation  into  the  iniquities 
of  the  late  government.  It  recites  the  various  summonses 
by  which  the  archbishop  was  required  to  appear  before 
the  king,  to  render  an  account  of  his  stewardship ;  and 
the  insolence  and  haughtiness,  with  which  he  refused  "  to 
appear  before  us  or  to  confer  with  us  unless  in  our  own 
full  parliament,  which,  at  this  time,  for  good  reason  it  is 
not  expedient  to  call.  Thus  the  archbishop,  whom  our 
royal  favour  aggrandised  not  only  with  benefices  and 
honours,  but  by  admission  to  our  friendship — who  was 
to  us  as  our  mouth  and  lip,  on  whom  as  on  a  much-loved 
father  we  relied,  and  who  pretended  to  be  a  loving- 
father  to  us,  has  proved  after  all  to  be  nothing  better 
than  a  step-father,  who,  forgetful  of  the  favours  he  has 
received  from  us,  meets  his  benefactor  with  arrogance 
and  pride  and  has  served  us,  as  the  proverb  has  it, — 
'A  mouse  in  your  bag,  a  serpent  in  your  lap,  a  fire  in  your 
bosom.' r 

There  is  more  to  the  same  effect :  and  the  archbishop  is 
accused  of  calumniating  the  king  and  his  counsellors,  by 
whom  he  represents  the  laity  to  be  oppressed  and  the  clergy 
wronged  ;  of  simulating  a  zeal  for  Magna  Charta  and  the 
laws,  that  he  might  bring  discredit  on  the  government ; 
and  of  feigning  a  zeal  for  the  Church,  which  all  the  world 
knew  was  damaged  by  his  remissness  and  neglect  of  duty. 
He  is  further  accused  of  availing  himself  of  the  king's 
easy  disposition,  on  his  first  coming  to  the  throne,  to  en 
rich  himself  and  his  friends  ;  of  peculation,  and  of  accept 
ing  bribes. 

The  Bishop  of  London,  to  whom  the  letter  was  addressed, 
was  commanded  to  publish,  or  cause  to  be  published,  all 


48  LIVES   OP   THE 

CHAP,     and  singular  the  premises,  openly  and  distinctly  in  places 

^^ -  which  he  might  think  convenient. 

Stratford.       All  this  is  deeply  interesting  to  persons  who,  observing 
a 3 33-48.    faQ  current  of  history,  are  here  led  to  see  the  deference, 
which,  at  this  period,  the  ruling  powers  were  beginning  to 
show,  in  this  country,  to  public  opinion. 

The  archbishop  was  not  slow  to  repel  the  attack,  in  a 
letter  to  his  dread  lord  the  king  ;  to  whom  John,  by  divine 
permission,  his  humble  minister  of  the  Church  of  Canter 
bury,  once  temporally,  but  now  more  in  the  Lord,  wishe  1 
health  both  of  soul  and  body,  and  grace  to  persevere  i  i 
what  was  right,  while  manfully  resisting  all  envious  and 
wicked  suggestions  subversive  of  sound  morality. 

He  commences  with  some  verbiage  on  the  deference  duo 
to  the  spiritual  from  the  civil  authorities, — which  was  out 
of  date, — and  on  the  respect  due  to  a  spiritual  father, — 
which  came  with  a  bad  grace  from  Stratford,  negligent  as 
he  had  always  been  of  his  clerical  duties.  He  proceed*: 
to  what  may  be  regarded  as  a  complete  refutation  of  the 
various  allegations  of  the  Famosus  Libellus.  So  far  from 
shunning  the  king,  he  declares  it  to  be  the  first  wish  of 
his  heart  once  more  to  see  his  highness  ;  to  serve  him,  and 
to  receive  from  his  royal  master  an  acknowledgment  of 
the  services  he  had  already  rendered  to  the  state.  His 
desire  also  was  to  vindicate  his  conduct  before  the  pre 
lates,  barons  and  peers  of  the  realm,  from  the  libellous 
aspersions  of  those,  whom  the  king  had  taken  into  his  con 
fidence,  and  who,  in  the  king's  name,  domineered  as 
tyrants  over  the  land.  These  persons  threatened  the 
archbishop  with  death.  He  was  therefore  justified  in 
refusing  to  place  himself  in  their  power.  His  fear,  how 
ever,  of  placing  himself  in  the  hands  of  madmen  with 
swords  in  their  hands,  rendered  it  the  more  necessary 
that  he  should  notice  the  letter,  or  rather  the  infamous 
libel  they  had  thought  fit  to  circulate  against  him.  This 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  49 

he  was  determined  to  do,  not  sophistically  or  by  special    CHAP. 
pleading,  but  in  the  simplicity  of  truth. 

To  the  charge  of  having  advised  the  war  the  answer  was  Stratford, 
obvious ;  that  he  happened  not  to  be  in  the  counsels  of  the 
king,  when  war  was  declared  with  France,  and  that  no  one 
laboured  more  diligently,  than  he  had  done  to  avert  it. 
When,  however,  the  war  began,  he  effected  a  loan  for  the 
king,  under  certain  conditions,  through  the  merchants ; 
and,  at  the  same  time,  obtained  large  subsidies  from  the 
clergy  and  people,  which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  archbishop 
and  of  all  the  council,  would  have  sufficed  for  the  whole 
war,  if  the  money,  received  for  war  purposes,  had  not  been 
diverted  into  other  channels.  He  appealed  to  the  king 
himself,  to  corroborate  his  assertion,  that  it  was  owing  to 
no  fault  on  the  part  of  the  archbishop,  that  the  conditions 
had  been  violated,  and  the  money  applied  to  other  pur 
poses  than  that,  for  which  it  was  originally  designed.  To 
the  same  authority  he  appeals,  to  bear  him  out  in  the 
statement,  that  the  subsidies  did  not  pass  through  the 
archbishop's  hands.  If,  from  want  of  money,  any  mis 
fortune  happened  to  the  king  abroad,  the  blame  must 
rest,  not  with  the  archbishop  who  bore  the  burden  and 
heat  of  the  day  in  providing  the  funds,  but  with  those 
who  persuaded  the  king  to  violate  his  engagements,  who 
wasted  the  supplies  by  their  extravagance,  and  embezzled 
the  subsidies ;  the  very  persons  by  whose  advice  the  king 
was  now  acting.  When  the  king's  difficulties  began, 
the  archbishop,  defraying  his  own  expenses  as  an  am 
bassador,  went  abroad  again,  to  conduct  negotiations  for 
peace.  On  the  failure  of  these  negotiations,  lie  joined 
the  king  in  Flanders.  At  that  time,  commiserating  the 
necessitous  condition  of  the  king,  he,  with  other  prelates 
and  barons,  entered  into  grievous  obligations  for  debts, 
which  had  been  contracted  by  the  king,  without  their 
advice,  at  an  usurious  interest.  In  this  way  he  succeeded 

VOL.  IV.  E 


50  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,    in  extricating  the  king  from  his  difficulties,  and  he  cer- 
.    x-    ^  tainly,  therefore,  did  not  deserve  to  be  reproached  for 
Stratford,  indolence,  ingratitude,  or  avarice.     "And  so,"   says  the 
1333-48.    archbishop,  in  conclusion,  upon  the  article  of  impeach 
ment,  "  you  did  not  put  your  confidence  in  the  staff  of  a 
broken  reed,  but  on  a  most  firm  staff,  with  which  you 
went  like  Jacob  over  Jordan,  returning,  like  him,  with 
two  bands  :  for  your  second  embarkation  for  England 
was  a  glorious  return." 

He  reminds  the  king,  that  when  the  ninth  was  voted  to 
him,  it  was,  with  his  own  consent  and  that  of  his  counci  , 
assigned,  for  the  first  year,  to  his  creditors ;  and  that  such 
appropriation  of  the  funds  was  frequently  enjoined  in  tho 
king's  own  letters.  When  the  siege  of  Tournay  was  un 
dertaken,  it  was  undertaken  without  the  advice  of  the 
home  government ;  and  when  money  was  demanded  fo;* 
the  prosecution  of  the  siege,  money  was  not  sent,  simpl}' 
because  it  could  not  be  obtained.  The  several  payments 
had  been  adjusted  in  full  by  parliament,  by  certain  termt 
and  proportions  ;  and  the  king  was  frequently  apprised 
that  nothing  further  could  be  obtained,  unless  he  were 
himself  present.  Of  the  subsidy  voted  very  little  of  it 
was  due,  and  very  little,  therefore,  had  been  collected 
before  the  king's  return.  It  would  now  come  into  the 
hands  of  the  present  ministry;  "and  I  pray  God,"  says  the 
archbishop,  "  that  it  may  hereafter  be  disposed  of  to  your 
honour."  He  then  indignantly  repels  the  charges  brought, 
by  the  king's  present  friends,  against  the  archbishop  and 
those  who  were  associated  with  him  in  the  ministry ;  ap 
pealing  to  God,  and  declaring,  that  they  had  loyally  and 
industriously  laboured  in  the  king's  service  and  obeyed 
his  commands,  and,  according  to  the  vulgar  saying, 

"  Ultra  posse  viri  non  vult  deus  ulla  requiri." 

He  retorts  on  the  king's  present  advisers,  the  charges  he 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  51 

before  brought  against  them  as  notorious ;  accusing  them 
of  violations  of  Magna  Charta,  and  of  acts  of  tyranny, 
which  were  bringing  the  king  himself  into  disgrace.  He  Stratford. 

1  QQ*3    J.Q 

justifies  his  refusal,  to  obey  the  summons  of  his  enemies  to 
leave  his  place  of  security  ;  and  he  shows  the  inconsistency 
of  the  commands  issued  in  the  king's  name,  by  which  he 
was  directed  to  be  in  attendance  upon  the  king,  and  to 
surrender  himself  to  the  Duke  of  Brabant  at  the  same 
time.  He  repeats  his  readiness  to  attend,  whenever  a  par 
liament  should  be  called ;  and  as  to  the  pretence  of  his 
enemies,  who  feared  to  call  a  parliament  because  there 
was  no  cause  for  its  convention,  he  treats  it  as  a  mere 
pretext  of  those  who  hate  the  light  because  their  deeds 
are  evil.  The  archbishop's  readiness  to  defend  himself  in 
parliament  shows  his  confidence,  that  the  country  was  with 
him.  As  to  the  charge  of  ingratitude,  and  of  his  having 
acted  as  a  mere  step-father  to  the  king,  he  assumes  that 
the  king  could  not  himself  have  been  the  author  of  such 
an  accusation,  as  he  himself  was  well  aware  of  its  injus 
tice.  The  sin  which  lay  on  the  archbishop's  conscience 
was  that  he  had  neglected,  not  only  the  care  and  culture 
of  his  own  houses  and  lands,  and  all  that  pertained  to  his 
own  interests,  but  also  his  church  and  his  spiritual  chil 
dren,  that  he  might  serve  the  king.  "In  our  solicitude  to 
promote  your  interests,  we  have  passed  many  a  sleepless 
night ;  and  both  in  England  and  beyond  the  sea,  we  have 
wasted  our  body — I  pray  God  it  may  not  be  to  the  peril 
of  our  soul — and  actually  reduced  ourself  to  beggary. 
Devoted  to  the  service  of  you  and  your  realm,  we  have 
forfeited  the  love  of  our  clergy,  and  have  been  obliged 
to  have  recourse  to  unpopular  acts ;  whether  these  be  the 
actions  of  a  step-father  let  God  be  judge.  He  knoweth, 
that  to  you  we  have  been  a  kind  and  loving  father ;  it  has 
been  to  our  spiritual  children — I  say  it  with  grief — that 
we  have  been,  for  you,  such  a  stepfather.  We  have  been, 


E   2 


52  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,    it  is  said,  a  mouse  in  your  bag  ;  how  ?     Has  it  been  be- 

_  x'  _.  cause  while  labouring  in  your  service  we  fed  not  on  your 

stiLtford.   goods,  but  on  our  own  ?     We  have  been  as  a  serpent ;  if 

1333-48.    so?  jt  has  not  been  by  spitting  forth  venom  in  your  lap, 

but  by  the  wisdom,  with  which  we  have  conducted  your 

affairs.     I  have  been  as  a  fire  ;  yes,  but  not  a  consuming 

fire — a  lambent  flame,  kindled  by  zeal  for  your  interests, 

and  employed  as  a  light  to  your  path."     Inferring  that  tl  e 

king  could  not  have  read  the  letter  issued  in  his  nam3, 

the  archbishop  consoles  himself  with  the  proverb 

"  Si  culpant  alii  te  me  laudare  necesse  est." 

He  meets  the  charge  of  having  calumniated  the  king, 
by  his  allusion  to  the  violation  of  the  liberties  of  the 
Church  and  of  Magna  Charta,  which  had  of  late  take  i 
place,  by  referring  to  the  fact  as  notorious,  and  by  laying 
the  blame  upon  the  new  ministers. 

Alluding  briefly  to  the  charge  of  peculation,  he  con 
cludes  thus  :  "  One  thing  we  cannot  pass  by  ;  although  that 
such  a  charge  should  be  brought  against  us  fills  us  with 
surprise — namely,  that  we  have  appropriated  to  our  own 
use,  or  to  that  of  our  friends,  the  rents  and  revenues 
of  the  king.  God  in  heaven  knows  how  utterly  withou  , 
foundation  this  charge  is.  On  the  contrary,  in  the  king's 
affairs,  or  the  affairs  of  his  father  or  his  grandfather,  we  have 
crossed  the  sea  thirty-two  times,  besides  going  to  and  frc 
for  Scotland ;  and  in  these  and  other  public  employment* 
we  have  paid  our  own  expenses,  to  the  gradual  deterio 
ration  of  our  fortune.  From  the  beginning  of  the  wai 
to  the  present  hour,  we  have  received  nothing  from  the 
exchequer,  except  three  hundred  pounds ;"-— the  income 
of  the  then  chancellor,  Sir  Eobert  Bourchier,  being  £500 
a  year. 

"  And  then,  as  for  preferring  undeserving  persons  and 
placing  them  in  office  from  pecuniary  considerations,  if 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  53 

any  one  will  offer  to  prove,  that  I  ever  received  any  sum     CHAP. 
of  money,  any  gratuity  or  favour  on  this  score,  or  any  — - 
bribe  to  favour  any  plaintiff  or  defendant,  I  am  ready  at   Stratford. 
once  to  meet  him,  if  the  king  will  order  me  to  be  pro-    133i 
secuted.     Nay,  more,  if  we  might  with  a  good  conscience 
reveal  the  secrets  of  the  king's  council,  I  could  indeed 
retort  the  charge  on  some,  who  stand  forward  as  my 
calumniators." 

The  publication  of  the  libel  he  regretted  for  the  king's 
sake,  rather  than  his  own.  So  far  as  he  was  himself  con 
cerned,  although  it  was  designed  to  damage  him,  he  felt 
sure,  that  when  weighed  in  a  just  scrutiny,  it  would 
only  tend  to  bring  disgrace  upon  those  by  whom  it  was 
dictated. 

That  the  statements  made  by  the  archbishop  were 
strictly  true  is  established  by  the  fact,  that  there  was  not 
an  attempt  to  refute  them  in  the  angry  rejoinder,  which 
was  published  in  the  king's  name,  and  was  probably 
written  by  himself. 

Therein  the  archbishop  is  accused  of  arrogance  and  pride, 
of  which  the  letter  he  had  published  was  a  further  proof: 
"It  had  hitherto  been  the  custom  of  prelates,  even  of  popes, 
to  interpret  the  discourses  of  princes  in  a  fair  and  favour 
able  sense  ;  but  this  archbishop  had  dared  to  call  the 
king's  letter  a  libel,  though  it  contains  nothing  but  truth, 
and  what  we  shall  make  good  from  point  to  point  when  we 
see  Jit." 

It  is  said,  that  a  cautious  controversialist  admits  nothing, 
because  whatever  he  admits  will  be  exaggerated  as  to  its 
importance  and  be  urged  against  him.  Stratford  had  not 
observed  this  rule.  "  This  prelate,"  it  was  therefore  said, 
''lays  great  stress  upon  his  exalted  station,  and  calling  him 
self  an  ambassador  of  Christ,  demands  that  reverence  and 
respect,  which  being  due  from  him  to  us  he  refuses  to  pay. 
Although  he  and  the  other  prelates  of  the  realm,  who  hold 


54  LIVES    OF   THE 

their  temporalities  of  us,  are  bound  by  their  oath  of 
allegiance,  to  acknowledge  our  sovereignty,  and  to  render 
to  us  the  obedience  of  subjects  ;  this  prelate,  instead  of 
giving  honour  where  honour  is  due,  treats  us  not  only 
with  disrespect  but  with  contempt.  Although  we  have 
always  been  disposed  to  pay  due  regard  to  our  spiritual 
fathers,  yet  their  misconduct  we  cannot  and  will  not  pass 
over,  when  it  tends  to  the  detriment  of  our  person  and 
government."  The  letter  then  repeats,  that  the  arch 
bishop  has  been  guilty  of  the  same  offences,  which  he; 
charges  upon  others,  and  concludes  with  saying  that  the 
king  cannot  condescend  to  enter  into  a  controversy  with 
a  subject.  He  will  not,  therefore,  expose  the  fallacies  of 
the  archbishop's  defence,  as  he  might  easily  do,  if  dis 
posed.  He  will  not  allow  any  encroachment  upon  the 
royal  prerogative,  which  the  late  ecclesiastical  censures 
were,  and  he  commands  the  sentence  of  excommunication 
to  be  cancelled. 

The  archbishop  still  refused  to  place  himself  on  trial, 
except  before  his  peers  in  parliament ;  and  the  country 
was  with  him.  The  new  ministers  desired  to  govern  by 
the  prerogative  ;  but  the  good  sense  of  the  king  gradually 
regained  its  ascendency  over  his  passion,  and  a  parliament 
was  called,  according  to  Birchington,  for  the  17th  of 
April,  1341. 

A  summons  was  issued  to  the  archbishop,  accom 
panied  by  a  safe-conduct.  He  was  determined  not  to 
travel  as  a  criminal.  He  proceeded  leisurely,  through 
his  various  manors,  arriving  at  Lambeth  on  St.  George's 
day,  the  23rd  of  April,  the  first  day  on  which  parliament 
met  for  the  despatch  of  business.  On  the  morrow,  he 
crossed  the  river,  and,  accompanied  by  the  Bishops  of 
London  and  Chichester,  with  a  great  number  of  the  clergy 
and  knights,  escorted  by  an  armed  force,  as  if  expecting 
violence,  he  presented  himself  at  the  great  door  of  West- 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  55 

minster  hall.     The  wisdom  of  the  precautionary  measures     CHAP. 
he  had  adopted  was  seen  in  the  fact,  that,  at  the  door  of  ^ — ,_* 
Westminster  Hall,  armed  men  were  drawn  up  to  prevent   Stratford. 
his  entrance.     They  were  under  the  command  of  Ealph,    1333-48- 
Baron  of  Stafford,  and  the  Lord  John  Darcy,  the  first  being 
seneschal  of  the  royal  hospital,  and  the  second  the  king's 
chamberlain.    They  informed  him,  that  their  orders  were 
to  prevent  him  from  entering  parliament,  until  he  had 
first  made  answer,  in  the  king's  exchequer,  to  certain 
charges,   which   had   been   brought  against   him.     The 
archbishop  replied,  that  he  had  come,  in  the  discharge  of 
his  duty,  which  was  to  attend  the  king's  parliament  with 
the  other  peers  of  the  realm.    But,  to  avoid  giving  offence 
and  to  act  in  accordance  with  the  king's  command,  he 
ordered  his  attendants  to  proceed  to  the  Court  of  Ex 
chequer.     The  articles  of  impeachment  had  been  duly 
prepared,  and  were  laid  before  him.     He  required  time  to 
deliberate  upon  his  answer,  and  time  was  granted. 

He  now  returned  to  Westminster  Hall  and  entered  the 
Painted  Chamber.  The  officials  were  not  prepared  to  re 
ceive  him,  supposing  that  lie  would  be  detained  at  the 
Exchequer.  But  seats  were  now  assigned  to  him,  and  to 
the  Bishops  of  London,  Chichester,  Coventry  and  Lich- 
field,  and  St.  David's.  So  entirely  was  the  hostile  party 
taken  by  surprise,  that  no  one,  except  the  bishops,  were 
present.  To  them,  therefore,  the  archbishop  addressed 
himself,  and  stated  his  reasons  for  attending  parliament, 
which  were,  that  he  might  defend  the  honour  and  liber 
ties  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  devise  measures  for 
the  advantage  of  the  kingdom  and  people,  for  the  honour 
of  the  king  and  the  good  of  the  queen ;  and  also,  that  he 
might  clear  himself  in  full  parliament,  from  the  crimes 
which  had  been  laid  against  him  and  published.  As  he 
had  been  summoned  to  parliament  by  a  mandate  of  the 
king,  he  had,  as  in  duty  bound,  obeyed.  The  chancellor, 


56  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     upon  whom  the  duty   of   opening  parliament  properly 

^ .  devolved,  now  made  his  appearance,  but  only  to  prorogue, 

Stratford,   or,  as  we  should  now  say,  adjourn  the  parliament  till  the 

1333-4f.     morrow< 

On  St.  Mark's  day,  the  25th  of  April,  the  archbishop, 
with  the  bishops,  who  seem  to  have  acted  as  his  council, 
took  his  seat  again  in  the  Painted  Chamber ;  but  the  king, 
probably  from  a  reluctance  to  meet  his  old  friend  under 
present  circumstances,  did  not  make  his  appearance,  and 
no  business  was  transacted.  On  the  Thursday  following, 
the  archbishop  appeared  in  the  Court  of  Exchequer  ;  but; 
he  had  evidently  so  interfered  with  the  designs  of  hi* 
enemies,  that  they  had  not  arranged  their  plans,  and  the 
proceedings  were  merely  formal.  On  the  Friday  follow 
ing,  he  repaired  again  to  Westminster  Hall,  but  without 
an  armed  retinue.  The  opponents  of  the  archbishop  had 
now  determined  upon  their  course.  At  the  door  of  the 
great  hall  stood  the  Lords  John  Darcy,  Egidius  de  la 
Campo  or  Beauchamp,  and  Ealph  de  Neville.  They  re 
fused  him  admittance,  until  he  had  answered  the  charges 
brought  against  him  in  the  Court  of  Exchequer,  to  which 
place  they  directed  him  to  go.  The  archbishop  replied, 
that  he  had  been  summoned  to  parliament ;  and  to  his 
place  in  parliament,  and  not  the  exchequer  he  desired,  at 
this  time,  to  go.  The  opposing  party  saw,  that  resistance 
would  be  useless,  and  they  permitted  him  to  proceed  to 
the  Painted  Chamber.  He  found  there  the  Bishops  of 
London,  Ely,  Coventry,  Bath,  Hereford,  Salisbury,  and 
St.  David's.  But  the  king  came  not.  It  was  evident, 
that  the  influence  of  the  new  ministers  over  the  king's 
mind  was  declining.  Presently  appeared  Adam  Orlton, 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  one  of  the  primate's  most  bitter 
enemies,  the  chancellor,  and  John  Darcy.  The  bishop 
was  the  spokesman,  and  stated,  that  they  appeared  in  the 
king's  name,  to  call  upon  the  archbishop,  to  become  obe- 


AKCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  O/ 

dient  to  the  king,  and  to  humble  himself  before  him ; 
adding,  that  he  would  find  the  king  gracious.  This  would 
have  been  to  plead  guilty  to  the  offences  laid  to  his  Stratford, 
charge.  The  archbishop,  therefore,  replied,  that  to  the 
king  he  had  always  been  obedient,  and,  saving  his  order, 
was  prepared  to  be  so  still.  The  Bishop  of  Winchester 
then  said,  that  he  was  aware  that  he  was  the  reputed 
author  of  the  Libellus  Famosus,  which  had  been  so  much 
talked  of ;  but  he  denied,  that  there  was  any  truth  in  the 
report.  The  silence  of  the  archbishop  implied,  that  he 
gave  no  credit  to  the  denial.  The  lords  separated. 

On  Saturday,  the  28th  of  April,  the  archbishop  re 
turned  again  to  Westminster.  He  was  now  stopped  by 
two  armed  men,  at  the  door  of  the  Painted  Chamber, 
where  the  king  was  holding  his  parliament.  The  arch 
bishop  replied,  "  My  friends,  I,  Archbishop  John,  have  been 
summoned  to  this  parliament  by  a  mandate  from  my  lord 
the  king,  and  I,  who,  next  to  the  king,  am  superior  to  all, 
and  have  the  greatest  right  to  speak,  claim  the  rights  of 
my  Church  of  Canterbury.  I  desire,  therefore,  ingress  to 
the  chamber."  The  men-at-arms  refused  to  permit  him  to 
pass,  and,  in  fact,  acted  as  sentinels  upon  him  and  the 
Bishops  of  London  and  Chichester,  who  stood  by  him  on 
either  side.  The  archbishop  took  the  cross  from  his 
cross-bearer;  and  standing  with  his  cross  erect,  declared 
that  from  that  place  he  should  not  move  until  he  received 
another  mandate  from  the  king.  He  evidently  was  aware, 
that  the  king's  anger  was  beginning  to  subside — a  suspi 
cion,  which  the  conduct  of  the  ministry,  if  we  may  so  call 
them,  served  to  confirm. 

While  the  primate  and  the  bishops,  who  attended  were 
waiting,  the  tread  of  armed  men  was  heard,  and  the 
archbishop,  now  unprepared  for  an  assault,  felt  that  his 
worst  fears  would  be  realised.  His  fears  were  still  more 
excited  as  he  saw  that  the  soldiers  were  headed  by  his 


58  .        LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,  enemies,  Egidius  Beauchamp,  John  Darcy  the  younger, 
_  x"  _.  and  Thomas  Muridham  ;  but  the  most  outrageous  on  tliis 
Stotford  occasion  was  John  Darcy  the  elder.  He,  as  soon  as  he 
1333-48.  gaw  £he  primate,  exclaimed,  "  Holloa !  what  are  you  doing 
here  ?  "  "  Here  I  am,"  replied  Stratford,  "  summoned  by 
the  king  to  parliament,  and  here  I  stand  to  maintain  the 
rights  of  my  Church,  and  here,  until  I  am  admitted  into 
parliament,  I  shall  remain."  John  Darcy,  with  a  fierce 
malignant  scowl,  replied,  "  I  wish  you  may  stand  there  for 
ever."  The  archbishop,  turning  from  him,  stood  with  his 
cross  in  his  hand,  facing  the  whole  party,  and  said  :  "  Here 
is  my  body,  prepared  for  the  worst — do  with  it  as  you 
will ;  to  my  Creator  I  commend  my  soul."  "  No,  no,"  inter 
rupted  Darcy,  with  a  sardonic  smile  on  his  countenance  ; 
"  of  that  thou  art  not  worthy,  and  we  are  not  such  fools. 
All  that  we  say  is,  that  here  thou  art  in  defiance  of  thy 
liege  lord."  To  whom  the  archbishop  :  "  In  obedience  to 
my  lord  the  king,  I,  in  all  humility,  have  come  ;  and  my 
cross  in  my  hand  I  carry,  to  show  that  here  I  am  novr 
prepared,  for  the  rights  of  my  Church,  to  die."  "  Of  the 
cross  that  thou  bearest,"  retorted  Darcy,  "thou  art  un 
worthy — unworthy,  therefore,  to  enter  parliament :  always 
a  malefactor  hast  thou  been,  and  thou  hast  acted  as  i, 
traitor  to  thy  king  ;  and  that  man  who  dares  to  say  that 
our  lord  the  king  is  not  led  by  wiser  counsel,  than  he  was 
by  thee,  I  tell  him  that  he  lies  in  his  teeth ;  and  this, 
since  thy  person  is  sacred,  I  am  ready  to  prove  on  the 
body  of  any  other  wretch  who  dares  to  say  it."  Then 
Egidius  let  loose  his  tongue  :  "  In  an  evil  hour  wast  thou 
born,  thou  thing  accursed  ;  thou  who  didst  frustrate,  and 
hast  frustrated  all  along,  the  measures  devised  against 
France  by  a  prince,  than  whom  a  nobler  prince  in  the 
world  cannot  be  found."  The  archbishop  now  drew 
himself  up,  and  said,  with  solemnity,  "  The  curse  of  God 
and  of  the  blessed  Mary,  the  curse  of  St.  Thomas  and  my 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  59 

own  curse,  be  on  the  heads  of  all  those,  who  shall  have 
thus  frustrated  the  king,  now  and  for  ever.  Amen."  By 
thus  pronouncing  those  accursed,  who  had  acted  as  Egi-  Stratford, 
dius  accused  the  archbishop  of  having  acted  towards  the 
king,  it  was  felt  that  he  contradicted,  in  terms  the  most 
solemn,  the  statement  of  Egidius  ;  for  both  he  and  Darcy 
exclaimed,  "  On  thine  own  head  this  curse  falls."  The 
archbishop,  who  seems  throughout  to  have  preserved  his 
temper,  merely  remarked,  "John,  for  thy  opprobrious 
words  I  do  not  care."  A  crowd  had  now  gathered  round, 
and  the  people  being  indignant  at  the  treatment  of  the 
archbishop,  the  armed  force  retired. 

At  length,  the  Earls  of  Northampton  and  Salisbury 
came  out  of  the  Painted  Chamber  to  confer  with  the 
archbishop,  who  requested  them  to  interpose  their  good 
offices  between  himself  and  the  king ;  entreating  him  to 
respect  the  rights  of  the  Church  of  Canterbury,  as  repre 
sented  by  its  archbishop.  The  earls  having  taken  upon 
themselves,  probably  with  the  king's  permission  previously 
obtained,  the  office  of  mediation,  the  archbishop  delivered 
his  cross  to  be  carried  by  the  Bishop  of  Ely,  and,  with 
jjhe  prelates  associated  with  him,  he  retired  to  the  little  hall 
at  Westminster,  where  they  waited  a  considerable  time. 
It  was  unusual  for  the  archbishop  to  carry  his  own  cross, 
which  was  only  done  when  he  wished  to  imply,  that  his 
very  life  was  in  danger  ;  the  fact,  therefore,  of  his  resign 
ing  it  to  the  hands  of  another  was  a  sign  of  amity.  But 
it  does  not  appear  that  he  and  his  friends  were  admitted 
to  parliament  on  this  day  ;  it  was  only  notified  to  the 
archbishop  that  the  earls  had  so  far  succeeded,  that  the 
king  had  left  it  to  the  parliament  to  determine  the  terms, 
upon  which  Archbishop  John  was  to  be  restored  to  the 
favour  of  King  Edward.  The  king  withdrew  when  the 
discussion  commenced,  in  order  that  there  might  be  no 
restraint  upon  those  who  were  inclined  to  take  part  in  the 


60  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     debate.     The  debate  was  warm  and  protracted,  chiefly 

v ^ .  through    the   management   of  the   archbishop's   enemy, 

Stratford   Adam  Orlton,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  who  was  so  unscru- 

1333-48.   puious  in   his  statements,  that,  in  one  instance,  he  wras 

proved  to  be  guilty  of  a  direct  falsehood.     The  disputes 

ran  so  high,  that  nothing  was  settled  at  this  time  ;  but  the 

members  separated  with  feelings  of  much  exasperation. 

The  archbishop  had  retired  to  Lambeth,  where  he 
remained  in  retirement  on  the  Sunday.  His  enemies, 
however,  were  active  and  at  work.  The  majority  in  par 
liament  were  in  favour  of  the  archbishop ;  and  the  king 
was  beginning  to  think  less  unkindly  of  his  old  servant. 
Stratford  had  always  been  popular  among  the  middle 
classes.  To  damage  him  in  the  eyes  of  the  country  was, 
therefore,  the  next  thing  to  be  attempted;  and  the  attempt 
was  made  by  John  Darcy  and  William  Killesby.  They 
sought  an  interview  with  the  citizens  of  London ;  and  the 
mayor,  with  some  of  the  aldermen  and  council,  met  them 
on  the  Sunday  at  the  Chapter  House  of  Westminster.  In 
order,  that  they  might  inflame  the  minds  of  the  Londoners 
against  the  primate,  certain  articles  were  fabricated  againsi, 
him,  which  were  to  be  published  and  circulated. 

The  articles  of  impeachment,  for  as  such  they  may  be 
regarded,  were  based  upon  the  statements  in  the  Libellue 
Famosus,  and  the  archbishop  met  them  as  openly  as 
before.  On  the  first  of  May,  he  came  down  early  to  the 
house,  and  there  declared  his  readiness  to  clear  himself, 
in  full  parliament,  from  all  the  articles  laid  against  him 
from  any  quarter.  He  demanded  to  be  arraigned  before 
his  peers,  a  right  which  Magna  Charta  conferred ;  and 
which  had  been  violated  by  the  present  ministry  in  their 
endeavour  to  have  the  archbishop  tried  in  the  Court  of 
Exchequer. 

The  general  question  was  now  opened,  whether,  when 
a  peer  was  impeached  by  the  crown,  for  high  crimes  and 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  01 

misdemeanours,  he  could  be  compelled  to  plead  before     CHAP. 
any  other  tribunal  than  the  House  of  Peers  ;  and  a  com-  — -^ — • 

i  J    r  John 

mittee,  consisting  of  four  prelates,  tour  earls,  and  tour    stratford. 
barons,  was  appointed  to  report  on  this  subject,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  to  enquire  concerning  the  causes  laid  to  the 
charge  of  the  archbishop. 

The  archbishop  appeared  in  his  place  again  on  Wed 
nesday,  prepared  to  explain  his  conduct ;  but  when  he 
began  to  speak,  the  counsellors  of  the  king,  or  the  minis 
try,  interrupted  him,  and  caused  so  much  disturbance  and 
confusion,  that  the  house  adjourned,  without  coming  to 
any  definite  conclusion.  But  this  conduct  evidently  dis 
gusted  the  king,  who,  probably,  was  beginning  to  feel  the 
want  of  those  wise  counsels,  on  which  he  had  hitherto 
relied.  The  late  controversy  had  answered  its  object,  in 
diverting  the  public  attention  from  the  king's  own  mis 
conduct  ;  he  found  that  the  time  had  not  come,  when  the 
government  of  the  country  could  be  confided  exclusively 
to  lay  hands  ;  and  if  his  impulsive  nature  hurried  him 
frequently  into  wrong  actions,  he  was  equally  ready  to 
retrace  his  steps.  The  large  majority  of  the  parliament 
were  with  the  archbishop  ;  and  he  who  had  certainly 
conducted  himself,  under  very  trying  circumstances,  with 
much  temper,  discretion,  dignity,  and  skill,  was  not 
anxious  to  drive  things  to  an  extremity.  Instead  of 
insisting  upon  a  verdict  in  his  favour,  which  could  only 
be  done  by  revelations  with  reference  to  the  royal  con 
duct,  to  which  the  king  would  not  submit,  and  no  friend 
of  the  king  would  urge,  he  acceded  to  a  compromise 
which  tended,  in  the  event,  to  his  greater  honour.  I 
assume  that  there  was  a  compromise,  because,  in  the 
transactions  about  to  be  mentioned,  some  of  the  arch 
bishop's  most  bitter  enemies  took  part — and  against  them 
he  never  instituted  proceedings — there  was  an  under 
standing  that  bygones  were  to  be  bygones. 


62  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP.         At   all   events,    on   the  3rd  of    May   the  archbishop 

s_  *'  -,  crossed  from  Lambeth  to  Westminster,  his  cross  borne 

Stea°t&rd.  before  him ;  and  in  a  full  parliament,  without  any  gain- 

1333-48.    saying?  he  took  his  place  as  the  first  peer  of  the  realm. 

At  the  proper  time,  the  doors  of  the  Painted  Chamber 

opened,  and  the  king  entering  took  his  seat  upon  the 

throne. 

The  whole  parliament  rose,  and  when  the  king  was 
seated,  stood  before  the  throne — the  lords  spiritual  ar  d 
temporal,  the  knights  of  the  shires,  the  burgesses  of  the 
towns.  They  were  understood  to  be  interceding  with  tl  e 
king  for  the  primate.  The  king,  before  a  word  wus 
spoken,  signified,  that  he  admitted  him  to  his  grace,  and 
held  him  free  from  all  the  crimes  alleged  against  him 
from  every  quarter. 

It  was  a  proud  day  for  Stratford ;  but  he  manifested  no 
signs  of  triumph.  He  quietly  received  as  a  favour,  what, 
from  anything  we  can  discover,  he  might  have  claimed  as 
a  right. 

He  remained  at  his  manor-house  at  Lambeth  for  JL 
few  days,  when  a  message  reached  him  from  the  king, 
to  the  effect,  that  he  was  replaced  on  the  privy  council. 
At  the  council-board  the  two  friends  met,  and  their 
friendship  continued  till  the  death  of  the  archbishop. 

Stratford  was  not  unmindful  of  the  reproaches  of  his 
conscience  during  his  late  trials,  and  was  determined  to 
fulfil  his  vows  of  attending  to  his  duty  as  a  prelate.  He 
held  a  council  in  London  on  the  10th  of  October,  1342,* 
and  another  in  March,  1343.f  At  each  of  these  councils 
certain  constitutions  were  established.  Those  of  the  first 
council  were  published  as  the  Extravagants  of  John,  Arch 
bishop  of  Canterbury  ;  the  term  being  used  to  distinguish 
the  canons  of  the  first  council  from  those  of  the  second, 

*  "VVilkins,  Cone.  ii.  696  ;   Spelman,  ii.  572. 
f  Wilkins,  ii.  702  ;   Spelman,  ii.  581. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  63 

which  are  called  Constitutions,  only  a  few  months  inter-     CHAR 
vening  between  the  two.  > J- — 

T    "U 

The  practical  character  of  Stratford's  mind,  as  well  as    str°tfm-<i. 
his  caution,  is  impressed  on  the  legislative  enactments  of   1333~48- 
either  synod.     The  canons  are  little  more  than  a  repe 
tition  or  a  confirmation  of  constitutions  made  by  his 
predecessors,  or  of  canons   passed  in  former    councils. 
Nevertheless,  there  are  some  matters  interesting  to  the 
archaeological  student  as  well  as  to  the  reader  of  history. 

For  example,  the  archbishop  found  that,  to  the  detri 
ment  of  the  parish  priest,  but  for  the  convenience  of  the 
parishioners,  certain  of  the  clergy  accepted  a  remunera 
tion  for  performing  the  sacred  offices  of  the  Church  in 
unconsecrated  places  without  a  license.  It  was  ordered 
that,  without  the  license  of  the  bishop,  no  such  irregularity 
should  be  permitted ;  and  the  bishop  was  required  only 
to  license  the  oratories  of  nobles  and  great  men  who  were 
surrounded  by  large  households  or  retainers,  and  whose 
residence  might  be  more  than  one  mile  from  the  parish 
church.* 

The  clerks  of  archdeacons  and  their  officials  were 
found  to  charge  exorbitantly  and  ad  libitum,  for  the 
transcription  of  official  documents.  They  were  limited 
to  a  charge  of  twelve  pence  for  writing  letters  of  request, 
institution  or  collation  ;  and  sixpence  for  letters  of  orders. 
The  marshals,  or  keepers  of  bishops'  palaces,  were  pro 
hibited  from  taking  fees ;  so  were  the  janitors  and  the 
episcopal  barbers.  The  barbers  might,  indeed,  have 
expected  some  remuneration ;  for  they  were,  at  this  time, 
exposed  to  much  trouble,  it  being  their  business  to 
ascertain,  before  a  clergyman  waited  upon  his  bishop, 
that  the  cut  of  his  hair  was  precisely  canonical.f 

A  regulation  on  this  point  was  the  more  necessary,  as 
we  find  the  Church  legislating  upon  the  subject.  In  the 

*  Extravagant,  i.  f  Ibid.  ii. 


64  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  second  constitution  of  the  second  council  held  by  Stratford, 
v_^_  we  have  the  description  of  a  clerical  fop  of  the  fourteenth 
Stratford,  century.  It  is  stated  that  the  prevailing  excesses  of  the 
1333-48.  ciergy  as  to  tonsure,  garments,  and  trappings,  gave  abomi 
nable  scandal  to  the  people.  Men,  it  was  said,  holding 
dignities,  parsonages,  prebends,  benefices  with  cure  of 
souls,  thought  scorn  of  the  tonsure, — which  is  described  as 
a  mark  of  perfection  and  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven  ; — a; id 
that  they  distinguish  themselves  with  hair  hanging  down 
their  shoulders  in  an  effeminate  manner  ;  it  is  affirmed 
that  they  loved  to  apparel  themselves  like  soldiers  rather 
than  clerics,  with  an  upper  jump  remarkably  short  and 
wide  ;  that  they  affected  long  hanging  sleeves  not  covering 
the  elbows  ;  that  they  had  their  hair  curled  and  powdered ; 
that  they  wore  caps  with  tippets  of  a  wonderful  length  ; 
that  they  had  rings  on  their  fingers  other  than  those  of 
office;  that  they  had  long  beards;  that  they  were  gi*t 
with  costly  girdles,  to  which  were  attached  purses  enamel 
led  with  figures  and  sculptured ;  that  they  had  knives 
hanging  at  their  sides  to  look  like  swords ;  that  their 
shoes  were  chequered  with  red  and  green,  exceedingly- 
long,  and  variously  pinked ;  moreover,  that  they  ha  1 
cruppers  to  their  saddles,  and  baubles  like  horns  hanging 
down  from  the  necks  of  their  horses  ;  that  their  cloaks 
were  furred  on  the  edge,  contrary  to  the  canonical 
sanctions. 

These  things  vexed  the  righteous  soul  of  Archbishop 
John,  and  it  was  enacted  that  all  who  offended  in  this 
way,  should  be,  at  the  end  of  six  months  from  the  time; 
of  admonition,  suspended,  unless  he  repented  in  the; 
interim. 

Archdeacons  and  their  officials  were,  at  this  time,  ver} 
misconducted.  They  would  often  require  an  immoderate 
sum  of  money  before  they  would  induct  a  clerk  already 
instituted  or  collated.  It  was  therefore  ordered  that  the 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  65 

fee  to  an  archdeacon  for  induction  should  be  forty  pence ;  CHAP. 
or,  if  the  induction  was  .performed  by  his  official,  the  fee,  ^ — ^ — • 
including  ah1  charges  for  his  attendants,  was  fixed  at  two  Stratford, 
shillings,  and,  as  money  was  scarce,  it  was  left  to  the 
option  of  the  person  inducted  whether  the  procuration 
should  be  paid  in  coin  or  in  a  supply  of  the  necessaries 
of  life.  Some  archdeacons  and  other  superior  ordinaries 
gaping  after  gain,  it  is  said,  indulged  themselves  in  hunt 
ing  and  other  affectations  of  grandeur,  when  making  the 
circuit  of  their  visitations.  They  would  leave  the  actual 
work  of  the  visitation  to  a  deputy;  and  though  they  saw 
not,  themselves,  the  inside  of  the  church,  they  insisted  on 
their  procurations ;  nay,  they  sometimes  demanded  the  pay 
ment  of  them  although  the  visitation  was  entirely  omitted, 
being  performed  neither  in  person  nor  yet  by  deputy. 
They  would,  sometimes,  contrive  to  arrive  at  a  parsonage, 
the  day  before  that  fixed  for  the  visitation,  so  as  to  tax 
the  parson  with  another  day's  keep,  not  only  of  themselves 
but  of  their  retinue,  including  the  hounds ;  and  then,  on 
the  morrow,  when  demanding  the  procurations,  permit  no 
deduction  to  be  made.  They  had,  in  every  deanery,  their 
riding  apparitors,  and  these  had  their  foot  apparitors,  and 
these  were  attended  by  garcons — servants  of  bad  character 
— ready  for  any  mischief,  who  forced  themselves  for  a 
maintenance,  on  the  rectors  and  vicars,  remaining  often  an 
unreasonable  time.  These  persons  would  look  out  for 
grounds  for  molesting  the  clergy,  from  doing  which  they 
could  only  be  restrained  by  their  being  permitted  to  appro 
priate  the  lambs,  or  the  wool,  or  the  sheaves,  as  the  case 
might  be,  which  they  had  selected  from  the  field  or  the  fold. 
It  was  therefore  enacted,  that  a  bishop  should  have  only 
one  riding  apparitor ;  and  that  an  archdeacon  should  be 
contented  with  a  foot  apparitor,  who  might  stay  with  a 
rector  or  vicar  only  one  night  and  one  day  once  a  quarter, 
unless  invited  to  stay  longer.  The  archdeacons  were  too 
VOL.  TV.  F 


66  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,     apt  when  men  relapsed  into  adultery,  fornication,  or  other 

_J^ .  notorious  offences,  to  remit  that  corporal  penance,  which 

Stratford,  ought  to  be  inflicted  upon  them,  for  a  terror  to  others,  for 
1333-48.  t}ie  gake  Of  money9  so  that  they  were  called  by  some 
the  lessors  of  sin.  Therefore  commutation  of  corporal 
penance  was  entirely  forbidden,  when  the  offender  had 
relapsed  more  than  twice  ;  and  whenever  a  money  fine  was 
imposed,  it  was  not  to  go  into  the  archdeacon's  purse,  b  it 
was  to  be  applied  to  the  fabric  of  the  cathedral  church. 
The  archdeacons  also  exacted  excessive  sums  of  money 
from  the  clergy  licensed  to  officiate  in  the  archdeaconries, 
for  inserting  their  names  in  the  Matricula,  as  the  list  of 
the  clergy  in  an  archdeaconry  wras  termed.  Therefore 
they  were  forbidden,  to  receive,  for  such  insertion,  more 
than  one  penny.*  The  parishioners  were,  at  this  tim-3, 
bound  to  repair  the  body  and  the  roof  of  the  parish 
church,  within  and  without,  together  with  the  steeple,  the 
altars,  the  images,  the  glass  windows,  and  the  fences  of 
the  churchyard.  Complaint  was  made,  that  when  a  living 
was  appropriated  to  a  monastery,  the  monks,  though  large 
landowners  and  holders  of  the  great  tithes,  refused  to  pay 
their  share  of  the  burden,  or  to  contribute  towards  tha. 
charities  of  the  parish.  It  was  enacted,  that  henceforti 
the  monks  should  be  compelled,  to  give  alms,  in  every 
parish  in  which  they  possessed  property,  at  the  discretion 
of  the  bishop.f 

Complaints  were  made  of  persons  leaving  their  parish 
church,  and  going  to  some  distant  church  for  marriage ;  and 
that  marriages  were  often  solemnised  when  no  banns  had 
been  previously  asked.  Eegulations  were  made  to  remedy 
this  evil.J 

At  funerals,  misconduct  wras  frequent  and  great.  Ii 
had  long  been  the  custom  of  the  faithful,  to  observe  night 

*  Extrav.  ii.,  vii.,  ix.,  x.,  xii. 

f  Extrav.  iv.,  v.  }  Extrav.  xi. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  67 

watches,  in  behalf  of  the  dead,  before  their  burial;  and     CHAP. 

to  do  so,  sometimes,  in  private  houses,  to  the  intent,  that  , ^_ 

the  faithful  then  meeting  together  and  watching,  might    Stl^rtL 
devoutly  intercede  with  God.     But,  by  the  arts  of  Satan,    1333-48. 
this  wholesome  practice  of  the  ancients  was  turned  into 
buffoonery  and  filthy  revels.     Prayers  were  neglected, 
and  watchings  became  the  rendezvous  for  adulteries,  for 
nications,  thefts,  and  other  misdoings.    Stratford  observed, 
that  when  a  probable  good  becomes  an  experienced  evil, 
then  an  alteration  is  aUowable.     These  wakes  were,  ac 
cordingly,  forbidden. 

Thus  did  the  archbishop  endeavour  to  perform  his 
vows  ;  but,  when  the  stings  of  conscience  were  less  acutely 
felt,  and  the  external  pressure  was  withdrawn,  the  old 
statesman  returned  to  political  life,  with  all  his  former 
zest. 

The  king  found,  by  experience,  that  a  more  able  and 
upright  minister  he  could  not  obtain.  In  the  year  1343, 
he  commanded,  that  the  articles  drawn  up  against  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  should  be  brought  to  the  House 
of  Lords  to  be  declared  insignificant,  and  to  be  annulled. 
The  reason  assigned  for  this  order  was  that  the  said  arti 
cles  were  neither  reasonable  nor  true.*  No  higher  testi 
mony  could  be  borne  to  the  integrity  of  the  primate. 

When  the  king  went  abroad,  in  the  July  of  1345,  he 
left  his  young  son  Lionel  nominally  the  regent;  but,  at 
the  head  of  the  council,  which  was  to  direct  the  affairs  of 
the  nation,  he  placed  the  archbishop.  The  same  office 
was  assigned  to  him  in  the  year  1346,  one  of  the  most 
eventful  in  the  history  of  England. 

We  may  say,  indeed,  of  Stratford — employing  a  modern 
term  in  a  qualified  sense — that  he  was,  till  the  hour  of  his 
death,  the  prime  minister  of  Edward  III.  ;  at  all  events, 
he  was  the  chief  adviser  of  the  crown.     His  success  in 
*  Foedera,  ii.  1141,  1143,  1147,  1154. 
F  2 


68  LIVES   OF   THE 

obtaining  subsidies,  both  from  parliament  and  from  cori- 
vocation,  was  great ;  and  his  ability  as  a  finance  minister 
must  have  been  considerable.  He  was,  indeed,  favoured 
ky  circumstances  ;  for  plunder  on  a  large  scale,  both  public 
and  private,  was  regarded  as  a  right  of  war,  and  high 
prices  were  paid  for  the  ransom  of  prisoners.  But  it  must 
have  required  no  ordinary  skill,  to  bring  back  the  finances 
to  order,  after  the  reckless  prodigality  of  the  king,  and 
the  worse  than  negligence  of  the  late  ministry.  The  cur 
rency  question  did  not  escape  his  attention  ;  a  new  coinage 
was  instituted,  and  a  gold  coin  was  put  into  circulation, 
the  florin,  which  represented  the  value  of  ten  shillings. 

During  this   period,   several   important   constitutional 
measures  were  adopted. 

The  system  of  papal  provisions  had  for  some  time  excited 
angry  passions  in  England ;  and  even  in  the  reign  of 
Henry  III.  had  been  so  far  restricted,  that  the  pope  had 
pledged  himself  not  to  interfere  with  the  rights  of  private 
patronage.  The  system  of  provisions  had  been  introduced 
originally  on  a  reasonable  plea ;  that  of  preventing  the 
patrons  of  ecclesiastical  livings  from  keeping  them  long 
vacant,  and  converting  the  revenues  to  their  private  use. 
This  was  important  in  an  age  of  violence ;  and,  no  doubt, 
it  prevented,  at  one  time,  a  simoniacal  traffic  in  benefices. 
But  it  was  not  long  before  the  system,  however  honestly  de 
signed  at  first,  was  abused  by  a  succession  of  unscrupulous 
pontiffs,  who  were  gradually,  by  these  means,  converting  to 
their  own  use  the  patronage  of  some  of  the  best  preferments 
in  the  various  churches  of  Europe.  The  plan  was,  when 
a  valuable  piece  of  preferment  was  likely  to  be  void,  for 
the  pope,  having  notice  of  it  through  one  of  his  agents,  to 
declare  that,  before  the  vacancy,  he,  to  the  utter  disregard 
of  all  other  rights,  had  provided  an  incumbent.  Kings  and 
clergy  had  often  remonstrated  against  this  proceeding. 
But,  by  the  insincerity  of  the  kings,  the  remonstrances 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  69 

produced  but  little  effect.     Kings  would  withdraw  their     CHAP. 

opposition,  when  popes  were  prepared  to  provide  for  the  • ; — - 

royal  favourite,  in  opposition  to  a  recalcitrant  chapter.    Stratford. 
The  laity,   in  general,  had  been  little  interested  in  the    1333~48- 
controversy,  and  the  clergy  had  been  left  to  fight  the 
battle  by  themselves,  overawed  by  the  pope,  unprotected 
by  the  king.* 

But  the  time  had  now  come,  when  the  earls  and  barons 
found  it  necessary  to  make  common  cause  with  the  clergy, 
against  this  usurpation  of  the  see  of  Home.  The  successor 
of  the  conscientious  Benedict  XII.  was  a  Frenchman, 
devoted  to  French  interests,  and  surrounded  by  French 
cardinals — Clement  VI.  He  was  voluptuous  and  expen 
sive  ;  his  court  was  conducted  on  the  most  splendid  scale 
of  magnificence,  and  as  scandal  whispered,  or  more  than 
whispered,  it  displayed,  in  its  decorations  and  arrange 
ments,  the  influence  of  female  taste.  It  was  certainly 
known  that,  in  all  that  related  to  the  patronage  of  the 
papal  court,  the  interest,  which  prevailed  was  that  of  the 
Viscountess  of  Turenne,  and  that  her  interest  could  only  be 
secured  after  some  transactions  had  privately  taken  place 
between  her  treasurer  and  the  aspirant  to  certain  vendible 
preferments,  f 

All  this  might  have  been  tolerated,  if  money  had  not 
been  required  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  court,  beyond 
what  the  Viscountess  of  Turenne  was  able  or  willing  to 

O 

supply.  A  mine  of  wealth  seemed  to  be  opened  through 
those  abuses,  of  which  complaint  had  been  often  made — 
the  papal  provisions  and  reservations.  Benedict  XII.  had 
piously  abstained  from  enriching  his  family  or  rewarding 
his  dependents  through  this  source.  His  successor  had 
no  such  scruples.  Never  was  the  abuse  in  this  respect 

*  Butler's  Hist,  of  English  Catholics,  i.  35.  Kcnne.t's  Hist.  Eng 
land,  220. 

f  Matteo  Villani. 


70  LIVES   OP   THE 

carried  to  a  greater  extent  than  at  the  present  time.  The 
indignation  of  the  English  people  was  excited  to  the 
Stratford,  highest  pitch,  when,  having  introduced  foreigners,  often  the 
1333-48.  mere  servants  of  French  cardinals,  into  English  benefices ; 
or  requiring  the  profits  to  be  paid  to  them ;  Clement  availed 
himself  of  the  proclamation  of  a  jubilee,  to  declare  a  pro 
vision  for  two  of  his  cardinals  upon  the  next  vacant  bene 
fice — not  a  bishopric  or  abbey  (he  wished  to  avoid  a 
collision  with  the  crown) — to  the  value  of  a  thousand 
marks  a  year. 

We  are  not  to  suppose,  that  this  proceeding  was  re 
garded  with  the  feelings  with  which  a  similar  transaction 
would  be  regarded  now.  At  that  time,  the  cure  of  sou's 
was  not  necessarily  connected,  in  the  public  mind,  with 
the  profits  of  a  benefice.  The  beneficed  clergy  were  nc  t 
considered  as  persons  paid  for  duty  done,  but  rather  as 
the  possessors  of  property  to  which  certain  duties  at 
tached.  The  ecclesiastic  held  certain  property  in  land.  As 
the  lay  lord,  in  return  for  his  landed  possessions,  rendered 
services  to  the  king ;  so  the  ecclesiastic  was,  as  the  condi 
tion  of  his  holding  certain  estates,  to  make  provision  fo ' 
the  performance  of  certain  duties  in  the  parish  church. 
So  long  as  the  duty  was  done,  it  mattered  not  who  wa:} 
the  doer  of  it,  the  principal  or  his  deputy. 

It  did  not  appear,  therefore,  monstrous,  in  itself,  tha-i 
the  pope  should  act  on  the  same  principle  as  the  king 
He  only  said,  "You  have  patronage  in  the  Church  ol' 
England — you  use  it  to  remunerate  your  servants ;  and  ] 
have  acquired  patronage  in  the  Church  of  England,  why 
should  not  I,  in  the  same  manner,  make  provision  for  my 
servants  ?  " 

The  argument  was  not  easily  answered, — though  pre 
ceding  popes  had  sometimes  met  with  a  sturdy  resistance, 
both  in  the  acquisition  and  in  the  exercise  of  their  pa 
tronage, — until  now,  whei^  a  Frenchman  was  pope,  with  a 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  71 

court  at  Avignon  instead  of  Borne,  a  creature  of  the  King     CHAP. 
of  France,  who  was  supposed  to  be  usurping  the  throne  » — ^ — * 
of  the   King  of  England.     It  was  characteristic  of  the   Stratford. 
nascent  English  mind,  not  to  contend  against  an  anomaly    1333-48- 
so  long  as  it  was  only  in  speculation ;  but  to  rise  up,  at 
once,  in  indignation,  when  the  grievance  became  practical. 

The  residence  of  the  popes  at  Avignon,  and  their  sub 
servience  to  the  French  crown,  created  in  English  poli 
tics  an  anti-papal  spirit,  which  tended  even  more  than 
any  religious  feeling  to  the  great  change  effected  in  our 
Church  at  the  Eeforniation  ;  and  one  of  the  arguments 
sought  out  to  maintain  their  cause  by  English  statesmen, 
— the  importance  of  having  beneficed  clergy  who  would 
perform  the  duties  themselves, — had  an  influence  upon 
the  public  mind  beyond  what  was  first  intended. 

The  difficulty  of  distinguishing  between  the  political 
and  the  spiritual  character  of  the  pope  had  already  been 
surmounted  in  Italy. 

What  was  the  feeling  in  England  on  the  subject  is  thus 
stated  by  a  contemporary  writer  :  "  It  is  to  be  noted  that 
the  pope  may  often  err  against  justice,  and  may  excom 
municate  the  true  part,  and  give  his  benediction  to  the 
false  part.  He  may  grant  indulgence  to  those  who  are 
fighting  on  the  false  side  ;  and  then  God  will  give  His 
benediction  to  the  true  part,  and  the  acts  of  the  pope  will 
not  hurt  it."  * 

*  John  of  Bricllington,  Pol.  Songs,  i.  1C5.  Who  the  real  John  of 
Bricllington  was  is  not  known.  He  assigns  various  reasons  for  con 
cealing  his  name,  and  his  fear,  as  a  young  man,  of  provoking  the  anger 
of  his  elders,  and  of  the  aristocracy.  He  does  not  mention  any  fear  of 
giving  offence  to  the  clergy,  whose  sentiments  he  generally  expressed. 
The  notion,  that  the  bishops,  at  this  period,  sided  with  the  pope  can 
only  have  suggested  itself  to  minds  ignorant  of  the  state  of  public  feeling 
in  England  in  the  fourteenth  century,  and  judging  every  thing  according 
to  modern  and  merely  protestant  ideas.  It  were  more  correct  to  say 
that  in  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries  statesmen  and  lawyers 
usurped  the  preferments  of  the  Church,  than  that  ambitious  churchmen 


72  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.         The  government  of  England  assumed  a  firm  attitude, 

.—  ^'  -^  and  the  pope  himself  attributed  it  to  the  influence  and 

Stratford,   advice  of  Stratford.    A  remonstrance  was  addressed  to  the 

1333-48.    p0pe  m  courteous,  almost  adulatory,  terms  by  the  princes, 

earls,   barons,  knights,  citizens,    burgesses,   and   all  the 

commonalty  of  England,  which  was  conveyed  to  Avignon 

by  an  eminent  lawyer,  Sir  John  Shorditch.     It  alluded 

with  freedom,  to  many  papal  abuses,  and  expressed  the 

determination  of  the  nation  not  to  permit  any  portion  of 

the  national  wealth,  to  be  drawn  from  the  country  to 

enrich  foreigners,  especially  those  who  were  the  king's 

enemies. 

The  last  point  contained  the  sting,  and  excited  the 
anger  of  the  cardinals  and  the  pope,  who  were  conscious 
of  its  truth.  Clement,  with  his  usual  courtesy,  exone 
rated  Sir  John  Shorditch  from  all  blame,  as  being  the 
bearer,  not  the  author,  of  the  manifesto  ;  but,  referring  to 
the  archbishop,  he  said  he  knew  who  it  was  who  stooc: 
opposed  to  the  pope  and  his  proceedings,  and  that  manV 
pride  he  would  take  good  care  to  humble. 

Clement  wrote  (in  the  courteous  strain  of  one  who  was 
aware  that  he  did  not  stand  on  sure  ground)  both  to  the 
parliament  and  the  king.  He  stated  his  case  as  it  has 
been  given  above.  But  he  received  a  very  spirited  reply 
from  the  king,  "  with  devout  kissings  of  his  holiness's 
feet ; "  in  which  it  was  plainly  stated,  that  neither  the 
king  nor  his  people  would  permit  foreigners  to  hold  pre- 

intruded  on  civil  and  legal  offices ;  Stratford,  for  instance,  educated  as 
a  lawyer,  and  because  a  diplomatist  and  statesman,  receiving  the  chief 
emoluments  of  his  office  from  holding  high  preferment  in  the  church,  the 
duties  of  which  he,  to  a  certain  extent,  or  until  he  was  disgraced  at  court, 
discharged  by  deputy.  Upon  the  rights  of  the  prelacy  the  pope  was 
always  encroaching,  and  against  these  encroachments  they  were  pre 
pared  to  offer  resistance,  although  when  any  direct  opposition  was 
offered  to  the  pope  they  put  forward  the  lay  barons,  as  being  in  this 
respect  the  more  independent. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  73 

ferment  in  England,  much  less  foreigners  who,  though  CHAP. 
attached  to  the  papal  court,  were,  avowedly,  the  king's  -- — ^~ 
enemies.  Without  perceiving,  that  he  was  using  a  two-  Stratford. 
edged  knife,  which  cut  both  ways,  the  king  declaimed  on 
the  evils  resulting  from  the  non-residence  of  the  beneficed 
clergy,  and  on  the  wrong  done  to  the  clergy  of  the  Church 
of  England  and  the  cause  of  learning,  when  the  patronage 
of  the  Church  was  misapplied.  The  king  went  further ; 
and  asserted,  that  any  papal  patronage  in  England,  was  a 
usurpation.  He  maintained,  that  the  right  of  filling  English 
sees,  and  of  nominating  to  English  benefices,  was  vested 
in  the  Crown  of  England ;  on  the  ground,  that  to  the 
kings  cathedral  churches  were  indebted  for  their  first 
endowments  ;  and  that,  from  the  first  planting  of  Chris 
tianity  in  the  land,  this  was  part  of  the  royal  prerogative. 
The  idea  of  the  pope's  taking  a  hostile  position  to 
the  king  of  England ;  and  then,  by  an  evasion  of  the 
law,  abstracting  from  England  the  profits  of  her  bene 
fices,  to  be  conferred  upon  her  enemies,  so  rankled  in 
the  public  mind,  that,  in  1346,  when  Stratford  was  the 
head  of  the  council,  and  his  friend  John  de  UfFord,  the 
dean  of  Lincoln — afterwards  elected  to  the  see  of  Canter 
bury — was  lord  chancellor,  very  stringent  measures  were 
adopted  against  provisors  and  aliens.  In  answer  to  peti 
tions  addressed  to  the  council  by  the  commons,  it  was 
enacted,  that  the  profits  belonging  to  foreigners,  who  had 
acquired  benefices  in  England,  should  be  forthwith  for 
feited  to  the  king ;  that  all  alien  monks  should  avoid  the 
country  ;  that  any  vessel  which  should  bring  an  alien  into 
the  kingdom  should  be  confiscated ;  that  no  person  during 
the  wars  should  send  money  out  of  the  kingdom  to  the 
pope  or  to  any  foreign  bishop  for  any  duty  whatsoever ; 
that  no  Englishman  should  farm  any  benefice  of  any  alien 
monastery,  under  pain  of  perpetual  imprisonment ;  that  no 
person  should  bring  into  the  realm  any  bull  or  other 


74  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,    letters  from  the  court  of  Borne,  or  from  any  alien,  with- 

_V '  out   showing   the  same  to  the   lord    chancellor  or  the 

-j- , 

Stratford,  wardens  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  on  penalty  of  forfeiting  all 
1333-48.  njg  possessions.* 

This  was  a  boon  to  the  monasteries,  as  well  as  to  the 
clergy  and  the  people.  There  were  priories  in  England 
— alien  priories — which,  founded  by  Norman  kings,  had 
been  attached  to  foreign  abbeys.  These  priories  were  new 
occupied  by  Englishmen ;  who,  however,  had  hitherto 
been  accustomed  to  pay  an  annual  rent  to  the  foreign 
establishment,  to  which  they  were  affiliated.  In  mary 
instances,  this  connexion,  from  this  time,  permanent y 
ceased. 

The  king  was,  indeed,  nobly  supported  by  all  classes  of 
his  subjects.  When,  in  1344,  the  truce  was  broken,  the 
most  liberal  grants  of  money  were  made  to  enable  him 
to  conduct  the  war  with  success,  both  by  convocation  an  1 
by  parliament.*}1 

So  good  an  understanding,  indeed,  prevailed  between 
the  clergy  and  the  parliament,  that  the  same  parliament, 
which  passed  the  stringent  measures  just  mentioned 
against  the  pope,  passed  another  act  to  strengthen  the, 
hands  of  the  clergy.  The  statute  of  Mortmain  was  so 
far  modified,  that  the  bishops  were  empowered  to  purchase 
lands,  provided  the  royal  license  was  first  obtained.  Cer 
tain  disputes  also,  relating  to  trials  for  bigamy,  and  the 
rights  of  appeal,  which  had  arisen  between  the  spiritual 
and  civil  jurisdictions,  were  settled  in  favour  of  the 
Church. 

*  Parliamentary  Hist.  i.  2G5. 

f  Collier,  iii.  100,  remarks  that  we  may  observe  at  this  time  some 
thing  of  the  distinct  powers  of  the  two  provinces  of  Canterbury  and  York. 
A  triennial  disine,  or  tenth,  having  been  granted  to  the  king  by  the 
clergy,  the  clergy  of  the  province  of  Canterbury  paid  it  at  the  feasts  of 
Our  Lady  and  of  St.  Barnabas,  while  the  days  of  payment  for  the  pro 
vince  of  York  were  the  feasts  of  St.  Luke  and  the  nativity  of  St.  John 
the  Baptist. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  75 

In  short,  everything  proceeded  prosperously  with  the     CHAP. 
administration  of  Stratford  after  his  restoration  to  favour.  - — V — ' 
During  his  administration,  the  English  arms  were  crowned   stratfora. 
with  success  at  Kevin's  Cross  ;  and  the  news  came,  the  glo 
rious  news  that  the  battle  of  Cressy  had  been  fought  and 
won.    The  national  enthusiasm  was  excited.     Among  the 
greatest  of  heroes,  England's  king  was  now  to  take  his 
place.     England  had  assumed,  never  again  to  lose,  the 
foremost  position  among  European  powers ;  and  it  is  not, 
in  this  place,  an  anticlimax  to  add,  the  veteran  statesman, 
who  had  hitherto  directed  the  counsels  of  Edward  III., 
felt  that  his  work  was  done,  and  well  done. 

Stratford,  like  all  really  great  men,  frequently  sighed 
for  that  retirement,  of  which,  however,  from  the  activity 
of  his  mind,  he  soon  became  weary.  Wearied  by  busi 
ness,  lie  sought  to  reinvigorate  his  soul  by  retirement ; 
and  his  rein vigora ted  soul  soon  became  appetent  of  work. 
The  spot  on  which  he  sometimes  sought  his  otium,  so 
fairly  won  and  so  wisely  used,  was  his  manor  of  Mayfield, 
in  Sussex  ;  the  favourite  country  residence  of  many  of  the 
primates.  Stratford  was  a  man  of  literary  tastes,  and  en 
joyed  the  society  of  learned  men.  Among  his  friends 
were  the  Doctor  Profundus,  Thomas  Bradwardine,  after 
wards  destined  to  succeed  him,  for  a  short  time,  in  the 
primatial  see,  and  the  first  patron  of  Bradwardine,  Eichard 
Bury  ;  of  whose  library  we  possess  an  interesting  account. 
Stratford  and  Eichard  Bury  had  been  botli  of  them  canons 
residentiary  of  Chichester,  of  which  important  city  Thomas 
Bradwardine  was  a  native. 

The  great  and  important  work  of  Bradwardine,  studied 
by  deep  theologians  even  in  the  present  age,  is  the  "  De 
Causa  Dei ; "  and  when  I  saw  among  the  Harleian  manu 
scripts  a  work  entitled  "  Commentarius  de  Deo,"  attributed 
to  Stratford,  I  thought,  as  others  had  done,  that  this  was 
the  work  of  our  archbishop,  and  that  it  might  contain  the 


76  LIVES   OF   THE 

result  of  his  conversations  with  his  more  learned  friend. 
But  this  I  find  to  be  the  work,  not  of  John,  but  of 
Edward  de  Stratford. 

The  only  remains  we  have  of  Stratford  are  certain 
official  documents,  and  letters  to  the  abbot  of  St.  Augustine. 
There  is  a  letter  said  to  be  written  by  the  archbishop 
among  the  Bodleian  MSS.,  which  I  have  not  examined. 

When  the  archbishop  was  at  Mayfield,  thirteen  poor 
persons  would  present  themselves  every  morning,  and  each 
would  receive,  from  the  archbishop's  own  hands,  a  loaf  of 
bread  and  thirteen  pence  in  money.  At  noon,  thirteen 
other  poor  persons  made  their  appearance,  who  dined  at  his 
table,  and,  at  their  departure,  received,  each,  a  loaf  arid 
a  penny.  He  had  lived  too  much  among  his  fellow-men, 
not  to  be  aware,  that  a  kind  word,  coming  from  the  kird 
heart  of  a  man  in  an  exalted  station,  appeals  to  the  hea  't 
of  an  inferior,  much  more  powerfully  than  the  most  liberal 
dole,  when  held  out  by  the  surly  hand  of  one,  who  can 
have  compassion  on  temporal  sufferings,  but  knows  not 
how  to  minister,  by  sympathy,  to  the  mind  diseased. 
Fragments  would  be  left  on  his  hospitable  board,  by  the 
careless  recipients  of  his  bounty ;  these  he  would  have' 
carefully  collected,  that  nothing  might  be  lost,  and  Ii3 
would  direct  them  to  be  sent,  with  his  benediction,  to 
those  poor  persons,  who  were  too  infirm  to  present  them 
selves  at  his  gate. 

Towards  the  close  of  life,  and  especially  in  1343,  the 
archbishop  found  pleasure  in  visiting  his  native  place. 
There  is  something  refreshing  to  the  mind  in  the  contem 
plation  of  a  man  immersed  in  business,  throwing  off  the 
trappings  of  greatness,  and  conversing  freely  with  the 
surviving  friends  of  his  youth ;  indulging  in  those  tender 
sentiments,  which  the  wise  man  cherishes  as  a  rich  inheri 
tance  from  his  mother,  to  whose  training  he  traces  all  that 
is  gentle,  tender,  and  affectionate  in  a  manly  nature. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  t  / 

It  is  pleasant  to  think  of  the  three  old  men,  John  de     CHAP. 
Stratford,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  Eobert  de  Stratford,  . — ^ — . 
Bishop  of  Chichester,  both  of  whom  had  sat  more  than    Stratford, 
once  in  the  marble  chair  of  the  chancellor,   and  their    1333-48- 
kinsman  Ealph,  Bisliop  of  London,  who  stood  so  nobly  by 
the  archbishop  in  his  troubles — it  is  pleasant  to  think  of 
the  three  old  men,  walking  on  the  banks  of  the  soft  flow 
ing  Avon,  by  whose  silver  streams,  in  aftertimes,   "  on 
things  more  than  mortal,  our  Shakspeare  would  dream  ;  " 
it  is  pleasant  to  see  them,  in  the  mind's  eye,  reverting  to 
the  merits  of  their  beloved  parents,  Eobert  and  Isabella, 
and  devising  the  means  to  do  them  honour  by  benefiting 
their  fellow-creatures. 

Eobert  of  Stratford,  the  younger,  before  he  became  a 
bishop,  had  been  the  parson  of  his  native  place  ;  and  as, 
with  his  brother,  he  trod  the  well-known  pathway  through 
the  street  to  the  ford,  he  would  revert  with  pleasure  and 
pride  to  the  difficulties  he  had  overcome,  and  the  troubles 
he  had  encountered,  to  secure  the  blessing  of  a  good  road 
to  the  traveller.* 

From  the  ford  they  would  wander  to  the  church,  there 
to  kneel  at  the  grave  of  their  father,  or  at  the  grave  of 
their  mother.  Although  John's  had  been  the  life  of  a 
man  of  the  world,  yet  he  could  point  to  the  south  aisle  of 
the  church  to  show  that  he  had  not  been  forgetful  of  his 
duties  as  a  bishop.  So  long  ago  as  when  he  was  Bishop 
of  Winchester,  he  erected  the  south  aisle  of  the  church. 
This  he  assigned  to  the  adjoining  chantry  to  be  their 
chapel.  Of  that  chantry  he  was  the  founder.  It  con 
sisted  of  four  clergymen  in  priest's  orders,  whose  duty 
it  was  to  celebrate  divine  service  to  the  honour  of 
Almighty-  God,  at  the  altar  of  St.  Thomas,  for  the  good 

*  Dugdale,  476. — He  procured  a  patent  for  taking  toll  for  the  space 
of  four  years  on  certain  vendible  commodities  for  paving  the  town. 
The  patent  was  twice  renewed. 


78  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,  estate  of  John  cle  Stratford  and  Bobert  his  brother  ;  for 
*  —  ^  —  that  of  the  father  of  these  brothers,  who  had  been  friends 
Stratford,  through  life,  Bobert,  and  Isabella  his  wife  ;  for  the  souls 


1333-48.  Qf  avj  t|ie  Brothers,  sisters,  friends,  and  benefactors  of  the 
founder  ;  and,  as  the  consent  of  the  king  and  the  diocesan 
was  necessary,  before  a  chantry  was  established  —  for  the 
souls  of  the  kings  of  England  and  the  bishops  of  Worc2s- 
tcr.*  John  de  Stratford  had  purchased  the  advowson  of 
the  rectory  ;  for  livings  were  sold  then  as  now.  It  was 
valued  at  the  rate  of  thirty-five  marks,  and  with  this  be 
endowed  the  chantry.  To  this  endowment,  with  his 
brother's  consent,  he  now  added  the  paternal  estave. 
And,  to  secure  a  comfortable  residence  for  the  clergy, 
Balph  de  Stratford,  sympathising  with  his  kinsman,  bu  It 
a  house  of  square  stone,  at  considerable  expense,  ai  d 
when  stone  houses  were  rare,  to  the  ornament  of  the 
town.f 

Some  of  these  proceedings  will  be,  in  these  days,  con 
demned  as  superstitious.  But  the  family  affection,  tl  e 
loyalty  to  church  and  king,  the  desire  of  honouring  tl  e 
dead  by  benefiting  the  living,  —  these  are  sentiments, 
which  in  every  age,  and  under  every  change  of  form,  the 
religion  of  a  heart  not  hardened  by  intolerance  an  I 
bigotry  must  accept. 

Stratford,  though  still  at  the  head  of  affairs,  happy 
under  all  the  circumstances  of  life,  felt,  in  the  early  pait 
of  the  year  1348,  the  coming  on  of  that  illness,  which  Ii3 
expected  to  be  his  last.  As  he  found  himself  growing 
weaker  he  made  his  will,  bequeathing  his  effects  to  his 
servants  and  domestics  ;  his  cope,  his  mitre,  and  his  manu 
scripts  to  the  cathedral  of  Canterbury.  He  bequeathed 
benefactions  to  the  convent  of  Christ  Church,  w*here  the 
monks  had  stood  by  him  in  his  trial.  The  residue  he  left- 

*  Pat.  10  Edw.  III.  2,  M.  33. 

t  Dugdalc,  182. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  79 

to  his  college  at  Stratford.     He  then  directed,  that  he     CHAP. 
should  be  carried  in  a  litter,  to  Mayfield,  where  he  affixed  - — V — ' 
his  signature  to  the  will.      He  sank  peacefully  to  his  rest.    Stratford. 
Having  devoutly  received  the  sacraments  of  the  Church, 
he  breathed  his  last  on  the  23rd  of  August,  1348.     He 
was  buried  at  Canterbury,  where  his  recumbent  statue,  on 
a  tomb  of  alabaster,  is  still  to  be  seen,  with  his  cross, 
his  mitre,  and  other  habiliments,  carved  in  marble  under 
a  Gothic  canopy. 


80 


LIVES    OF   THE 


CHAPTER  XL 

THOMAS   BRADWARDIXE.* 

A  Native  of  Chichester. — Prosperous  state  of  Chicliester. — Gilbert  de  S. 
Leofard.  —  John  de  Langton.  —  The  Prebendary  of  Wittering.  — 
Richard  Bury. — An  uncouth  Student  described. — Bradwardine  a 
Merton  Man. — Distinguished  as  a  Student. — Mathematical  Studi3s. 
— The  Classical  Pursuits. — De  Causa  Dei,  edited  by  Savile. — Cele 
brity  of  the  De  Causa. — Motive  of  the  De  Causa. — Prevalent  Pela- 
gianism. — Styled  Doctor  Profundus. — A  practical  Man. — Proctor  of 
the  University.  —  Controversy  with  the  Archdeacon  of  Oxford.— 
Neglect  of  Learning. — Admitted  to  the  Household  of  the  Bishop  of 
Durham. — Literary  Society. — Formation  of  a  Library  by  the  Bishcp. 
— Bradwardine  Chancellor  of  St.  Paul's. — Prebendary  of  Lincoln. — 
King's  Chaplain. — Goes  to  Flanders. — Royal  Progress  up  the  Rhine 
to  Cologne  and  Coblentz. — Bradwardine  Chaplain-General  of  the 
Forces. — Elected  to  the  See  of  Canterbury. — Election  superseded  1  >y 
the  King. — Ufford  appointed  to  Canterbury. — UfFord  dies  uncon- 
secrated. —  Bradwardine  elected  to  the  Primacy.  —  Consecrated  ;it 
Avignon. — Strange  conduct  of  a  Cardinal. — Returns  to  England.— 
The  Black  Death. —  Bradwardine  dies  of  the  Plague. 


CHAP. 
XI. 


JUDGING  from  the  name,  we  may  conclude,  that  the 
family  of  the  celebrated  schoolman,  who  is  known  i  i 
ecclesiastical  history  as  the  Doctor  Profundus,  cam  3 

*  Authorities :  Thomae  Bradwardini,  Archiepisc.  olim  Cantuar.  D  3 
Causa  Dei  contra  Pelagium,  et  de  Virtute  Causarum.  London,  1618. 
This,  the  great  work  of  the  Doctor  Profundus,  was  edited  by  Savile, 
who  has,  in  the  Preface,  collected  the  few  facts  which  we  possess  of  hi  i 
personal  history.  See  also  Birchington ;  William  de  Chambre,  Hist. 
Dunelrn  ;  William  de  Dene,  Hist.  Roff. 


ARCHBISHOPS   QF   CANTERBURY.  81 

originally  from  Bradwardine,  a  parish  near  Hereford.*     CHAP. 
But  we  have  the  authority  of  the  Doctor  Profundus  him 
self,  for  the  fact,  that  he  was  himself  a  native  of  Chichester,    Bradwa? 
as  had  been  his  father  and  his  grandfather.f  f^ 

The  date  of  Bradwardine's  birth  is  uncertain.  Savile 
supposes  it  to  have  been  about  the  year  1290  ;  but  it  is 
difficult  to  make  this  harmonise  with  some  of  the  events 
of  his  life,  which  would  induce  us  to  look  for  an  earlier 
date.J 

Certain  it  is,  that  at  the  period  of  his  birth,  and  for 
some  time  before,  Chichester  was  in  a  flourishing  con 
dition  ;  and  was  the  residence  of  eminent  men,  who 
took  an  interest  in  its  welfare.  The  Lady  Chapel,  at  the 

*  In  public  documents  the  name  of  the  Doctor  Profundus  is  usually 
written  Thomas  de  Bradwardina  and  de  Bredewardina.  Savile  con 
jectures  that  it  was  written  Bradwardine,  "euphonic,  ut  puto,  gratia." 
Gerson  has  it  Bragwardin  ;  Gesner,  Branduardinus ;  other  spellings 
are  Bredwardyn  (Birchington),  Bradwardyn  (William  de  Dene ),  Brad- 
widyn  (Chaucer). 

f  The  words  of  Bradwardine  himself  are  express  upon  this  point : 
"  Per  similem  etiam  rationem  quicquid  nunc  scribo  Oxonias,  scriberet 
pater  meus  Cicestria?,  quia  genuit  me  scribentem,  imo  avus  et  pro- 
avus."  It  is  strange  that  in  the  face  of  this  declaration  by  Bradwar 
dine  himself,  so  many  other  places  should  be  spoken  of.  Birchington 
says  of  him  :  "  De  parochia  de  Hertfield,  Cicestrensis  Dioeceseos  oriun- 
dus,"  Ang.  Sac.  i.  376.  This  Dart  and  Godwin  convert  into  Hatfield; 
Hasted  into  Heathfield.  But  Bradwardine  speaks  not  of  the  Diocese 
of  Chichester,  but  of  Chichester  itself.  William  de  Dene  (Ang.  Sac. 
i.  42),  gives  as  his  birthplace  Condenna,  that  is,  probably,  Cowden,  in 
the  Diocese  of  Rochester.  Savile  says  :  "  Ut  non  multum  aberrasse 
videahtur  Balaeus  et  Antiquitatum  Britannicarum  auctor,  qui  Hartfeldiae 
natum  asserunt  in  Dirccesi  Cicestrensi,  quibus  auctoribus,  aut  quibus 
permoti  argumentis  nescio.  Apud  me  certe  ilia  auctoris  verba  prarpon- 
derabunt,  dum  aliquid  certius  ab  aliis  afferatur." 

J  Savile  says  :  "  Quo  anno  natus  sit,  quemadmodum  nihil  pro  certo 
asseveraverim  (ut  sunt  magnorum  ssepe  virorum  principia  obscura, 
quorum  sunt  notissimi  exitus),  ita,  cum  Procuratorem  fuisse  constet 
Universitatis  Oxoniensis  anno  1325,  circa  annum  Domini  1290  natum 
crediderim,  mediis  temporibus  Regis  Edwardi  Primi. 

VOL.  IV.  G 


82  LIVES  OF   THE 

east  end  of  the  Presbytery,  had  just  been  completed.  It 
had  been  designed  and  commenced  by  the  piety  of 
Bishop  Gilbert  de  S.  Leofard,*  and  was  completed  by  the 
distinguished  statesman,  who  now  presided  over  the  see 
of  Chichester,  John  de  Langton. f 

Whether  young  Bradwardine  «aw  the  campanile  or 
bell  tower,  may  be  doubted.  Tradition  gives  the  work 
to  Bishop  John  de  Langton,  but  Professor  Willis,  from 
internal  evidence,  assigns  to  it  a  later  date.  But  he  must 
have  looked  upon  the  fair  proportions  of  the  south  tran 
sept  window  which  John  de  Langton  was  erecting;  and 
gazed  probably  with  awe  on  the  tomb  beneath  it,  which 
the  living  bishop  had  opened  to  be  to  him  a  perpetual 
memento  of  the  certainty  of  death  and  the  insecurity  of 
life. 

There  were  other  great  men  at,  or  about,  that  timo, 
connected  with  the  cathedral  of  Chichester.  There  wrs 
Simon  de  Mepham,  who  became  Archbishop  of  Canter 
bury  ;  and  who,  in  remembrance  of  the  happy  days,  which 
he  passed,  as  a  canon  residentiary  of  Chichester,  selectel 

*  Bishop  Gilbert  had  been  educated  at  Oxford,  and  was  successively 
Precentor  of  Chichester  and  official  of  Canterbury.  Mat.  Paris  speal  s 
of  the  holiness  of  his  life,  "  vitae  illius  sanctimoniam,"  and  alludes  to  h:s 
miracles,  on  the  ground  of  which  application  was  made  to  the  pope  fcr 
his  canonization.  There  seems,  indeed,  to  have  been  some  ambitio  i 
at  this  time  to  increase  the  number  of  English  saints.  Applications 
had  been  made,  within  a  few  years,  for  the  canonization  of  Thomas  cf 
Lancaster,  Archbishop  Winchelsey,  Bishop  D'Alderby  of  Lincoln, 
Bishop  Marsh  of  Bath  and  Wells. — Foedera,  iv.  268,  272,  275,  375 ; 
Wikes,  116;  Waverl.  239. 

•f  John  de  Langton  was  educated  at  Oxford,  and  was  one  of  tho 
many  distinguished  men  who  at  that  time  gave  fame  to  Merton  Col 
lege  ;  he  was,  as  stated  in  the  text,  an  eminent  statesman.  His  church 
preferments  were  the  Rectory  of  Burwell,  a  prebend  in  York  Cathedral 
another  in  Lincoln  in  1294  ;  the  treasurership  of  Wells  ;  the  Arch 
deaconry  of  Canterbury,  1299.  He  was  consecrated  to  the  see  o.' 
Chichester  on  the  10th  of  September,  1307. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBUEY.  83 

from  the  many  manors  belonging  to  the  see  of  Canter-     CHAP 

bury,  Slindon,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Chichester,  to  be  > ,- — 

his  favourite  retreat  from  the  cares  of  business.     John  de    Bradwar- 
S.  Leofard,  nephew  of  the  late  Bishop  Gilbert,  was  dean,      j1™*- 
— a  man  of  energy  and  zeal.      But  the  person  destined 
to  be  the  great  patron  of  Bradwardine,  was  Eichard  of 
Bury,  who,  having  a  stall  in  our  cathedral,  was  already 
evincing  his  taste  as  a  book-collector. 

John  de  Langton,  the  bishop,  was  a  man  of  whom 
Chichester  was  justly  proud.  He  was  not,  indeed,  eminent 
as  a  divine  ;  but,  as  a  lawyer  and  a  statesman,  he  had  few 
equals.  He  had  commenced  life  as  a  clerk  in  Chancery, 
and  is  the  first  person,  to  whom  the  title  of  Master  of  the 
Eolls  can  be  distinctly  traced.  In  a  letter  patent  of  Ed 
ward  I,  1286,  quoted  by  Mr.  Hardy,  he  is  called  Gustos 
Eotulorum.  In  1292,  he  succeeded,  in  the  chancellorship, 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  statesmen  that  this  country 
has  produced — Burnell,  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells.  In 
1307,  when  John  de  Langton  was  consecrated  Bishop  of 
Chichester,  he  had  twice  sat  in  the  marble  chair  at 
Westminster,  Lord  High  Chancellor  of  England.  He  had 
received  many  ecclesiastical  preferments,  the  duties  of 
which  he  had  discharged  by  deputies,  employing  the 
income  to  maintain  his  dignity  at  court.  But  in  1307, 
he  had  begun  to  see  the  vanity  of  mere  secular  pursuits ; 
and  he  gradually  weaned  himself  from  the  world,  having 
determined,  at  all  events,  not  to  follow  the  example  of 
too  many  of  his  brethren ;  who,  in  serving  the  king  and 
the  state,  neglected  those  spiritual  duties,  which  men  of 
true  piety  regarded  as  their  first  concern.  He  was, 
probably,  influenced  by  the  example  of  his  immediate 
predecessor,  —  one  of  the  few  prelates  who  had  not 
busied  himself  in  worldly  pursuits.  Bishop  Gilbert  was 
a  truly  good  man.  Bishop  Gilbert  was  munificent  in 
what  related  to  the  general  interests  of  the  cathedral 

G    2 


84  LIVES   OF   THE 

and  diocese,  and  unbounded  in  his  charity  to  the  poor. 
Bishop  Gilbert  was  so  respected  and  beloved  while 
living,  that  it  was  expected,  that  miracles  would  be 
performed  at  his  tomb.  Some  who  had  sought  relief  in 
vain  at  the  shrine  of  our  great  St.  Eichard,  knelt  at  the 
grave  of  Bishop  Gilbert;  and  among  nervous  patients, 
whose  imaginations  were  heated,  some  wonderful  cures 
were  effected.  The  people  of  Chichester,  ambitious  to 
have  another  saint,  demanded  the  canonization  of  their 
late  diocesan.  Although  we  may  regard  such  persons 
in  these  days  as  superstitious,  the  name  of  Gilbert  ainon? 
the  prelates  of  Chichester  is  still  spoken  of  with  reverence 
and  respect. 

Under  such  superintendence,  the  parochial  clergy  united 
with  the  dean  and  chapter  in  their  efforts  to  make,  by  th  3 
erection  of  a  spire,  a  suitable  addition  to  an  edifice,  which 
was  properly  regarded,  as  the  parish  church  of  the  wholo 
diocese.  On  certain  festivals,  other  churches  were  closed ; 
and  to  the  mother  church  all  persons  were  expected 
to  repair.  This  circumstance  rendered  them  the  mor<$ 
ready  to  give  assistance. 

The  Prebendal  school  was  not  yet  established  ;  bu ; 
about  the  year  1224  Bishop  Ealph  Neville  had  attaches 
a  Divinity  lectureship  to  the  prebend  of  Wittering,  anc. 
the  prebendary  was  sworn  "  Se  lecturum  in  claustro 
Cicestrias  temporibus  opportunist  * 

Although,  therefore,  the  present  cloisters  are  of  later 
date,  yet  a  cloister  existed  in  the  fourteenth  century ;  and 

*  Ordinatio  Bonifacii,  Archiepisc.  ad  Johan.  Cicestr.  Episc.  E.  213  : 
"  Episcopus  qui  pro  tempore  fuerit,  tenetur  conferre  et  conferat  dictam 
Prrcbendam  Regent!  actualiter  in  theologia,  qui  in  receptione  prae- 
bendfe  juret  corporaliter,  in  claustro  Cicestria?  fideliter  et  sine  fraude  se 
lecturum,  temporibus  opportunis.  Volumus  et  ordinamus,  quod  hoc 
onus  legendi,  dictse  prasbenda?  perpetuo  sit  annexatum.  In  cujus  rei 
Dat.  apud.  Slyndon  die  Scti.  Bartholomei,  1259. 


—  , 


1349. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  85 

here  young  Bradwardine  received  the  first  elements  of  CHAP. 
that  learning,  by  which  he  was  destined  to  elevate  himself 
above  his  contemporaries,  and  to  establish  an  immortal 
name.  In  the  same  cloisters,  he  would  converse  with  dme- 
Eichard  of  Bury,  of  whom  we  shah1  have  occasion  to  speak 
hereafter.  Eichard  Aungervile  of  Bury,  filled  some  of  the 
highest  offices  in  Church  and  State  ;  but  he  is  still  more 
distinguished  for  the  library  he  collected,  —  the  largest 
belonging  to  any  private  person  in  the  country.  He  was 
a  man  of  much  dry  humour  and  wit  ;  and,  warning 
young  Thomas  to  be  careful  to  wash  his  hands  before  pre 
suming  to  handle  a  book,  he  thus  satirises  some  of  the 
uncouth  students,  whose  manners  and  habits  reflected 
discredit  on  literature  :  —  "  You  will  sometimes  see,"  he  re 
marked,  "  a  stiff-necked  youth  lounging  sluggishly  in  the 
scriptorium.  In  winter  the  frost  perhaps  pinches  him  ; 
the  big  drop  hangs  from  his  nose,  and  being  too  lazy  to 
wipe  it  off  with  his  handkerchief,  lie  lete  it  fall  upon  the 
moistened  page.  Better  than  a  book  upon  his  knee  a 
cobbler's  apron  would  befit  such  a  creature  as  this.  Any 
passage  that  pleases  him  he  indents  with  a  filthy  nail  big 
as  a  giant's.  Then  he  marks  the  places,  that  he  may 
recur  to  them,  with  straws  sticking  out  from  the  volume. 
These  straws,  which  the  stomach  of  the  book  never 
digests,  and  which  nobody  ever  takes  out,  distend  the 
book  at  first,  and  then  they  become  putrid.  Over  the 
open  book  the  fellow  munches  cheese  and  fruit,  and  on  it 
he  places  his  empty  jug,  first  on  one  side,  then  on  the  other  ; 
having,  in  fact,  no  alms-bag  at  hand,  he  fills  the  book 
with  the  fragments  of  his  food.  He  keeps  on  chattering 
his  nonsense  with  eternal  garrulity  to  any  chance  com 
panions,  and  splutters  the  page  with  his  saliva  ;  or  still 
worse,  feeling  inclined  for  a  nap,  he  digs  his  elbows  into 
the  page  over  which  he  sprawls.  Then,  to  repair  the 
creases,  he  twists  back  the  margin  of  the  leaves,  to  the  no 


86  LIVES    OF   THE 

small  detriment  of  the  volume.  Or  if  it  be  spring-tide, 
he  stuffs  his  volume  with  violets,  roses,  quadrefoils  which 
ne  wi§nes  to  preserve.  In  summer  he  comes  in  with  the 
sweat  oozing  from  his  wet  hands,  and  turns  over  the 
volume ;  then  with  a  dusty  glove  he  will  soil  the  white 
parchment  still  further  by  attempting  to  dust  it,  or  will 
pass  over  the  page,  line  by  line,  with  a  forefinger  armed 
with  dirty  leather.  Then,  perhaps,  a  flea  bites  him,  and 
ah1  of  a  sudden  the  holy  book  is  flung  away,  soiled  and 
swelled  with  dust,  resisting  all  attempts  to  close  it." 

Such  was  the  complaint  of  a  book-collector  in  the  four 
teenth  century  ;  and  a  good  rule  was  laid  down  by 
Eichard  Bury  when  he  insisted,  that  washing  shoulc. 
always  precede  reading — a  rule  which  the  librarians  of 
mechanics'  institutes,  and  we  may  say  the  librarians  also 
in  fashionable  wTatering-places,  even  in  the  nineteenth 
century,  would  be  glad  to  enforce.* 

We  know  not  the  year,  in  which  Thomas  Bradwardine 
left  the  cloisters  of  his  native  city  for  the  banks  of  the 

*  Philobiblon,  cap.  xvii.  In  the  Paris  edition  of  1500,  this  work  is 
called  Philobiblion.  Canon  Shirley,  in  his  valuable  Preface  to  the 
Fasciculi  Zizaniorum,  xlvii.,  says  that  the  real  author  of  the  Philobiblon 
was  not  Richard  Bury  himself,  but  his  chaplain  Robert  Holcot ;  but 
Mr.  Foss  remarks,  that  the  history  of  the  bishop's  private  life,  in  chapter 
viii.,  makes  it  probable,  that  it  was  Richard  Bury's  own  compo 
sition.  William  de  Chambre  describes  Richard  Bishop  of  Durham  as 
only  "sufficienter  literatus;"  and  there  are  classical  references,  which 
show  the  author  to  be  a  well-read  man ;  or  they  may  be  regarded  as 
pieces  of  pedantry  of  which  you  would  suppose  a  man  "  sufficienter 
literatus,"  wishing  to  appear  a  scholar,  to  be  guilty.  The  pedantry  of 
the  work  struck  me,  when  first  I  read  it,  as  remarkable ;  the  author 
goes  out  of  his  way  to  show  his  learning.  There  are,  however,  some 
striking  passages  as  well  as  worthy  remarks.  The  following  might  be 
placed  over  the  door  of  a  library.  Speaking  of  books,  he  says  :  "  Hi 
sunt  magistri  qui  nos  instruunt  sine  virgis  vel  ferula,  sine  verbis  et 
colera,  sine  pane  et  pecunia.  Si  accedis  non  dormiunt,  si  inquiris  non 
se  absconderunt,  non  remurmurant  si  obcurres,  cachinnos  nesciunt  si 
ignores." 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF  CANTERBURY.  87 

Isis.    We  only  do  know,  that  he  was  one  of  the  many  dis 
tinguished  men  who  proved  the  wisdom  of  Walter  de 
Merton,  in  introducing  the  collegiate  system   into  our    Bradwar- 
universities.    He  was  a  Merton  man ;  and  the  catalogue  of      dj1;®- 

13*x9. 

the  Chancellors  and  Proctors  of  the  University  of  Oxford 
contains  his  name  in  the  year  1325 — Procura tores  Wil- 
lielmus  de  Harrington  et  Thomas  de  Bradwardin.  His 
contemporaries  are  unanimous,  in  the  testimony  they  bear 
to  his  early  pre-eminence  as  a  scholar.  He  was  familiar 
with  the  writings  of  Plato  and  Aristotle ;  and,  at  the  same 
time,  distinguished  himself  as  a  mathematician.  According 
to  Savile,  no  one  approached  him  in  this  department 
of  science.  He  instances,  among  the  other  works  of 
Bradwardine,  his  "Astronomical  Tables  descriptive  of 
the  Equations  of  the  Planets  and  the  Conjunctions  and 
Oppositions  of  the  Heavenly  Bodies."  These  Savile,  a 
very  competent  authority,  had  examined.  Bradwardine's 
treatise  "  De  Arithmetica  Speculativa "  was  published 
at  Paris  in  the  year  1495,  and  again  in  1530 — a  proof 
of  the  high  estimation  in  which  the  work  was  long  held. 
Another  treatise,  "De  Geometria  Speculativa,"  was  also 
published  in  1495,  and  this  was  reprinted  in  1516. 
His  treatise  "  De  Proportionibus  Velocitatum"  was  printed 
first  at  Paris,  and  then  at  Venice  in  1505.* 

From  the  school  of  science  he  passed  into  that  of  moral 
philosophy  and  theology.  He  was  requested  by  the 
Fellows  of  Merton  to  lay  before  them  the  results  of  his 
studies,  and  he  delivered  to  them  a  course  of  lectures, 
which,  when  he  afterwards  resided  in  London,  and  had 
the  library  of  Eichard  Bury  to  consult,  he  arranged  in 
the  form  of  a  treatise  and  published.  It  was  edited,  with 
his  usual  ability,  by  Savile,  himself  a  Merton  man,  in 
1618,  at  the  suggestion  of  Archbishop  Abbot.  In  the 

*  "  Plurimos  alios  conscripsit,"  says  Savile,  "  in  omni  disciplinarum 
genere,  si  credimus  Baleo,  mihi  non  tractates." 


88  LIVES   OF   THE 

six  manuscripts  consulted  by  Savile  the  title  of  the  work 
is  "  Summa  Doctoris  Profundi."  The  title  it  now  bears  is 
"  ^e  Causa  Dei  contra  Pelagium  et  de  Virtute  causarum 
ad  suos  Mertonenses  libri  tres."  It  is  a  folio  of  more 
than  900  pages.  It  is  a  mine  of  thought,  and  is  consulted 
by  deep  thinkers,  especially  those  of  the  Calvinistic  school, 
in  the  nineteenth  century.  It  was  analysed  in  the  last 
century,  with  great  care  and  judgment  by  Dean  Milner, 
who  was  one  of  the  first  mathematicians,  and  perhaps  the 
most  learned  of  the  Calvinistic  divines  of  his  own  age. 

Immediately  upon  its  publication,  this  work  was  re 
ceived,  by  all  learned  men,  with  such  applause,  that  it 
immediately  found  a  place  in  almost  all  the  libraries  of 
Europe.  Gerson,  Gregorius  Ariminensis,  and  many  other 
writers  quoted  from  it,  as  regarding  its  arguments  in  the? 
light  of  an  authority.  On  a  work  which  made  such  an 
impression  on  the  public  mind  it  is  necessary  to  offer  a 
few  remarks. 

The  school  philosophy,  it  is  well  known,  was  employed 
in  the  application  of  dialectics  to  theology.  By  theology, 
or  by  orthodox  theology,  was  meant,  in  the  middle  ages, 
the  theological  system  deduced,  or  deducible  from  the 
writings  of  St.  Augustine.  Augustine  stood  in  the  same 
relation  to  the  mediaeval  doctors,  as  that  in  which  Calvin 
stood  towards  the  theologians  of  England,  in  the  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries.  But,  as  is  often  the  case  with 
respect  to  authorities  to  which  men  nominally  defer, 
Augustine  was  less  read  than  praised;  and  when  he  was 
quoted,  the  quotations  were  too  frequently  taken  from 
abstracts  made  from  his  works,  apart  from  the  context ; 
consequently,  he  was  frequently  misunderstood,  and  more 
frequently  misinterpreted. 

Bradwardine  was  a  student  of  the  entire  works  of  the 
great  Latin  doctor,  whom  he  regarded  as  the  true  apostolic 
logician  and  philosopher.  As  he  read  deeply  and  thought 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  89 

profoundly,  he  was  fearless  in  declaring  what  he  believed  CHAP. 
to  be  the  truth.  He  feared  not  to  startle  the  world  by 
declaring,  that  nearly  the  whole  Church  had  become  Pela- 
gian.  In  attempting  to  prove  his  position,  he  anticipated, 
to  a  certain  extent,  the  work  of  the  Eeformers  of  the  six 
teenth  century.  For  some  time,  there  had  been  a  strong 
anti-papal  spirit  in  England,  so  far  as  politics  were  con 
cerned.  To  a  French  pope  residing  at  Avignon  the 
English  were  naturally  opposed ;  but  it  is  in  the  pages  of 
Bradwardine,  that  we  have  the  first  surmise,  that  there 
was  doctrinal  error  as  well  as  erroneous  conduct.  He 
pointed  out  the  occult  Pelagianism,  which  existed  in  the 
doctrine  which  related  to  what  was  styled  the  merit  of 
congruity — the  doctrine  against  which  our  13th  Article 
is  directed.  By  rejecting  the  merit  of  condignity,  that  is, 
the  merit,  which  claims  reward  on  the  score  of  justice,  the 
divines  of  the  fourteenth  century  supposed,  that  they 
escaped  the  heresy  of  Pelagianism.  But  from  their  desire 
to  recognise,  in  some  sense,  the  merit  of  human  virtue — 
the  constant  demand  of  man's  proud  heart — they  asserted 
the  merit  of  congruity.  According  to  this  doctrine,  it  was 
contended,  that  the  performance  on  the  part  of  man  of 
certain  good  actions,  rendered  it  meet  and  equitable,  that 
God  should  confer  upon  him  saving  grace.  It  is  on  this 
point,  that  Bradwardine  is  original,  and  he  establishes  his 
position  with*,  logical  or  rather  mathematical  precision. 
As  he  excelled  in  mathematics,  so  he  brought  his  mathe 
matics  to  bear  upon  his  method  of  treating  theological 
questions.  He  first  of  all,  lays  down  two  hypotheses  or 
principles,  and  he  then  demonstrates  their  consequences, 
and  deduces  the  corollaries.  The  consequences  are  some 
times  such  as  would  startle  a  more  cautious  and  practical 
reasoner  into  a  re-examination  of  his  principles,  or  into  a 
reconsideration  of  his  hypotheses ;  but  Bradwardine 
marches  boldly  on,  perfectly  contented  if  he  is  formally 


90  LIVES   OF   THE 

correct.  His  primary  design  was  a  refutation  of  Pela- 
-  gianism  ;  but,  in  the  prosecution  of  his  subject,  he  is  led 
on  to  treat,  at  considerable  length,  of  the  Great  God 
Himself,  His  Perfections,  Eternity,  Immutability,  Im 
mensity,  and  of  His  other  Divine  attributes,  particularly 
His  knowledge,  power,  and  will.  Bradwardine's  principle 
of  predestination  is  deduced  from  the  absolute  Being  of 
God,  from  His  self-existence  and  immutability.  By  this 
mode  of  arguing,  the  distinction  sometimes  attempted  to 
be  made  between  foreknowledge  and  predestination  is 
excluded.  Our  author  is  not  deterred  from  maintaining 
as  a  necessary  corollary  from  his  premises,  that  God 
willed  sin  privative  though  not  positive.  Human  freedom 
is  conditioned  by  the  Divine  necessity.  The  will  of  the 
Creator  leads,  that  of  the  creature  follows.  His  principles 
were  what  would  be  called,  in  modern  times,  extreme 
Calvinism. 

These  abstruse  subjects  present  themselves,  from  time 
to  time,  for  discussion  in  the  Church,  being  designed, 
probably,  by  Divine  Providence  to  interest  the  minds  of 
men,  by  compelling  them  to  stretch  out  their  necks,  as  it 
were,  that,  if  it  be  possible,  they  may  look  over  the  ram 
parts,  which  separate  eternity  from  time.  The  mind  must 
be  severely  exercised  on  religion ;  but  the  mind  will  not 
be  excited  unless  perplexities  occur.  To  those,  whose 
inclination  is  to  metaphysical  inquiries,  or  to  the  reveries 
of  mysticism,  such  subjects  have  a  peculiar  interest ;  and 
whatever  tends  to  elevate  the  mind  above  the  realities  of 
ordinary  life  has,  if  not  carried  to  excess,  a  salutary 
iDfluence.  Many  minds  have,  in  all  ages,  found  it 
difficult  to  reject  Augustinianism,  or,  as  it  was  subse 
quently  called,  Calvinism  ;  for  it  is  against  the  conclusions 
that  they  have  revolted,  while,  by  the  process  of  argumen 
tation,  through  which  the  conclusions  have  been  reached, 
they  have  been  fascinated.  Their  moral  nature  and  their 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  91 

intellectual  nature,  their  sentiment  and  their  logic,  are  at  CHAP. 

variance.     The  feelings  of  the  persons,  who  are  opposed  . ^ — 

to  the  a  priori    argument,  which  leads   to   conclusions  Bradro- 

against  which  their  reason  rebels,  are  expressed  by  Pope  <1"^ 
with  his  usual  terseness  and  felicity  of  expression  : — 

Let  others  creep  by  timid  steps  and  slow, 
On  plain  experience  lay  foundations  low, 
By  common  sense  to  common  knowledge  bred, 
And  last  to  nature's  Cause  through  nature  led ; 
All-seeing,  in  thy  mists  we  want  no  guide, 
Mother  of  arrogance  and  source  of  pride  ; 
We  boldly  take  the  high  Priori  road, 
And  reason  downward  till  we  doubt  of  God. 

To  this  quotation  from  the  most  elegant  of  our  poets 
we  may  add  another  from  the  father  of  English  song, 
who  united  with  his  contemporaries  in  his  admiration  of 
Bradwardine,  but  demurred  to  some  of  the  conclusions 
to  which  his  mathematical  precision  brought  him.  The 
following  passage  occurs  in  the  "  Nun's  Priest's  Tale  : " — 

But  what  that  God  afore  wrote  must  needs  bee, 

After  the  opinion  of  certaine  clerkis. 

Witnesse  of  him  that  any  clerke  is, 

That  in  Schoole  is  great  altercation 

In  this  matter,  and  great  disputation, 

And  hath  been  of  an  hundred  thousand  men. 

But  I  ne  cannot  boult  it  to  the  bren, 

As  can  the  holy  doctour  S.  Austin, 

Or  Boece,  or  the  Bishop  Bradwardin. 

Whether  that  God's  worthy  foreweting 

Straineth  me  needly  to  doe  a  thing, 

(Needly  clepe  I  simple  necessite) 

Or  if  the  free  choice  be  granted  me 

To  doe  the  same  thing,  or  do  it  nought, 

Though  God  fore  wot  it  or  it  was  wrought. 

Or  if  his  weting  straineth  never  a  dele 

But  by  necessite  conditionele, 

I  woll  not  have  to  done  of  such  matere. 


92  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.  By  the  universal  consent  of  learned  men,  throughout 
-  /_,  Christendom,  the  title  of  Doctor  Profundus  was  accorded 
war-  to  tne  learned  author  of  the  "  De  Causa  Dei,"  who  is  as 
1349  we^  known  by  that  appellation  as  Scotus  is  by  that  of 
Doctor  Subtilis,  and  Aquinas  by  that  of  Doctor  Angelicus.* 
Our  admiration  of  Bradwardine  is  increased,  when  we 
find  that,  student  as  he  was,  and  devoted  to  the  profound 
speculations  of  Christian  philosophy,  he  never  hesitated 
to  leave  his  favourite  studies ;  when,  by  the  call  of 
Providence,  he  was  summoned  to  the  duties  of  active 
life.  He  so  arranged  his  secular  pursuits  as  always  to 
find  time,  like  Mary,  to  sit  at  Jesus'  feet ;  but  he  did  not 
forget,  that  Mary  had  previously  assisted  Martha  in  her 
household  work.  He  only  objected  to  serve  when,  'he 
service  being  overmuch,  and  undertaken  voluntarily,  pre 
vented  him  from  attending  to  that  care  of  the  soul,  which 
he  knew  to  be  the  first  duty  of  the  individual  to  himself. 
Classical  literature  was,  at  this  time,  studied,  and,  as  we 
see  in  the  Philobiblon,  was  rather  pedantically  displayed. 
Bradwardine  may,  therefore,  have  passed  from  things 
sacred,  and  have  observed  Mertonensibus  suis,  that 
although  with  Theophrastus  he  preferred  the  contei  i- 
plative  life,  he  would  also  follow  the  advice  of  Dicasarchts, 
and  engage  in  a  life  of  action,  following  the  example  of 
Cicero  in  the  union  of  the  two  classes  of  duty. 

In  the  year  1325,  he  accepted  the  office  of  junior 
proctor  in  the  University  of  Oxford,  and  wras  immediately 
involved  in  the  intricacies  of  a  troublesome  lawsuit.  A 


*  We  may  here  remark  that  the  Dominicans  were  avowedly  tl  e 
advocates  of  the  doctrines  of  St.  Augustine,  and  especially  accused  tie 
Franciscans  of  being  semi-Pelagians.  To  this  circumstance  I  attribute 
the  supposition  of  some  later  writers,  that  Bradwardine  was  a  Do 
minican,  for  which  I  can  find  no  contemporary  authority.  If  he  ha  1 
been  a  Dominican,  we  may  be  quite  sure  that  the  Dominicans  woul-l 
have  made  their  boast  of  him. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  93 

controversy  had  arisen  between  the  University  and  the 
Archdeacon  of  Oxford.  The  archdeaconry  was  held  in 
commendam  by  a  certain  Galhardus  de  Mota,  Cardinal 
of  St.  Lucia  ;  and  while  the  duties  of  the  office  were 
neglected  or  performed  by  deputy,  the  emoluments  were 
farmed  by  certain  unscrupulous  persons,  whose  object  was, 
of  course,  to  make  the  best  of  their  bargain.  In  the  arch 
deacon's  name,  they  claimed  spiritual  jurisdiction  within 
the  University  of  Oxford.  This  was  done,  not  for  the  pur 
pose  of  enforcing  discipline,  but  with  an  evident  tendency 
to  relax  it.  Their  object  was  to  obtain  jurisdiction  in  the 
University,  in  order  that  they  might  compel  the  students 
to  purchase  a  relaxation  of  discipline,  or  occasionally  buy 
off  a  threatened  prosecution.  The  archidiaconal  officers 
were  low  men,  whose  mode  of  proceeding  in  the  diocese  is 
described  in  the  introductory  chapter,  and  it  was  thought, 
that  a  course  of  proceeding,  found  to  be  lucrative  in  the 
diocesan  cities,  would  be  productive  of  great  gain  in  the 
University.  The  chancellor  and  the  proctors  maintained, 
that,  by  the  common  law  of  England,  the  discipline  of  the 
University  rested  with  them.  They  spoke  with  contempt 
of  the  non-resident  archdeacon  and  of  his  pretensions. 
When  this  was  reported  to  the  cardinal,  he  was  violently 
indignant,  and  obtained  letters  from  the  pope,  requiring 
the  attendance  of  the  chancellor,  proctors,  and  certain 
masters  of  arts  at  Avignon,  to  make  answer  to  such  things 
as  should  be  laid  to  their  charge.  They  declined  to  put 
in  an  appearance,  and  instituted  a  counter  suit  by  appeal 
ing  to  the  king.  The  king  gave  them  a  gracious  hearing, 
and  succeeded  in  compelling  the  archdeacon  to  submit 
his  case  to  the  arbitration  of  English  judges.* 

For  a  man  who,  like  Bradwardine,  loved  learning  for 

*  Wood,  Annals,  408.  Foedera,  iv.  190.  The  affair  was  not  settled 
before  1330,  if  even  then.  A  few  years  afterwards  the  University  was 
exempted  from  episcopal  jurisdiction. 


94  LIVES   OP   THE 

CHAP,  its  own  sake,  the  University  was  the  proper  place ;  but 
XL  ^  he  was  summoned  to  London,  to  become  one  of  the 
lradwar-  household  of  the  Bishop  of  Durham,  who  was  none  other 
^ne-  than  his  former  friend  and  patron,  Eichard  Aungerville, 
better  known  by  the  name  of  Eichard  of  Bury.  This- 
eminent  man  had  been  consecrated  to  the  see  of  Durham 
in  1333,  and  having  been  appointed  Lord  Treasurer  on 
the  3rd  of  February  1334,  and  Lord  Chancellor  on  the 
28th  of  the  following  September,  was  now  at  the  head 
of  a  splendid  establishment.  Thirty-six  esquires  waited 
in  uniform  in  his  hall,  and  twenty  chaplains  all  arrayed 
alike.  Nobles  resorted  to  his  court,  and  he  was  visited 
by  royalty  itself.  But  his  delight  was  in  the  society  of 
men  of  learning.  He  could  himself  repeat  conversations, 
which  he  had,  when  he  was  on  an  embassy  to  Avigncn, 
with  Petrarch,  already  renowned.  At  dinner,  a  reader 
was  appointed.  In  this  appointment,  Eichard  Bu^ 
introduced,  into  his  episcopal  establishment,  a  custom 
prevalent  in  the  monasteries ;  but  his  learned  companior  s, 
inclining  to  pedantry,  referred  also,  very  probably,  ,o 
the  practice  of  the  Eomans,  who,  as  we  learn  fron 
Cicero,  employed  not  unfrequently  an  anagnostes.  A 
free  discussion,  after  dinner,  was  permitted  to  the 
learned  men,  who  assembled  at  the  hospitable  board. 
The  change,  therefore,  from  Merton  College  to  the  palace 
of  the  Bishop  of  Durham,  or  to  his  residence  in  London, 
was  little  more  than  the  removal  from  one  college  t3 
another.  The  change,  indeed,  was  hardly  so  great  i:i 
the  case  of  Bradwardine  ;  for  he  was  associated  with  seven 
other  Merton  men — a  circumstance,  which  reflects  tho 
more  honour  on  that  society,  when  we  find,  that  tho 
Bishop  of  Durham  was  not  a  Merton  man  himself. 
There  were,  besides  Bradwardine,  Eichard  Fitzralph, 
afterwards  Archbishop  of  Armagh,  the  opponent  of  th( 
mendicants  and  the  precursor  of  Wiclif ;  Walter  Burley ; 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  95 

John  Mauduit ;   Eobert  Holcot  (supposed  to  have  been     CHAP. 
the  real  author  of  the  Philobiblon) ;  Eichard  Kilwington,  • — ,-1— . 
or  Kilmington,  all  doctors  of  divinity,  as  was  Bradwar-    Bradwar- 
dine  himself;  Eichard  Bentworth,  afterwards  Bishop  of      ^"g 
London,    and    Walter    Seagrave,    afterwards    Dean    of 
Chichester. 

These  men  were  happily  employed  in  assisting  the 
bishop,  in  the  collection  and  arrangement  of  a  library, 
which  became  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  age.  The 
bishop  thought,  with  Cicero,  that  to  attach  a  library  to  his 
residence  was  to  supply  a  soul  to  his  household ;  and  if 
he  found  in  Holcot  his  Tyrannio,  he  found  in  Bradwar- 
dine  an  Atticus.  Eichard  of  Bury's  opportunities  for 
effecting  his  purpose  were  great,  and  of  these  he  availed 
himself  to  the  utmost.  As  treasurer  and  chancellor  he 
was  in  constant  attendance  upon  the  king  ;  and  in  their 
progress  through  the  country,  while  the  king  was  enjoy 
ing  the  pleasures  of  the  chase,  the  chancellor  was  hunting 
for  rare  books — "  for  crazy  quartos  and  tottering  folios,"  as 
he  himself  expressed  it — in  the  libraries  of  the  neighbour 
ing  cathedrals  and  monasteries.  He  found  many  of  these 
public  libraries  in  a  dilapidated  condition.  Books  of 
inestimable  value  were  covered  with  the  excrements  of 
mice,  and  pierced  through  by  the  gnawing  of  worms. 
Eichard's  love  of  books  was  soon  known,  and  people 
discovered  that  they  could  purchase  the  favour  of  the 
chancellor,  though  not  by  money,  yet  by  quartos.  In  his 
foreign  embassies,  he  states,  that  he  gave  it  out,  that  he 
"  preferred  folios  to  florins,  books  before  bags,  and  petty 
pamphlets  to  pampered  palfreys."  Valuable  additions  to 
his  library  were,  in  consequence,  easily  obtained. 

The  books  were  collected  rather  than  arranged,  until 
he  retired  from  public  life,  and  confined  himself  to  his 
episcopal  duties.  In  every  manor  house  of  the  see, 
books  were  seen  lying  about.  No  one  could  take  a  seat 


96  LIVES   OP   THE 

CHAP,     without  knocking  against  a  book.      His  bed-room 

"XT 

\'  - 


"XT 

'       full   of  them.      He  boasted,  that  the  first  Greek  and 


Hebrew  grammars  were  the  result  of  his  labours  ;  and 
the  library  which  his  chaplains  were  now  assorting  in 
London,  preparatory  to  his  final  removal  to  Durham,  he 
bequeathed  at  his  death  to  the  students  of  a  college  in 
Oxford,  at  that  time  called  Durham  College,  but  row 
known  as  Trinity. 

In  this  library  Thomas  Bradwardine  found  the  books 
which  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  consult,  when  he  gave 
the  "  De  Causa  Dei  "  to  the  public.  At  the  same  time  we 
must  admit,  that  Bradwardine  did  not  make  all  the  use 
of  such  a  library  as  might  have  been  expected,  or  rather 
as  would  have  been  expected  in  a  more  accurate  age. 
His  quotations  are  carelessly  made,  and  not  unfrequeniy 
from  apocryphal  Greek  authors.  Of  this  his  learned 
editor  complains. 

Bishops,  like  kings,  sought  to  pay  their  servants  not 
from  their  own  purses,  but  by  converting,  in  their  favour, 
the  preferments  of  the  Church  into  sinecures.  The  Bishop 
of  Durham  obtained  for  his  chaplain  the  Chancellorship 
of  St.  Paul's,  with  the  Prebend  of  Cadington  minor 
attached  to  it.  Bradwardine  was  collated  on  the  19th  of 
September,  1337.  He  accepted,  soon  after,  a  prebend  in 
Lincoln  Cathedral.  To  the  acceptance  of  the  latter  pre 
ferment  he  at  first  demurred.  So  much  had  been  said,  of 
late,  against  non-resident  beneficiaries,  —  though  at  first  the 
remarks  were  intended  only  to  apply  to  foreigners,  —  that 
a  conscientious  man  like  Bradwardine  may  have  hesitated 
to  make  himself  responsible  for  duties,  which  he  was 
never  likely  to  discharge  in  person.  When  he  was  in 
London,  he  could  perform  the  duties  of  the  chancellor 
ship,  and  he  probably  read,  in  St.  Paul's,  what  he  hat 
formerly  delivered  as  lectures  at  Oxford,  before  he  col 
lected  his  productions  into  a  volume.  At  Lincoln  his 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  97 

stall  would  be  a  sinecure.     But  whatever  his  scruples     CHAP. 
may  have  been  at  first,  they  were  overruled,  for  he  was 
nominated  to  an  office,  in  which  all  the  money  he  could 
collect  would  be  required. 

On  the  joint  recommendation  of  Archbishop  Stratford 
and  Bishop  Eichard  of  Bury,  Thomas  Bradwardine  was  ap 
pointed  one  of  the  chaplains  of  the  king.  Here  the  expenses, 
like  the  power,  would  be  great ;  the  salary  nil.  The  king 
would  find  employment,  the  Church  pay.  If  credit  is  to 
be  given  to  the  political  songs  of  the  day,  the  life  of  King 
Edward  III.,  at  this  period,  was  so  immoral,  that  we  may 
suppose,  that  these  prelates,  though  men  of  the  world- 
statesmen  and  lawyers  rather  than  divines,  but  still  men 
of  unimpeachable  morality — desired  to  place  in  contact 
with  the  king  a  man,  whose  firmness  of  character  was 
only  surpassed  by  his  unpretending  modesty  and  gentle 
temper.  The  very  abjects  respected  Thomas  Bradwardine.* 

The  new  chaplain  joined  the  brilliant  court  of  Edward 
III.  in  Flanders ;  and  formed  part  of  the  suite,  when  on 
the  16th  of  August,  1338,  escorted  by  peers  and  prelates, 
with  a  numerous  retinue  of  servants,  and  a  body  guard 
of  sixty  men,  the  king  proceeded  up  the  Ehine.  The 
king's  object  was  to  hold  a  conference  at  Coblentz,  with 
his  brother-in-law,  Louis  of  Bavaria,  whose  right  to  the 
imperial  diadem  was  maintained  by  the  English.  Until 
the  illumination  of  the  Ehine,  on  the  reception  given  to 
Queen  Victoria  by  the  King  of  Prussia,  the  progress  of 

*  He  is  described  as  "  Regi  Edwardo  Tertio  a  sacris  confessionibus," 
which  is  sometimes  translated  Confessor  to  the  King.  This  was  a 
title  borne  by  all  the  royal  chaplains.  When  the  writer  of  this  note 
was  appointed  one  of  the  chaplains  of  George  IV.,  there  was  an  office 
still  in  existence,  to  which  the  title  of  Confessor  of  the  Household  was 
attached.  The  title  was  changed  to  Chaplain  of  the  Household  by 
Bishop  Bloinfield.  Whether  Bradwardine  was  the  chaplain  who  ordi 
narily  received  the  confessions  of  Edward  III.  is  not  known.  That  he 
was  such  we  should  infer  from  Birchington. 
VOL.  IV.  II 


98  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.     King  Edward  from  Antwerp  to  Coblentz  was  unsurpassed, 

_XL  ,  perhaps  unequalled,  in   magnificence.     It  was  like   the 

mXar-   triumphant  procession  of  a  conqueror.    All  persons,  of  all 

dine-      classes,  combined  to   give  a  welcome   to  the   King  of 

England,  and  to  do  him  honour.     By  their  enthusiasm, 

they  made   manifest   the    importance    attached   by   llie 

Germans  to  the  English  alliance,  and  the  high  position 

which  our  country  had  now  taken  among  the  nations  of 

Europe. 

There  are  few  things  more  striking,  than  the  minuteness 
and  accuracy  with  which  the  public  accounts  were  kept 
in  the  middle  ages.  The  light  which  is  thrown,  by  ttie 
study  of  them,  upon  the  facts  of  history,  as  well  as  upon 
the  customs  and  habits  of  our  ancestors,  renders  them 
historically  valuable.  There  is  in  existence  a  wardro  oe 
account  book  of  Edward  III.*  between  the  years  13)>8 
and  1340,  by  which  we  might  trace  that  monarch,  in  Lis 
peregrinations,  day  by  day,  through  some  of  the  most 
lovely,  if  not  the  most  sublime  scenery  in  the  world. 
But  we  must  confine  our  attention  to  the  duties  performed 
by  the  king,  when  acting  under  the  direction  of  his 
chaplain  and  almoner. 

In  the  life  of  Stratford,  we  have  had  occasion  to  notice 
the  munificence,  amounting  to  extravagance,  of  Edward, 
at  this  period  of  his  reign.  The  emperor,  dukes,  mar 
quises,  counts  found  their  coffers  replenished  by  Engli&h 
gold,  for  which  they  paid  in  great  promises  to  be  almost 
immediately  repudiated.  The  Church  had  no  reason  to 
complain.  Directed  by  his  chaplain,  the  king  visited,  fcr 
the  purposes  of  devotion,  the  convents  of  the  Minorite;?, 
Dominicans,  Augustines,  and  Carmelites.  These  priories 
possessed  relics  ;  and,  as  travellers  now  deviate  from  tli3 

*  Copious  extracts  have  been  made  from  this  document  by  Pauli  i  i 
Quellen  imd  Erorterungen  zur  Bayerischen  und  Deutschen  Geschicht< , 
vol  vii.,  and  in  his  "  Pictures  of  Old  England." 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  99 

high  road,  allured  by  the  desire  of  seeing  a  picture  and  CHAP. 
some  splendid  work  of  art,  so,  in  the  fourteenth  century,  a  - — ,— 
relic  was  the  attraction.  Warriors  as  well  as  pilgrims  went 
out  of  their  way,  to  pray  at  the  shrine  of  some  spiritual  hero, 
and  to  ask  for  his  intercessions  in  their  behalf.  At  each  of 
these  convents,  the  king  made  a  donation,  which  would 
amount,  in  our  money,  to  about  fifty  pounds.  If  there 
were  relics  of  English  saints,  the  donation  was  considera 
bly  larger.  When  having  arrived  at  Cologne,  the  king 
looked  down,  from  the  city  walls,  upon  "  the  deep  abound 
ing  river" — at  that  time,  the  high  road  of  commerce — 
there  was  much  to  interest  him  in  the  welfare  of  a  people, 
whose  welfare,  in  a  commercial  point  of  view,  was  so 
much  identified  with  that  of  England.  One  of  the  great 
objects  of  the  politic  monarch  being  to  enrich  his  country, 
by  encouraging  trade  ; — with  the  traders  in  all  countries 
he  was  popular.  The  mind  of  Bradwardine,  meantime,  as 
he  gazed  on  the  uncompleted  edifice  before  him,  reverted 
to  his  home,  where  the  works  in  his  much-loved  cathedral 
were  in  progress.  The  noble  choir  of  Cologne  Cathedral 
stood,  in  all  its  beauty,  before  them;  but  so  much  remained 
to  be  done,  before  the  wonderful  structure  as  it  was  de 
signed,  would  be  completed,  that,  in  the  nineteenth  century, 
it  is  still  unfinished.  Bradwardine  reminded  the  king,  that 
it  was  in  the  old  cathedral  of  Cologne,  that  Richard  Coeur 
de  Lion  offered  public  thanksgiving,  in  the  midst  of  a 
sympathising  people,  for  his  escape  from  the  Duke  of 
Austria.  So  much  was  the  king's  grandfather,  the  illus 
trious  Edward  L,  interested  by  this  circumstance,  that 
he  had  added  to  the  endowments  of  the  chapter,  to  secure 
certain  masses  for  the  repose  of  King  Richard's  soul. 
The  old  cathedral  had  been  destroyed  by  fire ;  but  the 
Archbishop  Conrad  von  Hochstaden  immediately  visited 
England,  to  collect  contributions  from  the  English  mer 
chants  and  from  King  Henry  III.,  a  well-known  patron 

H    2 


100  LIVES   OF   THE 

of  the  arts.  Edward  III.,  though  a  wiser  man  than  the 
third  Henry,  was  himself  an  admirer  of  architecture,  as 
war-  was  afterwards  proved  by  his  selection  of  William  of 
1349'  Wykeham  to  be  his  architect,  and  by  his  enabling  that 
munificent  prelate  to  render  Windsor  Castle  a  palace  as 
well  as  a  fortress — a  residence  fit  for  England's  kings  in: 
peace  or  in  war.  The  magnificent  design  of  Cologne 
Cathedral  was  laid  before  the  king,  and,  after  conference 
with  his  chaplain  and  almoner,  he  subscribed  a  su  11 
amounting  to  not  less,  according  to  the  present  value  of 
money,  than  £1,500. 

"  And  so,"  exclaims  the  German  historian,  Pauli,  who 
loves  England  of  all  nations  best,  next  to  his  own  father 
land  with  which  he  wishes  to  identify  it,  "  English  gol  1 
is  cemented  with  the  very  foundation-stones  of  Cologne 
Cathedral,  and  with  the  buttresses  of  the  south  tower. 
At  all  events,"  he  exclaims,  "if  ever  a  tablet  shall  b3 
erected,  inscribed  with  the  names  of  the  many  high  and 
mighty  patrons  of  that  vast  labyrinth  of  columns  and 
Gothic  arches,  among  the  first  and  most  distinguished 
should  stand  the  name  of  Edward  III.  King  of  England." s:: 

I  know  not  how  this  may  be,  but  we  may  state,  with 
confidence,  that  if  gold  to  the  amount  of  a  thousam 
pounds  shall  flow  forth  from  the  Prussian  treasury,  ir 
grateful  remembrance  of  the  munificence  of  Edward,  tc 
be  cemented  in  the  strong  walls  of  the  rising  spire  01 
Chichester  Cathedral,  William  King  of  Prussia  will  secure 
for  himself  a  monument  cere  perennius,  while  his  portrait, 
shall  find  a  place,  in  our  south  transept,  next  to  the 
Conqueror  of  Cressy.f 

*  "  Pictures  of  Old  England,"  155. 

•f  There  was  a  succession  of  portraits  of  the  Kings  of  England  and 
the  Bishops  of  Chichester  in  the  south  transept  of  the  Cathedral,  and  the 
pictures,  though  damaged,  have  not  been  destroyed,  and  will  be  restored. 
One  of  the  last  public  acts  of  the  late  Prince  Consort  was  to  vint 


AKCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  101 

From  Cologne  the  king  went  up  the  Bhine  to  Coblentz  ; 
and  on  Saturday,  the  5th  of  September,  his  public  re- 
ception  by  the  emperor  took  place.  On  a  throne,  raised  Bradwar- 
twelve  feet  from  the  ground,  sat  the  Emperor  Louis,  j^ne. 
wearing  the  double  crown,  and  carrying  the  sceptre  in 
his  hand.  On  a  throne  one  step  below  him,  sat  his 
brother-in-law,  Edward  King  of  England,  also  wearing 
his  crown.  Around  them  in  their  robes  of  ceremony,  and 
carrying  the  insignia  of  office,  stood  the  electoral  princes 
and  other  imperial  dignitaries.  It  is  said,  that  seventeen 
hundred  lords  and  knights,  attended  by  their  retainers, 
were  present  on  this  occasion.  Certain  laws  of  the  empire 
having  been  proclaimed  in  the  name  of  the  emperor, 
Louis  nominated  his  brother-in-law,  King  Edward,  to  be 
his  vicar  or  representative  for  all  the  imperial  district 
lying  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Ehine. 

It  is  no  part  of  my  business  to  enter  into  the  political 
consequences  of  this  ceremonial.  But  what  now  took 
place  marks  an  era  in  ecclesiastical  history.  These  events 

the  ruins  of  the  Cathedral.  To  the  pictures  he  directed  his  atten 
tion  ;  and  having  been  told  that  they  were  not  of  any  intrinsic  value, 
his  reply  was :  "  Everything  is  valuable  which  marks  the  taste,  good 
or  bad,  of  any  period  in  our  history."  In  the  first  volume  of  this 
work,  of  which  the  Prince  in  gracious  terms  accepted  a  copy,  it  was 
remarked  that  England  would  not  know  his  value  until  he  was  lost 
to  her — a  prediction  which  found  its  fulfilment  awfully  soon.  Of  the 
Prince  Consort's  wonderful  ability  to  understand,  almost  intuitively,  the 
most  difficult  scientific  problems,  when  brought  under  his  notice,  I 
have  heard  some  of  the  most  learned  of  our  scientific  men  speak  with 
enthusiasm.  The  statesman  will  always  refer  to  the  illustrious  prince 
as  the  first  among  the  princes  of  Europe  who  understood  the  exact 
position  which  the  sovereign  occupies,  in  a  constitutional  government. 
The  moralist  will  study  his  biography,  as  containing  the  most  perfect 
example  we  have  of  self-abnegation  for  the  good  of  others.  When  we 
speak  of  the  consistent  heroism,  which  results  from  a  sense  of  duty,  we 
think  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington  :  in  the  late  Prince  Consort,  we  have  a 
perfect  model  of  unselfishness. 


102  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     took  place  not  only  without  the  concurrence  of  the  pope, 
XL    .  but  in  defiance  of  his  authority.     The  papal  power  at 

JradTar-  Avignon,  where  the  pope  was  in  fact  a  subject  of  the 
dine.  King  of  France,  was  not  what  it  had  been  at  Borne.  In 
the  Babylonish  captivity,  as  the  Eomans  called  it,  the 
papacy  received  a  shock,  from  which  it  never  recovered. 
At  this  very  diet,  it  was  decreed,  that  the  prince,  who  \\  as 
chosen  by  the  electors  to  be  King  of  the  Eomans,  should 
assume  that  high  dignity  without  waiting  for  the  con 
firmation  of  his  title  by  the  pope.  The  student  of  history 
will  watch  the  silent,  stealthy,  but  unceasing  progress  of 
those  principles,  which  eventually  terminated  in  the 
Eeformation. 

In  the  life  of  Stratford,  we  have  had  occasion  to  sta:e 
how  the  high  expectations  of  the  King  of  England  were 
frustrated  by  the  intrigues  of  Avignon  and  of  Paris ;  and 
it  would  seem  from  the  violence  of  Edward,  and  tie 
offences  of  which  he  was  guilty,  that  Bradwardine  lost  for 
a  season  his  influence  over  the  royal  mind.  But  ths  t 
influence  was  soon  regained.  It  was,  doubtless,  throug  i 
him,  to  a  considerable  extent,  that  Edward  was  induced 
to  receive  back  into  his  favour  Archbishop  Stratford,  th  3 
friend  of  both.  From  the  naval  victory  of  Sluys  to  th-3 
glorious  field  of  Cressy  and  the  taking  of  Calais,  Brad 
wardine  was  in  attendance  on  the  king. 

He  spoke  to  the  king  boldly,  but  always  with  affection 
and  respect ;  not  with  the  sternness  of  a  judge,  but  witl 
the  sympathy  of  a  Christian.  He  soothed  Edward  in  his 
anger,  and  prevented  him  from  being  too  much  elatec 
under  his  successes.  He  repressed  the  insolence  of  the 
soldiery,  and,  in  his  addresses  to  the  army,  he  used  such 
persuasive  language,  and  conducted  himself  with  such  dis 
cretion  and  prudence,  that  lie  was  regarded  as  a  saint. 
So  much  so,  that  there  were  not  a  few,  who  attributed 
the  victories  of  Edward  to  the  efficacy  of  the  chaplain's 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  103 

prayers,  quite  as  much  as  to  the  wise  generalship  of  the     CHAP. 
king.*  -      - 

So  highly,  indeed,  was  Bradwardine  esteemed,  even  in 
quarters,  where  it  may  be  feared,  that  his  piety  would  not 
have  been  a  special  recommendation,  in  the  court  of 
Clement  VI.,  that  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  com 
missioners,  to  treat  of  peace  with  King  Philip  after  the 
battles  of  Cressy  and  Neville's  Cross,  f 

On  the  death  of  Stratford,  in  the  year  1348,  the  Chapter 
of  Canterbury,  thinking  to  anticipate  the  wishes  of  the 
king,  before  they  obtained  the  conge  d'elire,  elected 
Bradwardine  to  the  vacant  primatial  see. 

The  king  resented  this  irregularity  on  the  part  of  the 
chapter,  and,  in  order  to  punish  the  monks  of  Christ 
Church,  he  gave  his  sanction  to  what  was  a  much  more 
dangerous  invasion  of  his  prerogative!  He  requested  the 
pope  to  supersede  the  election  of  the  chapter,  and  to 
appoint  John  de  Ufford  by  provision.  He  thus  counte 
nanced  a  proceeding  against  which  his  government  had 
protested.  What  Edward  desired  was  to  have  the  ap 
pointment  of  the  archbishop  in  his  own  hands ;  he  was 
regardless  of  the  means  by  which  his  end  should  be 
accomplished,  whether  through  the  chapter  or  by  papal 
provision.  His  nomination  of  Ufford  showed  that,  although 
it  was  inconvenient  for  him  to  part  with  Bradwardine  at 
this  precise  time,  he  intended  to  advance  the  latter  to  the 
primacy  ere  long  ;  for  Ufford. — a  distinguished  statesman 
who  had  rendered  good  service  to  the  king, — was,  at 
this  time,  an  aged  and  paralytic  man.  He  received  the 
temporalities  on  the  14th  of  December,  1348  ;  but  before 
his  consecration,  on  the  20th  of  May,  he  died  of  the 

*  Ang,  Sac.  i.  42 :  "  Ipsumregem  et  exercitum  suum  salubribus  monitis 
docuit  et  exemplis,  adeo  quod  solius  Dei  potentia  et  non  in  multi- 
tudine  armatorum  Rex  Anglite  tandem  liabuit  victoriam  scmulorum." 

f  Barnes,  385. 


104  LIVES    OF   THE 

pestilence  which  for  several  months  had  devastated  Eng 
land.  His  death  occurred  at  Tottenham.  He  was  privately 
buried  at  Canterbury.* 

On  the  death  of  Ufford,  all  parties  agreed  in  the 
appointment  of  Thomas  Bradwardine.  The  chapter  ap 
plied  for  the  conge  d'elire,  which  was  sent  to  them,  with 
the  recommendation,  that  they  should  elect  Thomas.  The 
pope  issued  a  bull,  which  the  king  was  not  careful  to 
peruse,  in  which  he  virtually  superseded  the  election  of 
the  chapter,  and  appointed  Thomas  by  provision, — the 
term  now  used  to  imply  simply  a  papal  nomination.^ 

Bradwardine  being  abroad,  at  the  time  of  his  nomina 
tion,  and  being  anxious  to  return  as  speedily  as  possi 
ble  to  England,  repaired  to  Avignon  for  consecration. 
Everything  was  transacted  there,  with  as  little  delay  rs 
possible. 

The  papal  court  at  Avignon  was  entirely  French,  anl 
though  the  pope  only  yielded  to  circumstances  in  obeying 
the  commands  of  Edward  HI.,  his  proceedings  caused  no 
little  annoyance  to  his  friends.  They  could  not  hav3 
advised  him  to  act  otherwise,  than  he  did,  but  they  found 
a  petty  consolation,  in  evincing  their  anti- Anglican  feeling 
whenever  an  opportunity  occurred.  Amidst  all  its  extra 
vagance,  and  we  may  add  its  profligacy,  there  was  a  want 
of  refinement  and  an  absence  of  dignity  and  decorum, 
in  the  court  of  Clement.  The  pope  himself  had  said 
petulantly,  that  if  the  king  of  England  were  to  ask  him 

*  Rot.  Glaus.  19  Edw.  III.  p.  1.  m.  10.  Mr.  Foss  speaks  of  him  as 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury ;  but  archbishop  he  never  was.  The  nexi 
primate  Islip  received  dilapidations  from  Ufford 's  brother,  because 
John  de  Ufford  had  been  put  in  possession  of  the  temporalities,  anc 
had  not  paid  the  dilapidations  to  his  immediate  successor,  Bradwar 
dine. 

•f  "  Per  electionem  canonicam  et  per  provisionem  Apostolicam  succes- 
sit,"  Ang.  Sac.  i.  42.  This  was  done,  more  solito,  by  Clement  VI.  See 
Life  of  Islip,  chapter  xii. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  ^        105 

to  make  a  bishop  of  a  jackass,  he  could  not  say  him     CHAP. 
nay.  • — -^- — 

The  cardinals  were  indignant  and  angry.  The  saying  Bradwar- 
rankled  in  their  minds,  and  one  of  them,  a  near  kinsman  ^*- 
of  the  pope,  Hugo,  Cardinal  of  Tudela,  had  the  exceeding 
bad  taste,  as  we  should  consider  it,  to  seize  the  oppor 
tunity  of  Bradwardine's  consecration  to  rebuke  the  pope, 
and  insult  the  English.  The  consecration  took  place  on 
the  19th  of  July,  1349.  The  pope  gave  an  entertain 
ment  upon  the  occasion.  Suddenly,  in  the  midst  of  the 
festivities,  the  doors  of  the  saloon  were  thrown  open,  and 
a  clown  seated  on  a  jackass  made  his  appearance,  with  a 
humble  petition  that  he  might  be  made  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury. 

Practical  jokes  are  always  dangerous.  Their  success 
depends,  not  on  the  humour  of  him  who  makes  them,  but 
of  him  upon  whom  they  are  practised.  Clement  saw,  at 
once,  the  folly  of  offering  an  insult  to  the  king  and  people 
of  England ;  and  he  felt  the  impropriety  of  turning  into 
ridicule,  one  of  the  most  learned,  pious,  and  conscientious 
divines  of  the  age,  especially  upon  an  occasion  which,  by 
the  Doctor  Profundus  at  least,  would  be  regarded  as  most 
solemn.  By  a  frown  from  the  pope  the  jocose  cardinal 
was  rebuked;  and  the  other  members  of  the  sacred 
college,  taking  their  cue  from  their  chief,  obliterated  the 
folly  of  one  of  their  colleagues,  by  the  respect  which  they 
vied  with  one  another,  in  showing  to  the  most  learned 
archbishop.* 

Bradwardine  hastened  to  England,  where  the  pestilence, 

*  Having  mentioned  the  weakness  and  frivolity  of  Clement  VI.,  it 
is  only  an  act  of  justice  to  mention,  that  when  the  Black  Plague  was 
desolating  Europe,  he  showed  commiseration  for  the  sufferers,  and 
issued  many  wise  regulations.  As  regarded  himself,  he  kept  up  con 
stant  fires  in  his  palace  at  Avignon,  and  allowed  no  one  to  approach 
him.  Acting  thus  wisely,  if  selfishly,  for  his  own  safety,  he  ordered 
others  to  follow  his  example. 


10G  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     known  in  history  as  the  Black  Death  had  already  made 
— ^ — •  its  appearance.      The  great  and  good  prelate,  who  had 

Thomas       .  L  ,  ,      .    .  ,  i    *•  *        r    • 

Bradwar-  known  how  to  administer  the  consolations  of  religion  to 
i™g  the  wounded  in  the  camp,  and  to  the  dying  on  the  field 
of  battle,  regarded  the  post  of  danger  as  the  post  of 
honour. 

The  pestilence  which,  in  the  fourteenth  century,  de 
vastated  Asia,  Europe,  and  Africa,  has  been  identified,  from 
the  accounts  handed  down  to  us  of  its  symptoms  and 
effects,  with  the  glandular  plague  still,  from  time  to  time, 
making  its  appearance  in  the  East.* 

There  were  the  same  inflammatory  boils  and  tumours 
of  the  glands,  such  as  break  forth  in  no  other  febrile 
diseases,  and  these,  indicatory  of  putrid  decomposition, 
assumed  the  appearance  of  black  spots  upon  the  skin, 
and  gave  to  the  terrible  visitation,  in  the  northern  king 
doms  of  Europe,  the  name  of  the  Black  Death.  In  many 
cases  black  spots,  wa-vsp  crr/y^ara  jueAava,  broke  out  all  over 
the  body,  either  single,  or  united  and  confluent.  It  was 
so  contagious,  that  every  spot  which  the  sick  had  touched, 
their  breath,  their  clothes,  spread  the  disease.  Even  the 

*  A  concise  account  of  the  Black  Death  is  given  by  Hecker  in  1  is 
"Epidemics  of  the  Middle  Ages,"  which  is  translated,  with  some  valualle 
observations  of  his  own,  by  Dr.  Babington.  Hecker  is  indebted  to 
Barnes,  who  gives  his  references  to  original  authorities.  The  facts 
which  the  industry  of  Barnes  selected  are  scientifically  arranged  by 
Hecker.  The  most  important  description  of  the  disease  itself  is  th.it 
given  by  the  Emperor  Kantakuzenos,  who  died  of  it  at  Constantinoph. 
Joann.  Cantacuzen.  Historiar.  iv.  8.  One  is  surprised  at  the  aster  c 
and  telluric  speculations  of  Hecker,  made  in  the  style  of  the  fourteenth 
rather  than  of  the  nineteenth  century.  No  plague  can  be  mentioned  with  - 
out  a  reference  to  Thucydides.  Barnes  refers  to  Thucydides  as  no  mea  i 
authority,  whom  it  is  not  beneath  him,  Joshua  Barnes,  to  follow, 
and  of  whom  he  says,  that  he  wrote  elegantly  of  the  Plague  of  Athens. 
See  also  Knyghton,  Walsingham,  Stow,  and  Wood.  To  these  autho  - 
rities  I  am  indebted  for  what  is  stated  of  the  Black  Death  in  this  and 
the  following  chapter. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  107 

eyes  of  patients,  in  their  distortion  and  unusual  lustre,     CHAP. 
according  to  a  French  writer,*  were  considered  as  sources  > _^_ 

P  •  Thomas 

Of  COntaglOn.  Bradwar- 

It  is  remarkable  that  although  this  plague  had  made  j^ne. 
its  appearance  in  the  East  in  1333,  fifteen  years  before  it 
broke  out  in  Europe  ;  having  walked  in  its  darkness  from 
China  to  the  Atlantic,  and  having  desolated  a  large 
portion  of  the  world ;  yet  no  precautions  had  been  taken 
against  its  occurrence,  either  in  England  or  in  France. 
The  public,  in  its  indolence  rather  than  apathy,  were 
contented  with  being  amused  or  alarmed  by  the  most 
absurd  reports  circulated  by  friars  and  travellers.  Stories 
were  told  of  earthquakes,  comets,  and  meteors ;  fiery 
beams  and  other  coruscations  in  the  air ;  a  pillar  of  fire 
hovering  near  the  papal  palace  at  Avignon  ;  a  fire-ball 
seen  in  sunset  over  Paris;  of  ensanguined  showers,  of 
the  sun  eclipsed,  and  of  the  moon  assuming  the  appear 
ance  of  blood.  At  Chipping  Norton,  in  Oxfordshire,  a 
monstrous  serpent  was  found,  having  two  heads,  with 
faces  like  women,  one  being  shaped  so  as  to  resemble  a 
new  tire,  which  had  just  come  into  fashion.  It  had  large 
wings,  like  those  of  a  flitter-mouse  or  bat.f 

So  hypochondria  fancies  represent 
Ships,  armies,  battles  in  the  firmament, 
Till  steady  eyes  the  exhalations  solve, 
And  all  to  the  first  matter,  clouds,  resolve. 

While   the  people   opened   their    ears,   and    greedily 

*  Mezeray,  Histoire  de  France,  Paris,  1685,  fol.  I.  ii.  p.  418. 
Hecker,  51,  remarks  that,  so  far  back  as  the  age  of  Plato,  a  knowledge 
of  the  contagious  powers  and  malignant  inflammations  of  the  eye,  of 
which,  also,  no  physician  in  the  middle  ages  entertained  a  doubt,  was 
general  among  the  people ;  yet  in  modern  times  surgeons  have  filled 
volumes  with  partial  controversies  on  this  subject.  "  Lippitudo  conta- 
gione  spectantium  oculos  afficit,"  Chalin  de  Vinario,  149. 

f  Stow,  247. 


108  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     regaled  on  these  absurd  stories,  the  towns  were  left  in 

XT 

^ — '  such  a  condition  as  almost  to  court  the  pestilence  when 

Bradwar-  it  approached  our  shores.  With  few  exceptions,  die 
^JJJ1  towns  and  cities  were  narrowly  built — they  were  kepi-  in 
a  filthy  state  ;  they  were  surrounded  by  stagnant  ditches ; 
and  the  houses  were  close,  without  ventilation.  Instead 
of  destroying  vermin,  there  were  fanatics  who  considered 
dirt  to  be  meritorious. 

The  black  plague  made  its  first  appearance  in  England 
in  the  month  of  August,  1348.  It  lingered,  at  first,  on 
the  coasts  of  Dorsetshire,  Devonshire,  and  Somersetshire. 
Few  cases  occurred  in  London  before  the  September  of 
thiit  year.  Until  the  death  of  U fiord,  there  was,  indeed, 
no  very  great  alarm  in  the  metropolis.  Even  then  there 
was  no  suspension  of  public  business.  It  is  to  be 
remarked,  that,  throughout  Europe,  the  upper  classes  of 
society  were,  for  the  most  part,  exempted  from  t  ic 
disease,  owing,  probably,  to  their  greater  cleanliness  and 
their  better  food. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  country,  when  Bradwardine 
hastened  to  return  to  it.  He  felt  no  alarm.  The  God 
who  protected  him  on  the  field  of  battle,  was  equal  y 
present  to  support  him  in  the  plague-stricken  house.  I  e 
determined  not  merely  to  say  to  his  clergy,  "  Go,"  but  1  e 
was  prepared  to  lead  the  way  to  the  abodes  of  sickness, 
sorrow  and  death,  saying,  "  Come  on."  But  his  pious 
resolutions  were  not  to  be  accomplished.  He  landed  tit 
Dover  on  the  19th  of  August.  Here  he  was  cordially 
welcomed  by  the  people ;  and,  the  plague  not  having 
made  its  appearance  in  the  town,  he  accepted  an  invitatio  i 
to  a  public  dinner  given  at  the  castle.  He  then  hastened 
to  do  homage  to  the  king,  who  held  his  court  at  Elthair-. 
Passing  through  Chartham  and  Dartford,  he  arrived  at 
Eltham,  on  the  22nd,  where  he  received  the  temporal* 
from  the  king.  Thence  he  proceeded,  at  once,  to  London, 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  109 

where  the  plague  had  already  made  its  appearance.  He 
did  not  go  to  the  archiepiscopal  manor  house,  the  present 
palace,  but  stopped  at  La  Place,  the  residence  in  Lambeth  Bradwar- 
of  the  Bishop  of  Eochester.  The  Bishop  of  Eochester  was  ^"®- 
a  kind  of  vicar  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  perform 
ing  the  duties  of  the  diocese,  when  the  Primate  was  engaged 
in  provincial  business,  or  in  state  affairs.  The  archbishop 
stayed  here,  to  make  the  necessary  regulations  for  the 
management  of  the  diocese,  and  perhaps,  also,  because 
his  own  house  was  not  furnished  for  his  reception.  The 
morning  after  his  arrival,  he  had  a  slight  feverish  attack. 
He  attributed  it  to  fatigue ;  and  when  he  consulted  his 
physicians,  they  felt  no  anxiety,  for  no  unfavourable 
symptoms  had  shown  themselves.  His  pulse  was  good, 
and  his  placid  countenance  indicated  no  sign  of  danger; 
but,  before  night  returned,  alarm  was  felt  throughout  La 
Place.  There  was  a  swelling  of  the  glands  ;  tumours 
made  their  appearance  on  the  groin,  under  the  armpits, 
and  behind  the  ear.  The  plague-spot  was  upon  the 
dying  man.  Black  pustules  or  carbuncles  were  seen. 
He  felt  a  burning  thirst,  but  the  blackened  tongue  refused 
to  be  moistened.  That  tongue,  so  often  employed,  by  the 
Divine  Comforter  to  speak  comfortably  to  the  sinner's 
heart,  was  paralysed.  In  silence,  he  received  the  last 
offices  of  the  Church  from  his  chaplains.  Symptoms  of 
cephalic  affection  followed.  He  was  stupefied.  The 
mortification  of  his  bowels  had  commenced.  The  pre 
cise  moment  of  his  death  was  not  known.  His  alarmed 
attendants  shrunk  back  from  the  couch,  when  they  found 
that  they  could  no  longer  give  assistance  to  their  friend 
and  master.  But  they  soon  returned  to  a  sense  of  their 
duty,  and,  in  the  fervour  of  their  love  and  gratitude,  defied 
the  danger.  He  died  on  the  26th  of  August,  and  we  should 
have  supposed  that,  for  fear  of  infection,  they  would  have 
buried  him  on  the  spot.  But  all  fears  were  absorbed  in 


110  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     the  desire  of  doing  honour  to  one  so  worthy  of  respect 
— rl — '  as  Bradwardine  ;  and  the  Chapter  of  Canterbury  claimed 
the  privilege  of  giving  the  rites  of  sepulture  to  one  who, 
though  his  name  does  not  appear  in  the  Calendar,  was, 
in  very  truth,  a  saint. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBUEY.  Ill 


CHAPTER  XII. 

SIMON    ISLIP.* 

Simon's  gigantic  stature. — Place  of  birth  and  education  doubtful. — 
Patronized  by  Stratford  and  Burghersh. — Early  Preferments. — A 
Lawyer. — Dean  of  Arches. — Privy  Councillor. — Private  Secretary 
to  the  King. — Penuriousness.  —  Peculiar  circumstances  of  his  ap 
pointment  to  the  Primacy. — Consecration. — Enthronization  privately 
conducted.— The  Black  Death. — Mortality. — Effect  of  the  Plague. 
— Flagellants — Tolerant  spirit  of  Islip. — Compromise  between  the 
two  Metropolitans  about  carrying  the  Cross. — Moral  effects  of  the 
great  mortality. — The  Jubilee.  —  Its  fatal  consequences. — English 
prohibited  from  attending. — Increasing  hostility  of  Rome  on  the  part 
of  the  Commons. — Attempt  to  restrict  the  Clergy  and  clerical  duties. 
— Sudden  increase  of  Clergy. — Islip's  Constitutions.  —  His  writings. 
—  Provincial  visitation. — Controversy  with  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln. — 
Contradictory  Papal  Bulls. — Difficulties  at  Oxford. — Provisions. — 
Statutes  of  Provisors.  —  Statute  of  Praemunire. —  Violation  of  the 
Statutes  by  the  King  and  Prince  of  Wales. — Case  of  Bishop  Stretton. 
— Controversy  with  the  Black  Prince. — Case  of  Bishop  Lylde. — 
Order  of  the  Garter. — Ceremonial  on  the  release  of  King  John. — 
Islip's  benefactions.  —  Founds  Canterbury  Hall.  —  Statutes  of  the 
same. — Paralytic  seizure. — Died  at  Mayfield. 

THE   life    of  Archbishop  Bradwardine  was    the  history     CHAP. 
of  the  man.      During   his    episcopate  of   a   few  weeks'  .   X^I- 
duration,    nothing   was    done   or   attempted   of   public     ^[Jon 

1349-6G. 

*  Authorities.  I  refer  generally  to  Birchington,  and  the  Dies 
Obituales  Archiepisc.  Cantuar.  It  is  difficult  to  obtain  authorities  for 
the  biographies  of  this  period.  The  Chronicle  under  the  name  of 
Walsingham,  and  the  Chronicles  of  Murimuth,  Capgrave,  &c.,  give 
little  more  than  the  accessions  to  the  primacy  and  the  dates  of  their 
occurrence. 


112  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     importance.     The  statement  is  reversed  when  our  subject 
— ,-L-x  relates  to  Simon  Islip.      The  public  events  which,  during 
SisHpn     his  tenure  of  office,  took  place  were  of  vast  importance, 
1349-66.    jn  regarc[  to  ecclesiastical  as  well  as  civil  affairs  ;    but  of 
his  personal  history  little  is  known,  except  what  relates 
to  his  gigantic  stature.     If  the  stone  coffin  or  cyst  which 
was  discovered  in  Canterbury  Cathedral  in  1787,  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  his    tomb,   contained,  as   is    con 
jectured,  the  body  jof  Simon  Islip,  he  must  have  been  a 
man  considerably  above  six  feet  in  height,* 

It  is  said  that  he  was  born  at  Islip  in  Oxfordshire,  but 
the  only  evidence  of  the  fact  is  his  name.f  According  to 
Wood,  he  was  one  of  the  many  great  men  who,  at  tl  is 
period,  added  to  the  fame  of  Merlon  College. 

He  had  for  his  patrons  two  distinguished  statesmen 
and  lawyers,  Archbishop  Stratford,  with  whom  the  reader 
is  acquainted,  and  Henry  Burgh ersh,  Bishop  of  Lincoln  J 
Burgh ersh  had  been  appointed  High  Treasurer  soon  after 


*  On  raising  the  pavement  in  Canterbury  Cathedral,  a  stone  coff  n 
•was  found  in  1787,  at  a  small  distance  from  the  tomb  of  Archbishcp 
Islip.  The  lid,  it  is  supposed,  was  stolen  at  the  Reformation,  '.'.t 
fitted  to  the  shape  of  the  human  body.  The  breadth  at  the  shouldei  s 
was  two  feet;  the  length  from  shoulder  to  foot,  six  feet  and  time 
inches ;  from  out  to  out,  six  feet  ten  inches.  Stone  coffins  were  m  t 
in  general  use  at  this  period  ;  but  an  old  fashion  may  have  bee  i 
observed  at  the  interment  of  an  archbishop.  The  bones  had  been  dis 
turbed  ;  the  skull  was  broken,  and  lay  on  the  breast ;  the  teeth  wer  3 
perfect. 

f  Hastcd's  Canterbury,  327. 

J  Henry  Burghersh  was  the  son  of  Robert,  Lord  Burghersh,  and 
brother  to  Bartholomew,  Lord  Burghersh.  He  was  educated  at  Oxford. 
lie  was  appointed  Lord  Treasurer  in  1327,  and  Lord  Chancellor  ii 
1328.  In  1329  he  accompanied  the  king  to  France,  and  was  fre 
quently  employed  throughout  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  in  a  diplomatic 
capacity.  He  had  a  stall  in  York  Cathedral,  and  in  his  thirtieth  year. 
July  20,  1320,  he  was  consecrated  to  the  see  of  Lincoln.  He  died  at 
Ghent,  December  4,  1340.  Ang.  Sac.  i.  21,  30,  374,  7GG. 


AECHBISIIOrS   OF    CAXTEKBURY.  113 

the  accession  of  Edward  III.,  and  was  Lord  High  Chan-     CHAP. 

•  XII 

cellor  in  1328.      By  Bishop  Burgh  ersh,  Simon  Islip  was  > — -^-l— 
collated  to  the  archdeaconry  of  Stow  in  1332,  and  to  a      i™™ 
canonry  of  his  cathedral  of  Lincoln  in  1338.      In  the    1349-66- 
year  before,  1337,  he  had  been  appointed  vicar-general  of 
the  diocese.     He  was  also  a  canon  of  St.  Paul's. 

Simon  Islip,  however,  though  a  pluralist  to  this  extent, 
devoted  himself,  not  to  the  discharge  of  his  spiritual 
duties,  but  to  the  service  of  his  country,  as  a  lawyer.  By 
Archbishop  Stratford  he  was  made  dean  of  the  Arches — 
an  important  office,  which  we  have  seen  to  be  held 
frequently,  as  the  first  step  in  the  ascent  to  high  honours 
in  Church  and  State.  Through  the  same  interest  he  was 
brought  under  the  notice  of  the  king,  and  became  a 
member  of  the  privy  council.  He  rose  rapidly  in  the 
royal  favour.  He  was  appointed  private  secretary  to 
Edward,  and  had  the  custody  of  the  privy  seal.*  At 
the  time  of  Bradwardine's  death,  he  was  one  of  "  the 
king's  clerks." 

Although  Islip  was  a  man  very  different  from  Brad- 
wardine,  the  one  being  inclined  to  the  contemplative, 
and  the  other  to  the  active  life,  still  there  was  much  in 
common  between  them.  They  both  attempted  to  unite 
the  two  classes  of  duty,  though,  in  doing  so,  the  inclina 
tion,  sacrificed  by  the  one  party,  differed  from  that,  which 
was  made  to  lead  to  a  sense  of  what  was  right,  by  the 
other.  Both  were  men  of  piety,  but  Islip  failed  in  that 
consideration  for  the  feelings  of  others,  which  was  a 
characteristic  of  Bradwardine,  who,  though  a  strict,  dis 
ciplinarian,  was  universally  beloved.  The  misery  which 
ensued  from  the  extravagance  of  Edward  III.  in  early 
life,  and  the  difficulties  in  which  the  keeper  of  his  privy 

*  "  Portitor  Sigilli  privati  Regis  et  ejus  Secretarius,  homo  quidem 
Deo  devotus  et  liominibus  gratiosus,"  Ang.  Sac.  i.  43.    "  Magister  Simon 
de  Islip  ciifitos  sigilli  Regis  secret!,"  Foedera,  ad  an.  1347. 
VOL.  IV.  I 


114  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,     purse  was  involved,  induced  Islip,  to  form  habits  of  very 

^—s  strict  economy  ;  and  this,  when  lie  became  archbishop, 

Mip0     was  regarded   as   penuriousness.      His  unwillingness  to 
66-    give  was  accompanied  by  an  eagerness  to  appropriate  to 
his  own  use,  any  funds,  upon  which  he  could  establish 
a  claim. 

His  appointment  to  the  see  of  Canterbury  is  memorable 
as  an  era.  We  have  seen  how  gradually  the  popes  had 
been  encroaching  on  the  rights  of  the  chapters  and  of  the 
king ;  and  how,  in  the  disputes  between  chapters  and 
kings,  especially  when  kings  had  private  ends  to  serve, 
the  popes  found  opportunity  to  establish  precedents  of 
interference,  which,  when  once  established,  it  becane 
difficult  to  set  aside.  No  pope  had  ever  been  a  greater 
aggressor,  in  this  respect,  than  Clement  VI.  When  a 
remonstrance  was  addressed  to  him,  for  assuming  rights 
and  powers  his  predecessors  had  never  enforced,  or 
perhaps  claimed,  his  answer  was,  that,  if  this  were  the 
case,  he  could  only  say,  that  his  predecessors  knew  n  >t 
how  to  act  as  pope.  In  the  appointment  of  Ufforl, 
Clement  introduced  into  the  bull  of  confirmation,  the 
expression  "  providet  ei  Johanni  ; "  in  the  appointment 
of  Bradwardine,  the  appointment  was  stated  to  be  "per 
Electionem  Canonicam  et  per  provisionem  Apostolical  n 
successit."  But  now  the  bull,  which  appointed  Simon  Islip 
assumed  a  power  hitherto  unheard  of,  and  which,  pro 
bably,  would  have  been  immediately  resented  if  persor  s 
had  troubled  themselves  to  read  or  to  criticise  public 
documents..  The  archbishop  was  appointed  "  per  pro 
visionem  Apostolicam  spreta  elections  facta  de  eo"  * 

The  statute  of  Pro  visors,  to  which  we  shall  have  occa 
sion  to  refer  presently,  passed  in  1351 ;  and,  no  doubt, 
when  it  was  under  discussion,  attention  was  called  to  this 
bull ;  for  we  find,  that  from  this  period  a  system  was 

*  Reg.  Lambeth. 


AKCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  115 

devised,  which,  after   the    condemnation    of   the  papal     CHAP. 
proceedings  by  the  law  of  the  land,  saved  the  dignity  of  « — -^_ 
all  parties  in  episcopal  appointments.      The  same  forms      /^ 
being  retained  which  had  been  in  use  since  the  reign  of    1349-66- 
John,  the  reality  of  the  appointment  returned  to  the  king. 
When  a  see  became  vacant,  the  king,  together  with  the 
conge   delm,   notified   to  the   chapter  what  person  he 
would  accept ;  in  other  words,   he  nominated  the  new 
bishop.    He  also,  by  letter  to  the  pope  requested,  that  the 
same  person    might   be   appointed  by  provision.      With 
equal  subserviency,  the  chapters  elected  and  the  pope 
provided.* 

The  consecration  of  Islip  took  place  at  St.  Paul's,  on 
the  20th  of  December,  1349.  He  received  the  pall  from 
the  hands  of  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  at  Esher,  on  the 
25th  of  March,  1350.  His  enthronization,  at  Canterbury, 
was  conducted  in  a  private  and  inexpensive  manner. 
This  was,  in  after  times,  adduced  as  a  proof  of  his  niggardly 
disposition.  But  the  charitable  is  probably  the  truer 
supposition  ;  namely,  that  he  would  not  incur  the  respon 
sibility  of  bringing  together  a  vast  concourse  of  people  at 
a  time,  when  the  Black  Death  was  devastating  the  country. 
The  noble  and  wealthy,  moreover,  secluded  themselves  to 
avoid  contagion  ;  and  therefore,  even  if  Islip  had  wished  it, 
it  would  have  been  impossible  to  conduct  the  ceremonial 
with  the  magnificence  usual  on  such  occasions. 

D 

Of  the  first  appearance  of  the  Black  Death,  and  of  the 
symptoms,  which  induce  modern  physicians  to  pronounce 


*  By  a  concordat  in  1374,  the  pope  undertook  to  refrain  from 
reservations,  and  the  king  undertook  to  make  no  more  appointments 
by  writ  of  Quare  impedit.  But  the  effect  of  this  was  defeated,  one  way 
or  other,  and  the  general  issue  was  as  stated  above.  The  pope,  how 
ever,  still  reserved  his  power  with  respect  to  translations,  notwith 
standing  the  remonstrances  of  the  civil  authorities.  Translations, 
hitherto  rare,  henceforth  became  frequent. 

i  2 


116  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     it  to  have  been  the  Bubo-plague  of  the  East,  in  its  most 
, ,-L— -  virulent  form,  we    have  already  spoken  in  the   life  of 

SM&  Bradwardine.  So  rapid  and  fatal  was  its  progress,  that 
1349-66.  after  making  due  allowance  for  the  miscalculation  of 
chroniclers,  who  had  no  official  census,  by  which  to  test 
or  to  check  their  statements  ;  Dr.  Babington  does  not  hesi 
tate,  to  assume,  that  one  quarter,  at  least,  of  the  population 
of  the  old  world  was  swept  away,  in  the  short  space  of 
four  years,  and  that  some  countries,  England  among  the 
rest,  lost  more  than  double  that  proportion  of  their  inhabi 
tants.*  Hecker  states,  that  it  may  be  assumed,  without 
exaggeration,  that  Europe  lost,  during  the  Black  Deati, 
25,000,000  of  inhabitants.! 

In  London,  it  is  said,  that  the  deaths  amounted  to  or  e 
hundred  thousand.  In  one  burial  ground,  fifty  thousand 
corpses  were  arranged,  in  layers,  in  large  pits.J 

*  Pref.  to  Hecker,  xxii. 

f  Hecker,  29. 

J  This  number  is  given  in  an  inscription,  still  existing  in  the  tin  e 
of  Stow.  Ralph  Stratford,  Bishop  of  London,  in  1348,  purchased  a 
piece  of  ground  called  No  Man's  Land,  which  he  set  apart  and  conse 
crated  for  the  burial  of  the  dead.  There  was  on  it  a  mortuary 
chapel,  which  in  Stow's  time  had  been  converted  into  a  residence  ;  the 
cemetery  being  "  a  fair  garden,"  though  retaining  the  name  of  Pardo  i 
Churchyard.  And  at  the  same  time,  Sir  Walter  Manny  bought  som3 
land  adjoining  to  No  Man's  Land,  near  St.  John's  Street,  called  Spittb 
Croft  without  the  Bars,  West  Smithfield.  This  was  also  consecrated 
by  the  Bishop  of  London.  There  was  a  stone  cross  on  the  spot,  on 
which  Stow  read  the  following  inscription:  "  Regnante  magnapesti- 
lentia  consecratum  fuit  hoc  ccemeterium,  in  quo  et  intra  septa  prae  • 
sentis  Monasterii  sepulta  fuerunt  mortuorum  corpora  plusquam  quin - 
quaginta  millia,  prrcter  alia  multa  abhinc  usque  ad  prcesens.  Quorum 
animabus  propitietur  Deus.  Amen."  Here  he  intended,  at  first,  to 
found  a  college  for  a  Dean  and  twelve  secular  priests ;  but  changing 
his  mind,  he  established,  in  1370,  a  Carthusian  priory.  At  the  dis 
solution  of  monasteries  the  land  was  sold ;  and,  at  length,  passed  into  tin 
hands  of  Thomas  Sutton,  the  munificent  founder  of  the  noble  establish- 
lishmcnt  which  is  now  known  as  the  Charterhouse  in  London.  New- 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  117 

The  character  of  the  visitation  becomes  more  awful,     CHAP. 
when  we  learn,  that  it  did  its  terrible  work  in  England,  » — -^_ 
within  the  compass  of  one  year.     It  lingered  longer  on      i^ 
the   Continent,    especially  in   Italy.     But   although    the    1349-6G- 
courts  of  justice  and  parliament  were  closed  for   some 
time  longer,  yet  in  England,  men  returned  to  their  ordinary 
modes  of  life  soon  after  the  expiration  of  the  first  year. 
This  may,  in  part,  be  attributable  to  the  circumstance,  that, 
while  in  many  parts  of  the  Continent,  there  had  been  a 
scarcity  of  food,  in  England  there  was  a  superabundance 
of  all  the  necessaries  of  life.     The  murrain  among  the 
cattle  did  not  precede,  it  followed,  the  plague. 

The  effect  of  the  pestilence  was  such,  as  is  always  the 
case.  Nominal  Christians,  released  from  all  moral  re 
straint,  became  desperately  wicked ;  an  awful  example 
of  what  human  nature  is,  apart  from  law  and  grace.  All 
social  and  moral  bonds  were  loosed.  On  the  other  hand, 
wherever  there  was  faith,  though  it  were  but  as  a  grain 
of  mustard  seed,  it  was  soon  developed  into  godliness  of 
living,  producing  fruit  according  to  the  nature  of  the  soil 
on  which  it  was  sown.  Transgressors  became  penitents, 
and  as  the  manner  of  the  age  was,  they  subjected  them 
selves  to  all  manner  of  torture  ;  the  weak-minded  became 
enthusiasts ;  sober-minded  Christians  proved  themselves, 
by  their  conduct,  to  be  saints. 

The  Black  Death  gave  rise  to  a  peculiar  form  of  devotion ; 
and  an  order  of  enthusiasts  was  created,  who  assumed  the 
title  of  Flagellants  or  whippers.  They  made  their  first 
appearance  in  Hungary,  but  became  an  organized  society 

court,  i.  579  ;  Barnes,  43G  ;  Pennant,  203.  The  difficulty  of  providing 
for  the  interment  of  the  dead  was  universal.  At  Avignon,  the  pope 
consecrated  the  Rhone,  that  the  dead  bodies  might  be  thrown  into  the 
river  without  delay ;  Torfa?us,  as  cited  in  Ilecker,  24.  In  many 
places  it  was  rumoured,  that  plague  patients  were  buried  alive,  as  may 
sometimes  happen  through  senseless  alarm  and  indecent  haste.  Ibid, 


118  LIVES    OF    THE 

at  Pirna.  We  thence  trace  one  detachment  of  them  to 
Magdeburg,  which  town  they  entered  on  the  17th  of 
April,  1349  ;  and  another  to  Wiirzburg,  on  the  second  of 
May.  In  June,  two  hundred  of  them  appeared  at  Spires. 
In  Denmark  and  Holland  they  had  many  followers.  A 
detachment  landed  in  England,  in  the  spring  of  1350. 
Although  they  were  received  by  the  people  with  sympathy, 
admiration,  and  respect,  it  does  not  appear  that  to  their 
system  many  converts  were  made  in  this  country.  They 
proceeded  by  slow  journeys  to  the  metropolis.  They 
entered  every  town  and  village  in  solemn  procession,  and 
preached  to  the  people.  Although  they  were  attended 
by  large  crowds,  they  caused  neither  tumult  nor  con 
fusion. 

On  arriving  in  London,  they  formed  a  procession  to 
St.  Paul's.  They  afterwards  visited  the  other  churches. 
They  were  robed  in  sombre  garments.  On  their  breasts 
and  on  their  backs,  as  well  as  upon  their  caps,  reel  crosses 
were  displayed.  They  had,  each  in  his  hand,  a  three-corded 
whip,  through  the  knotted  thongs  of  which,  iron  nails  wer3 
seen.  Their  eyes  were  fixeel  upon  the  ground ;  they 
exhibited  every  token  of  contrition  and  mourning.  Arrived 
at  St.  Paul's,  the  leader  took  his  station  before  the  west 
door,  and  announced  their  mission.  A  letter  hael  been 
found,  on  the  altar  of  St.  Peter's  Church  at  Jerusalem.  I ; 
purported  to  have  been  written  by  our  Lord  Himself.  I; 
hael  been  laid  upon  the  altar  by  an  angel  from  heaven 
The  letter  was  produced  and  read.  It  affirmed,  that  the 
wrath  of  Goel  had  been  provoked  by  the  increasing  shu 
of  Christendom,  anel  that  its  effects  could  only  be  averted 
by  the  intercession  of  the  Virgin  Mary  and  of  the  mis 
sionary  angel  himself.  Their  service  consisted,  wherever 
a  mission  was  opened,  of  a  flagellant  procession,  which 
was  to  last  for  thirty-four  days,  each  day  corresponding 
witli  the  thirty-four  years  of  our  Lord's  life  upon  earth. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  119 

When  the  mission  had  been  thus  opened,  a  circle  was     CHAP. 
formed,  and  each  flagellant  taking  off  his  shoes  and  upper  . — ^—^ 
garment,  fell  prostrate  upon  the  earth.     After  a  solemn     Y™^ 
pause  for  prayer,  the  leader  rose,  and,  with  the  iron-spiked    m9-66- 
whip,  he  administered  the  lash  upon  the  bare  back  of  the 
brother  who,  stretched  on  the  ground,  was  his  nearest 
neighbour.     The  lashed  man  would  then  arise,  and,  with 
the  dreadful  instrument,  he  did  to  his  next  neighbour,  as 
he  had  been  done  by,  and  so  all  received  neighbour's 
fare.     When  the  scourging  was  completed,  each  man  in 
the  circle  was  on  his  legs.     From  that  circle,  two  were 
then  detached,  and  they,  going  round  it,  lashed  each  other 
on  the  back,  till  the  blood  gushed  out.    They  returned  to 
their  place  in  the  circle,  and  two  others  succeeded  them, 
until  all  had,  in  turn,  been  both  lashers  and  lashed.    Their 
enthusiasm  was  such  as  to  make  them  exult  in  the  pain  ; 
and  that  enthusiasm  was  sustained,  by  the  fervour  with 
which  they  sang,  in  concert,  hymns  new,  emotional  and 
popular,  of  which   we   give   the   following   verse   as  a 
specimen : — 

Through  love  of  man  the  Saviour  came, 

Through  love  of  man  He  died ; 
He  suffered  want,  reproach,  and  shame, 

Was  scourged  and  crucified. 
Oh  think,  then,  on  thy  Saviour's  name, 
And  lash,  and  lash,  and  lash  again.* 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  hymn,  there  was  another  pause. 
They  fell  to  the  ground.  After  a  while,  they  rose  to  their 
knees,  smiting  their  breasts.  Then,  once  more  on  their 
feet,  they  recommenced  the  scourging ;  they  lashed,  and 
lashed,  and  lashed  again.  The  scourging  over,  a  collection 
was  taken  from  the  bystanders,  which  was  carried  to 
the  common  fund. 

*  L'Evcsque,  531. 


120  LIVES  OF; TUP: 

How  such  enthusiasts  would  be  treated  in  the  nineteen tli 
century,  we  can  readily  surmise  from  what  occurred,  a 
few  years  ago,  at  St.  George's  in  the  East.  In  the  great 
council  of  the  pope,  there  were,  as  in  all  councils,  weak 
and  intolerant  men,  who  care  nothing  about  religion,  so 
far  as  they  are  themselves  concerned ;  and  they  declared, 
that  such  proceedings  were  a  disgrace  to  the  Church,  and 
they  called  upon  government  to  interfere.  The  pope,  as 
is  often  the  case  with  governors,  yielded  to  the  pressure 
from  without,  and  sided  with  the  fierce  and  powerful 
against  the  weak  and  unresisting.  He  denounced  tlie 
flagellants  in  a  bull,  and  hearing,  that  they  intended  to 
visit  England,  wrote  a  letter  to  the  king,  calling  upon  him 
to  repel  them  from  his  shores,  on  their  arrival;  or  to  repress 
them,  if  they  had  already  appeared.  A  French  pope,  how 
ever,  dating  his  bull  and  letter  from  Avignon,  was  not,  it 
this  time,  likely  to  receive  a  favourable  hearing  in  England. 
The  archbishop  made  inquiry  as  to  the  principles  and  pro 
ceedings  of  the  flagellants.  He  found,  that  they  were  an 
organized  society,  with  strict  rules,  which  were  strictly 
observed.  They  were  excluded  from  begging;  eac'i 
flagellant  being  allowed  a  certain  sum  for  his  maintenance, 
equivalent  to  about  fourpence  a  day.  They  took  an  oat  i 
of  obedience  to  their  order.  On  joining  the  society,  i 
married  man  was  required  to  produce  a  permission  to  do 
so  from  his  wife,  for  union  with  the  flagellants  implied  a, 
conjugal  divorce.  He  then  confessed  his  sins,  and  publicly 
forgave  all  his  enemies.  They  numbered  among  them 
ecclesiastics  and  nobles,  especially  from  Zealand,  Holland, 
and  Hainault,  and  some  women. 

The  temper  of  Archbishop  Islip  was  tolerant,  and  he 
clearly  distinguished  between  enthusiasm  and  fanaticism. 
However  wild  or  extravagant  an  enthusiast  may  be,  he  is 
comparatively  harmless,  and  is  worthy  of  respect.  If  we 
add  malignity,  then  enthusiasm  becomes  fanaticism.  When 


AKCIIBISIIOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  121 

the  malignity  remains,  and  the  enthusiasm  has  worn  itself    CHAP. 
out ;  when  the  zeal,  which  is  harmless  if  not  a  virtue,  so  « — rr~~" 
long  as  we  seek  to  establish  what  we  believe  to  be  true  ;      isiip. 
evaporates  into  hostility  to  what  we  believe  to  be  wrong, 
and  displays  a  hatred  to  the  erroneous  ;  when  men  are 
united  by  a  common  hatred,  not  by  a  common  love — then 
they  are  de  jure,  if  not  de  facto,  persecutors,  whether  in 
Koine  or  in  England ;  whether  lighting  faggots  in  Smith- 
field,  or  merely  shooting  out,  in  their  impotence,  those 
bitter  words,  which  are  compared  to  poisoned  arrows. 

Archbishop  Islip  left  the  devout  enthusiasts  to  their 
own  devices.  Failing  to  be  martyrs  when  prepared  for 
martyrdom,  the  enthusiasts  themselves  ceased  to  be 
thought  of,  except  by  a  few,  who,  admiring  their  unques 
tionable  earnestness,  became  themselves  more  earnest, 
though  they  did  not  admit  the  necessity  of  writhing  under 
self-imposed  tortures.* 

Of  the  tolerant  spirit  of  the  archbishop  another  instance 
may  be  adduced.  Elizabeth,  the  wife  of  John,  Earl  of 
Kent,  had,  on  the  death  of  her  husband,  assumed  the 
monastic  habit,  and  she  lived,  for  several  years,  as  a  nun. 
But,  falling  in  love  with  a  man  in  every  respect  her  equal, 
Eustace  Abricourt,  she  broke  her  monastic  vow,  and  was 
privately  married.  The  scandal,  in  religious  circles,  was 
great,  and  the  case  was  brought  officially  before  the  arch 
bishop.  He  refused  to  ignore  or  nullify  the  marriage. 
He  simply  enjoined  a  penance  on  either  party,  and  then 
he  permitted  them  to  live  together  as  man  and  wife. 

To  the  conciliatory  disposition  of  Archbishop  Islip,  as 
well  as  to  a  change  in  the  spirit  of  the  age,  we  may  attri 
bute  the  settlement,  which  now  took  place,  on  a  subject 

*  The  materials  for  the  statements  given  above  are  found  in  Albert 
Argentinens,  Chron.  149;  Ordoric  Rainald,  1349,  §  18.  Mosheim, 
Edit.  Stubbs,  ii.  224,  compared  with  Wulsingham,  169  ;  Murimuth,  103; 
Stow,  216. 


122  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,     to  which  our  attention  has  been  frequently  called — the 
— *  rights  of  the  northern  metropolitan,  in  the  province  of 

isHpn  Canterbury.  When  power  was  conferred  by  ceremonial 
66<  acts,  and  an  act  of  ceremony  was  an  assumption  of  power, 
we  can  understand  why  the  Archbishop  of  York  should 
contend  for  his  right,  as  a  primate  of  England,  to  have  his 
cross — the  emblem  of  his  office  as  a  metropolitan — carried 
before  him,  in  every  part  of  this  island ;  and  we  can  also 
understand,  why  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  as  primate 
of  all  England,  should  resent  an  act,  which  seemed  to 
place  his  brother  of  York  on  an  equality  with  himself. 

In  the  fourteenth  century,  however,  the  dignitaries  of 
the  Church  were  beginning  to  perceive  that,  instead  of 
contending  for  power  among  themselves,  sound  policy 
dictated  their  union,  to  preserve  the  privileges  they 
already  possessed,  and  upon  which  an  attack  was  threat 
ened.  It  was  now  clearly  understood,  that  when,  in 
the  reign  of  Henry  III.,  the  title  of  primate  of  all  En<> 
land  was  conceded  to  the  see  of  Canterbury,  the  Arcl  - 
bishop  of  York  being  only  primate  of  England,  certai  i 
rights  were  supposed  to  appertain  to  a  primate  of  ail 
England,  which  the  Archbishop  of  York  did  not  possess 
in  the  province  of  Canterbury.  This  point  conceded, 
the  dispute  about  carrying  the  cross,  became  nearly 
what  modern  historians  too  often  regard  it  from  the; 
beginning — a  mere  dispute  about  a  ceremony.  As 
such  rights  of  the  respective  primates  could,  at  this  time4 
be  submitted  to  arbitration,  Archbishop  Islip  and  Arch 
bishop  Thoresby*  selected  the  king  as  the  arbitrator,  and 


*  John  Thoresby  was  the  son  of  Hugh  Thoresby  and  Isabel  daugh 
ter  of  Sir  Thomas  le  Grose  of  Suffolk.  He  was  born  at  Thoresby  in 
Wensleydale.  He  was  of  the  same  family  as  Ralph  Thoresby,  to 
whom  I  was  enabled,  through  the  liberality  of  the  late  Mr.  William 
Gott,  to  erect  a  monument  in  Leeds  parish  church,  as  one  of  the  most 
eminent  antiquarians  of  his  age,  an  honour  to  a  town  which  has  pro- 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  123 

the  king's  arbitration  was  afterwards  confirmed  by  the     CHAP. 
pope.     Both  Islip  and  Thoresby  were  lawyers  and  states-   -_1- 
men ;  they  were  both  of  them  indebted  to  the  king  for      £&£ 
their  preferments  in   Church   and   State  ;    of  the  sound 
judgment  and  impartiality  of  Edward  they  were  each  of 
them  convinced.     Neither  of  them  was  a  narrow-minded 
ecclesiastic,  though  both  of  them,  when  they  had  become 
metropolitans,  saw  the  necessity  of  withdrawing  them 
selves  from  affairs  of  state,  as  far  as  their  gratitude  and 
duty  to  the  king  would  permit,  and  of  devoting  them 
selves  to  their  episcopal  duties.     Thoresby  was,  moreover, 
a  personal  friend  of  Clement  VI.     The  two  metropolitans 

dticed  many  eminent  men.  John  Thoresby  was  educated  at  Oxford. 
He  was  patronized  by  Thomas,  Earl  of  Lancaster,  and  was  included  in 
a  commission  sent  by  Edward  III.  to  procure  the  canonization  of  that 
unfortunate  nobleman.  He  became  a  clerk  in  Chancery.  While  prac 
tising  here  he  was  served  in  open  court  with  a  monition  to  appear 
before  the  pope  on  some  appeal,  when  the  papal  messengers  were 
violently  committed  to  prison.  He  became  Master  of  the  Kolls  in 
1341.  In  1345  he  was  made  Keeper  of  the  Privy  Seal.  In  1349, 
being  then  a  bishop,  he  was  appointed  Chancellor.  In  1355  he  was 
appointed  one  of  the  custodes  of  the  kingdom,  when  King  Edward 
renewed  his  invasion  of  France.  This  distinguished  lawyer,  towards 
the  close  of  his  life,  became  as  much  distinguished  as  an  ecclesiastic.  So 
early  as  1320,  he  held  the  living  of  Bramwith  in  Yorkshire,  the  duties 
of  which  he  could  not  peiform,  as  he  was  not  in  full  orders,  but  only 
an  acolyte.  He  was  incumbent  of  Honington  in  Warwickshire.  He 
was  rector  of  Elwick  in  Durham,  and  of  Oundle  in  Northampton 
shire.  He  had  a  stall  in  Southwell,  York,  and  Lincoln,  and  was 
Archdeacon  of  London.  He  was  consecrated  Bishop  of  St.  David's  on 
the  23rd  of  September,  1347.  He  was  translated  to  Worcester  in 
1350,  and  again  to  York  in  1373.  Having  served  the  office  of  chan 
cellor  for  seven  years,  during  four  of  which  he  had  been  archbishop, 
he  desired  to  retire  from  public  life.  The  king,  "  benevole  et  gra- 
tanter,"  acceded  to  his  request,  and,  for  the  last  seventeen  years  of  his 
life,  he  devoted  himself  to  his  episcopal  functions,  and  became  a  muni 
ficent  benefactor  to  York  Minster.  He  laid  the  foundation  of  the 
Retro-chapel  and  the  Lady  Chapel.  He  died  at  Bishopthorpe,  6th  Nov. 
1373,  and  was  buried  at  York. 


124  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,  met  at  the  palace  at  Westminster,  on  the  20th  of  April, 
1353,  prepared  to  abide  by  the  adjudication  of  the 
king.*  Archbishop  Islip  consented,  that  the  Archbishop 
of  York  should  be  permitted  to  bear  his  cross  erect 
within  the  provice  of  Canterbury,  by  which  his  rank  as 
a  primate  and  metropolitan  was  asserted.  Archbishop 
Thoresby  consented  to  bind  his  successors,  within  the 
space  of  two  months  after  their  confirmation,  to  present,  at 
the  shrine  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury,  an  image  in  gold 
of  an  archbishop  holding  his  cross ;  or  else  some  jewel  of 
equal  value,  that  value  being  fixed  at  forty  pounds.  T.iis 
was  to  be  sent  in  state  by  the  hands  of  their  official,  clu  n- 
cellor,  auditor,  or  some  doctor  of  law,  or  knight,  f  Thus 
was  acknowledged  an  undefined  deference  to  the  see  of 
Canterbury.  In  parliaments  and  councils,  a  seat  on  tie 
right  hand  of  the  king  was  assigned  to  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury;  a  seat  on  the  left  to  the  Archbishop  of 
York,  both  with  their  cross  erect.  In  a  procession,  they 
were  to  walk  abreast,  each  having  his  cross  borne.  Whe  i, 
from  the  narrowness  of  the  way,  this  was  impossible,  tl  e 
precedence  was  to  be  given  to  the  Archbishop  of  Cante > 
bury. 

To  the  immediate  consequences  of  "  the  great  mortality 
of  1349,"  such  as  lie  upon  the  surface,  we  have  alluded. 

*  Ang.  Sac.  i.  17. 

f  Wilkins,  iii.  31,  54;  Ang.  Sac.  i.  74,  75,  conf.  77.  That  the 
arrangement  was  permanent  appears  from  the  fact  that  William  Bootl , 
Archbishop  of  York  in  1452,  sent  this  oblation  to  Canterbury  by  thj 
hands  of  a  knight.  It  is  probable  that  the  arrangement  was  not  quit; 
satisfactory  to  Thoresby,  as  the  king  seems  to  have  obtained  his  con  - 
sent  by  bearing  a  portion  of  the  expense.  In  the  Issue  Rolls  of  tin  5 
Exchequer,  161,  appears  the  following  entry  :  "28  Edw.  III.  Oct.  9 
To  Richard  de  Grymesby,  goldsmith  in  the  Tower  of  London,  ir 
money  paid  to  him  for  certain  images  made  in  honor  of  St.  Thonuu 
the  Martyr,  and  delivered  to  the  Revd.  Father  the  Abp.  of  York,  ol 
the  king's  gift  for  his  oblation  at  Canterbury,  &c.,  £7  8s,  5rf." 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  125 

Bv  those  who  look  below  the  surface,  who  from  causes     CHAP. 

"VTT 

pass  on  to  their  consequences,  or  who  trace  events  back  >_ 
to  their  causes,  this  moral  and  physical  convulsion  will  be  £$•£ 
regarded  as  the  commencement  of  a  new  era.  They  will  13i9-66- 
see,  in  the  Black  Death,  the  way  prepared  for  the  present 
state  of  European  society.  It  set  men  a-thinking.  That 
there  were  thoughtful  men  in  Europe  before  this  is  proved 
by  the  fact  that  such  books  as  the  "  De  Causa  Dei "  could 
find  readers,  and  obtain  the  attention  of  students.  But  the 
readers  were  found  only  in  the  schools,  universities,  and 
monasteries.  From  this  time,  the  mind  was  universally 
awakened.  Men  are  naturally  logicians,  when  they  per 
mit  themselves  to  think.  There  may  be  an  absence  of 
information,  or  information  may  be  incorrect,  and  conse 
quently  there  may  be  often  a  mistake  in  the  major  pre 
mise  ;  but  when  once  we  agree  as  to  our  facts,  the  dif 
ference  between  the  learned  man,  and  the  acute,  though 
illiterate  mind,  is  very  slight.  The  false  statements  made, 
in  the  low  press  of  the  nineteenth  century,  are  sometimes 
astonishing ;  but  ignorance  does  not  vitiate  the  powers  of 
ratiocination,  if  the  premises  be  granted.  There  were  from 
this  time,  reasoners  among  men,  whose  superstitious  vene 
ration  for  tilings  established  had  not  hitherto  permitted 
them  to  exercise  their  minds.  To  meet  the  demand  in 
the  mental  market,  Wyclif  and  the  Lollards  soon  made 
their  appearance.  The  cast  of  thought  was  revolutionary, 
but  it  was  tempered  by  a  spirit  of  reverence  for  ancient 
superstitions,  which  prevented  any  sudden  revolution  or 
violent  change  in  the  external  aspect  of  affairs. 

When  death  was  staring  men  in  the  face,  the  question 
was  naturally  asked — What  are  we  to  do  to  avert  the 
Divine  wrath  ?  Enthusiasts,  such  as  the  flagellants,  arose 
to  give  answer  to  the  question.  An  answer  so  stern,  as 
that  given  by  their  lacerated  backs,  was  accepted  by  only 
a  few.  That  answer  was  very  properly  rejected  by  the 


126  LIVKS    OF    THE 

CHAP,  papal  authorities  ;  but  another  arose — What  does  the 
pope  himself  advise  us  to  do  ? 

The  conduct  of  a  man  so  sagacious  as  Clement  VI. 
undoubtedly  was,  when  he  was  left  to  act  on  his  own 
judgment,  is  unaccountable.  Whether  he  really  believed, 
that  the  plague  would  be  averted  by  a  pilgrimage  to 
Eome,  made  by  the  Western  Church,  each  national  church 
being  represented  by  the  devotion  of  voluntary  pil 
grims  ;  or  whether,  the  fiftieth  year  of  the  fourteenth 
century  having  arrived,  the  non-resident  pope  had  not 
courage  to  withhold  from  the  people  of  Eome  the  golden 
harvest  which  for  half-a-century  they  had  been  anticipating; 
Clement,  in  the  midst  of  the  great  epidemic,  proclaim  3d 
the  Jubilee.  Indulgences  were  granted  to  all  who  should 
visit  devoutly  the  churches  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  at 
Eome,  and  that  of  St.  John  Lateran.  The  result  was 
what  we  should  expect  to  find  it.  The  concourse  of  such 
large  bodies  of  people  occasioned  a  new  eruption  of  the 
plague  ;  and  it  was  asserted,  probably  without  much 
exaggeration,  that  not  more,  than  one  pilgrim  out  of  a 
hundred,  returned  to  his  home.  The  Minorites,  from 
their  obedience  to  the  will  of  the  pope,  conjoined  with 
that  ignorance  which  now  prevailed  among  the  grert 
mass  of  the  brethren,  were  among  the  foremost  of  the 
pilgrims  ;  and  of  the  Minorites  30,000  died  in  Italy.  The 
very  report,  that  the  great  bell  of  St.  Peter's  Church 
at  Eome  was  thrown  down  in  a  thunder-storm  and 
almost  melted;  and  that  the  deaths  had  been  so  numerous, 
that  the  authorities  were  forbidden  to  make  any  return 
on  the  subject,  all  combined  to  induce  men  to  conclude, 
that  the  Church,  as  it  existed,  or  as  it  was  representec. 
by  the  pope,  was  not  infallible. 

The  deeper  impression  was  made  on  the  English  mind 
by  the  fact,  that  an  order  of  government  was  issued,  tc 
prohibit  any  of  the  king's  subjects  from  embarking  on 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  127 

the  pilgrimage.*     We  are  not  to  suppose,  that  the  views     CHAP. 
of  our  government  were  more  enlightened,  than  those  of  . — -^J— 
our  neighbours;  but  there  was  no  inclination  to  replenish  .   'j1^ 
the  coffers  of  a  French  pope  by  English  gold ;  and  both    1349~66- 
money  and  men,  it  was  said,  could  be  more  profitably 
employed  at  home.     The  pope  remonstrated ;    but  his 
remonstrances  were  made  in  vain.     The  inference  to  be 
drawn  from  the  fact,  that  the  plague  ceased  in  England, 
and  was  renewed,  with  increased  force,  in  Italy,  had  its 
logical  effect  in  this  country. 

If  the  Church  was  not  infallible,  it  needed  a  guide  by 
which  to  test  its  judgments.  If  so,  where  was  that 
authority  to  be  found  ?  Wiclif  answered,  by  translating 
the  Bible. 

From  this  time,  hostility  to  Borne  was  the  predominant 
feeling  among  the  commons  of  England  ;  and  from  this 
time,  we  may  date  the  inclination,  increasing,  more  or 
less  gradually,  to  the  period  of  the  Reformation,  to 
make  common  cause  with  Rome  on  the  part  of  a  large 
portion  of  the  superior  clergy  ;  although  this  did  not  ap 
pear,  so  long  as  the  popes  remained  at  Avignon.  From 
this  time,  we  may  also  date  the  determination  of  the 
laity,  to  compel  the  clergy  to  retire  from  politics,  and 
to  devote  themselves  to  the  immediate  duties  of  their 
sacred  callings.  Hitherto  the  two  professions,  that  of 
the  clergyman  and  that  of  the  lawyer,  had  been  one.  It 
was  a  rare  exception  to  the  general  rule,  to  find  a  lawyer 
or  a  statesman,  who  was  not  in  holy  orders.  The  conduct 
of  the  clergy  in  the  various  dioceses,  when  the  terrors  of  the 
pestilence  began  to  subside,was  such  as  to  create  the  greatest 
indignation  among  the  people.  They  not  only  encouraged 
litigation,  but  made  themselves  peculiarly  offensive  in 
visiting,  with  legal  penalties,  the  irregularities  which, 
while  the  plague  lasted,  were  unavoidable.  The  outcry 

*  Knyghton,  2601. 


123  LIVES    OP    THE 

CHAP,     against  the    clerical   lawyers   was   such    as    to    become 
_X*]Q  fanatical.     It  led,  as  we  shall  hereafter  have  to  show,  to 
?sKpn     consequences  most  disastrous.     We  may,  in  short,  date, 
1349-66.    from  this  time  the  separation   between  the  legal    ;;nd 
clerical  professions.     The  separation  did  not  take  place 
at  once,  but  the  feeling  began  now  to  prevail,  that  ilie 
duties  of  a  clergyman  were,  except  under  special  circum 
stances,  incompatible  with  those  of  a  lawyer. 

The  clergy  who,  like  Chaucer's  parish  priest,  had 
confined  themselves  to  their  spiritual  functions,  did  thoir 
duty  manfully.  We  may  come  to  this  conclusion  frcm 
observing,  that  the  number  of  the  clergy  who  fell  victims 
to  the  pestilence  was  very  large.  Among  the  upper 
classes  of  society,  or  among  those  who,  having  warm 
clothing,  fuel  for  fire,  and  a  sufficiency  of  wholesome 
food,  could  avoid  contagion,  the  plague  made  little  havoc. 
Although,  therefore,  many  of  the  clergy  were  very  poor, 
yet  when  we  find  the  mortality  among  them  out  of 
proportion,  great,  we  must  conclude  that,  in  administering 
the  last  consolations  of  religion  to  the  sick,  they  did  not 
fear  to  expose  themselves  to  contagion.  But,  owing  to 
the  secular  training  of  a  large  portion  of  the  clergy,  there 
was  not  a  sufficient  number  of  devoted  and  intelligent 
parish  priests  to  meet  the  demand.  There  was,  in  point 
of  fact,  so  great  a  scarcity  of  clergymen,  that  the  bishops 
were  obliged  to  admit  into  holy  orders,  almost  any  on- 3 
who  would  undertake  any  portion  of  ministerial  o* 
pastoral  duty.  Vast  numbers  of  laymen,  in  the  firs: 
impulses  of  religious  enthusiasm,  having  lost  their  wives, 
crowded  into  holy  orders.*  They  were  many  of  them 
we  are  told,  entirely  ignorant,  but  they  made  up  by  piety, 
and  by  sympathy  with  the  poor,  for  their  want  of  learn 
ing.  Some,  when  the  first  fervours  of  religion  wore  off. 
relapsed  into  evil  habits,  and  consequently  it  became 

*  Stow's  Survey,  8G  and  252. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  120 

necessary  to  put  in  force  all  the  discipline  of  the  Church ;     CHAP. 
and   even   to   make   new   regulations   and   laws.      But,  s-X*L-. 
however   that    may   have   been,    a   new    body  of  men     f^™ 
had  now  been  called  into  existence  :  a  body  prepared    134°-C6- 
to  receive,  in  due  time,  the  teaching  of  Wiclif  and  his 
followers.      These  were  men  of  zeal    and  piety  ;    they 
were  not  attached  to  the  teaching  of  schools,  and  were 
generally   contemned    by   the   school-men.      They    had 
sufficient  learning  to  be  able  to  read,  what  Wiclif  and 
his  followers  wrote  in  the  vernacular  language.     They 
were  not  attached  to  the  Church  by  worldly  interests,  for 
they  were  not  qualified  to  rise  to  the  higher  preferments. 
They  participated  with  the  commonalty  in  their  hatred  of 
the  pope.    In  the  earnestness,  with  which  they  discharged 
their  duties,  they  occupied  the  position  in  society,  which 
had  been  formerly  occupied  by  the  Franciscans  ;  and  this, 
at  a  time,  when  the  practice  of  the  mendicants  had  so 
degenerated,  as  to  make  them  the  laughing-stock  of  the 
people;  and  to  excite  the  indignation  of  pious  and  earnest 
men,  such  as  Archbishop  Fitzralph  and  John  Wiclif. 

At  such  a  period,  Simon  Islip  was  called  to  the  primacy 
of  our  Church.  He  understood,  at  once,  the  difficulties  of 
his  situation,  and  determined  to  devote  all  the  powers  of 
his  mind  to  the  duties  of  his  station.  His  was  evidently, 
though  a  stern,  yet  an  honest  and  upright  mind  ;  but 
although  he  had  discernment  to  perceive  the  existence  of 
the  disease,  he  did  not  possess  the  genius  to  prescribe  the 
remedy.  He  could  not  go  to  the  root  of  the  evil,  or 
penetrate  the  depth  and  character  of  the  disorder.  The 
idea  never  crossed  his  mind,  that  there  was  anything 
in  the  doctrine  of  the  Church  requiring  amendment ; 
he  had  regard  exclusively  to  its  faulty  administration. 
That  the  salt  had  lost  its  savour,  and  needed  to  be 
replenished,  was  to  be  the  discovery  of  a  later  generation. 
He  looked  upon  things  with  the  eye  of  a  lawyer  and 

VOL.  IV.  K 


130  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     statesman  ;    and  the  late  secretary  of  state  and  keeper 
X*L  ^  of  the  privy  seal  prepared  to  set  his  house  in  order,  with 


iln°n  ^ie  ^u^  convicti°n5  ^iat  there  must  be  a  good  understatid- 
1349-66.  ing  between  himself  and  the  king. 

As  an  ecclesiastical  legislator,  Islip  is  entitled  to  hold 
a  high  place.  He  united  with  a  conservative  spirit  a 
disposition,  which  would  encourage,  while,  at  the  same 
time,  it  regulated  progress.  He  published  certain  consti 
tutions  in  1351,  in  1359,  and  again  in  1362.  Although 
we  shall  have  to  return  to  the  consideration  of  his  primary 
visitation,  it  may  be  expedient  to  consider  these  together. 
These  constitutions  resemble,  to  some  extent,  a  modern 
episcopal  charge,  with  one  important  difference.  A  modern 
bishop  can  only  state  what  the  law  is,  and  how  far  he  is 
prepared  to  carry  out  its  enactments.  An  archbishop,  in 
the  fourteenth  century,  could  himself,  while  stating  tie 
law,  make  such  additions  to  it  as  might  meet  a  present 
exigence.  He  was  a  lawgiver  within  certain  limits.  He 
might  make  a  law,  so  far  as  it  did  not  infringe  a  statute, 
or  violate  the  principles  of  the  common  law  of  the  Chris 
tian  Church. 

Complaint  was  made  of  the  inadequacy  of  the  punish 
ment  inflicted  upon  delinquent  clergy,  and  upon  that 
large  body  of  offenders  who  claimed  benefit  of  clergy. 

It  was  also  said,  that  the  judges,  in  the  Spiritual  Courts, 
were  too  lenient  in  the  punishments,  which  they  assigned  ; 
it  was  added,  that  the  prisons,  to  which  offenders  weie 
committed,  were  rendered  too  comfortable.  The  coi  :..- 
trast  between  them  and  the  miserable  dungeons  of  the 
common  gaols  was  indeed  remarkable  ;  and  perhaps,  i  i 
these  days,  we  should  have  recommended  a  reform  in 
the  direction  opposite  to  that  which  was  proposed.  Th  3 
archbishop,  however,  informs  the  clergy,*  that  he  and  his 

*  "  Liters  Archiepiscopi  Cant,  pro  clericis  incarceratis  ad  aspe- 
ram  poenam  ponendis."  Ex  Reg.  Islip.  fol.  54.  a,  collat.  cum  MS.  Coll. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  131 

suffragans,  in  a  late  parliament,  had  taken  the  whole  sub-     CHAP. 
ject  into  their  serious  consideration.     They  were  fearful,  ^_X*L_. 
lest  the  abuse  of  ecclesiastical  liberty,  which  existed  to     ^™™ 
such  an  extent,  as  to  cause  quite  a  commotion  in  the    1349-66. 
country,  should  turn  to  the  prejudice  of  clerical  privilege; 
and  they  had  therefore  come  to  a  resolution,  that  delin 
quent  clerks  should,  for  the  future,  be  closely  imprisoned, 
according  to  the  quality  of  the  persons  and  the  heinous- 
ness  of  the  crimes.  Begulations  were  made,  that  prisoners 
should,  on  every  Wednesday,  Friday,  and   Sabbath-day 
(Saturday),  be  only  allowed,  once  a  day,  the  bread  and 
water  of  affliction  ;  on  other  days,  bread  and  small  beer  ; 
on  the  Lord's  day  (Sunday,  as  distinguished  from  the 
Sabbath),  bread,  beer,  and  pulse,  for  the   honour  and 
eminence  of  that  day. 

In  these  regulations  and  arrangements,  there  is  certainly 
no  tendency  to  luxurious  living. 

As  may  be  seen  from  other  regulations,  Islip  was  a 
strict  observer  of  the  Lord's  day,  which  was  not,  until 
later  and  for  party  purposes,  called  the  Sabbath. 

The  constitution  of  1359,  was  issued  at  a  time,  when 
King  Edward  III.  set  sail  for  France,  with  eleven  hundred 
transports,  conveying  the  most  numerous  and  best  ap 
pointed  army,  that  had  sailed  from  the  coast  of  England 
for  more  than  a  century.  A  royal  writ  was  addressed  to 
the  archbishop  and  his  suffragans,  "  de  orando  pro  rege  et 
regno."  The  constitution  was  a  mandate  of  the  primate, 
addressed  to  "  our  venerable  brother,  the  Lord  Michael, 
by  the  grace  of  God,  Bishop  of  London,"  to  be  by  him 
transmitted,  with  all  possible  speed,  to  "  our  fellow  bishops 
and  suffragans  of  Canterbury  ;"  by  which  they  were 
required  to  enjoin  their  subjects  to  pray  for  the  success 
of  the  expedition.  An  indulgence  of  fourteen  days  was 

B.  M.  Magdal.  Oxon.  n.   185.      Spelman,  ii.   597.      Lynd.  App.  54. 
Wilkins,  iii.  13. 

K  2 


132  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     granted  to  all,  who  should  obey  the  injunction.     No  par- 
_xn'  ^  ticular  form  of  prayer  was  published.     The  archbishop 


to  each  man,  in  his  private  devotions,  offered  in  the 
1349-66,  Church,  to  perform  the  duty,  in  any  manner  convenient 
to  himself.  He  states,  that  although  it  is  provided,  by  t  lie 
sanction  of  the  laws  of  the  land,  as  well  as  the  canons  of 
the  Church,  that  all  Lord's  days  should  be  religiously 
observed  from  eve  to  eve  ;  yet,  to  his  heart's  grief,  he  was 
informed,  that  a  detestable,  yea,  damnable  perverseness 
existed  on  the  subject  ;  insomuch  that,  in  many  places, 
markets  were  held,  not  only  for  victuals,  but  for  other  ne 
gotiations  —  which,  he  says,  can  scarcely  be  without  frauds 
and  deceits  ;  that  unlawful  meetings  of  men,  who  neglected 
their  churches,  various  tumults,  and  other  occasions  of 
evil,  took  place  ;  that  revels,  drunkenness,  and  many  othor 
dishonest  doings  were  practised  ;  that  thence,  proceeded 
quarrels  and  scolds,  threats  and  blows,  and  sometimes 
murder;  that  these  iniquities  prevailed  to  such  an  extent, 
that  the  main  body  of  the  people  flocked  to  thet-e 
markets  —  by  which  the  Devil's  power  was  increased. 
He  was  told,  that  in  the  holy  churches  —  wrhere  the  God 
of  Peace  is  to  be  sought,  and  where  His  anger  is  appease-  1 
—the  worship  of  God  and  of  the  saints  had,  too  often  anl 
in  too  many  places,  ceased  through  the  absence  of  the 
faithful  ;  that  the  sacred  mysteries  were  contemned  ;  that 
the  mutual  interchange  of  support  in  prayer  was  with 
drawn.  All  this  tended,  he  observed,  to  the  great  decay 
of  reverence  towards  God  and  His  Church,  the  grievous 
peril  of  souls,  and  the  manifest  scandal  and  contempt 
of  Christianity.  Wherefore  he  strictly  commanded  IIH 
brother  of  London,  and,  through  him,  his  othe* 
suffragans,  to  take  effectual  measures  for  correcting  this 
abuse.* 

*  "Mandatum  Archiepiscopi  Cantuar.  de  exorando  pro  rege,  et  regru 
et  do  observando  dies  dominicos."  Ex  Reg.  Islip.  fol.  150,  b.  —  Spelman 
ii.  599.  Lynd.  App.  55.  Wilkins,  iii.  42. 


ARCHBISHOrS    OF   CANTERBURY.  133 

Another  constitution  of  Islip,  issued  in  1362,  reveals  an    CHAP. 

XTT 

extraordinary  state  of  things,  and  the  deplorable  condition  > — -^L^ 
of  the  Church.  According  to  Lyndwood,  no  clergyman  fs™£n 
could,  at  this  time,  be  required  to  resign  a  lucrative  secular  1349~66- 
employment,  in  order  that  he  might  undertake  any 
spiritual  duty,  unless  the  income,  accruing  from  his 
ecclesiastical  preferment,  was  equivalent  to  the  salary  he 
was  receiving  for  the  service,  in  which  he  happened  to  be 
engaged  ;  even  though  that  service  had  reference  only  to 
the  things  of  this  world,  and  was  of  a  temporary  nature. 
This  view  of  things  was  in  perfect  accordance  with  those 
principles,  to  which  especial  reference  has  been  made  in 
the  introductory  chapter.  A  clergyman  felt  himself  at 
liberty  to  serve  God  and  the  king,  the  Church  and  the 
state,  in  any  office  whatsoever,  to  which  he  might  be 
called  by  the  providence  of  God,  acting  through  the  will 
of  the  sovereign.  But  Islip,  who  himself  had  acted  on 
this  principle,  perceived  the  injury  done  to  the  cause  of 
religion,  and,  without  repudiating  the  principle,  declared 
that  it  had  been  abused.  He  stated — "  that  priests,  now- 
a-days,  through  covetousness  or  love  of  ease,  not  content 
with  reasonable  salaries,  demanded  and  received  excessive 
pay  for  their  labour." 

The  lawyers  and  statesmen  being  ordained,  accepted 
preferments  instead  of  salaries,  or  as  an  addition  to  salaries 
inadequate  to  sustain  them  in  that  magnificence,  of  which 
in  those  times  much  account  was  taken.  To  the  property, 
with  which  they  were  thus  invested,  certain  duties  were 
attached.  These  duties  they  would  perform,  whenever 
they  fell  into  disgrace  at  court,  and  on  certain  other 
occasions,  when,  wearied  of  the  world,  they  passed  into 
retirement.  But  when  they  were  actively  employed  by 
the  state,  they  engaged  the  inferior  clergy  to  perform  the 
duties,  which  pertained  to  the  parochial  and  pastoral 
office.  Many,  however,  of  the  inferior  clergy  had  found, 
as  we  have  seen,  a  more  lucrative  employment,  by  acting 


134  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     as   lawyers   in   the   spiritual   courts ;    or,  if  they   were 

^  xn'_-  contented  with  a  moderate  income,  by  the  performance 

idi°n     °f  annuana5  °r  daily  masses  said  for  a  year  in  behalf 

1349-66.  of  certain  persons  or  families.*  These  persons  received 
the  payment  made  for  performance  of  these  routine 
duties  ;  and,  contented  therewith,  refused  to  engage  in 
pastoral  work,  unless  the  beneficed  clergy  provided  them 
with  an  amount  of  salary,  which  was,  by  those  who  were 
called  to  pay,  regarded  as  excessive.  There  was  on  the 
part  of  the  inferior  clergy,  what  we  may  call  a  strike.  The 
consequence  was,  as  Islip  states,  that  many  parish  churcl  es 
and  chapels  remained,  without  any  clergyman,  invest  3d 
with  a  cure  of  souls,  to  officiate.  Instead  of  seeking  to 
remedy  the  evil,  by  attacking  the  non-resident  benefi 
ciaries,  Islip  aims  his  censures  against,  not  the  non 
resident  rectors,  but  the  unbeneficed  clergy.  He  not 
only  resists  their  demand  for  an  increase  of  salary,  bat 
accuses  them,  where  their  salaries  happened,  in  any  case, 
to  be  high,  of  misapplying  their  comparative  wealt!i. 
"  They  discharged  their  intemperance  in  vomit  and  lust, 
they  grew  bold,  and  drowned  themselves  in  the  abyss  of 
vice,  to  the  great  scandal  of  ecclesiastics  and  the  evil 
example  of  laymen."  He  ordained,  therefore,  that  any 
clergyman,  who  had  the  privilege  of  saying  private  masses 
or  annualia,  in  any  particular  church,  might  be  compelled 
by  his  diocesan,  or  by  any  ordinary  judge,  competent  ii 
this  respect,  to  perform  the  pastoral  work  of  the  paris'i 
at  a  moderate  salary ;  or  else,  that  he  should  be  deprived 
of  his  right  to  officiate  in  the  church  at  all.  The  primato 
limits  the  salary  of  priests,  who  celebrated  annuals  without 
cure  of  souls,  to  five  marks  a  year.  He  limited  the  salary 
of  those,  who  were  willing  to  undertake  a  cure  of  souls, 

*  Annualia,  or  annals,  were  masses  said,  every  day,  for  a  year,  or 
behalf  of  a  deceased  person ;  trentals  were  said,  every  day,  for  thirt) 
days ;  triennials,  every  day,  for  three  years. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  135 

together  with  the  anriualia,  to  six  marks  a  year,  with     CHAP. 
powers  for  the  diocesan  to  increase  the  salary,  if  the  . — _. 

•  111  *  Simon 

parish  be  large.*  Islip> 

Islip  legislated,  as  an  aristocrat,  in  favour  of  the  aristo-  1349~66- 
cratic  portion  of  the  Church.  All  that  he  felt  called  upon 
to  do,  was  to  see,  that  the  work  was  properly  performed. 
By  whom  the  work  was  done,  this  was  no  consideration 
with  him.  The  parochial  clergy  were  not  regularly 
employed  in  preaching.  They  had  too  often  permitted 
the  duty  of  preaching  to  devolve  upon  the  mendicants. 
The  demand  was  not,  therefore,  at  that  time,  as  it  would 
be  with  us,  for  parish  .priests,  who  could  preach.  That 
could  be  done  by  the  Dominicans.  What  was  required 
was  respectable  clergymen,  to  do  the  routine  duty  in  the 
Church,  and  to  administer  the  consolations  of  religion  to 
the  sick,  the  sorrowing,  and  the  dying.  The  proper  course 
to  have  been  pursued  would  have  been,  to  compel  the 
non-resident  beneficiaries  to  provide  larger  salaries  for 
their  deputies ;  but  legislators  are  generally  on  the  side 
of  the  strong  against  the  weak.  Islip  legislated  on  this 
subject  very  much  in  the  same  spirit  as  the  present 
parliament  would  legislate  for  strikes.  It  was  assumed 
that  the  weaker  party  must  be  wrong. 

These  constitutions,  evidently  composed  by  the  arch 
bishop  himself,  present  him  to  us  favourably  in  the 
character  of  an  author.  His  contemporary,  John  Thoresby, 
Archbishop  of  York,  was  admired  for  the  elegance  of 
his  latinity.  Such  praise  we  cannot  claim  for  Archbishop 
Islip.  It  can  seldom,  indeed,  be  applied  to  those  who 
employed  the  latin  language  as  if  it  were  a  living  language  ; 
and,  consequently,  felt  themselves  at  liberty  to  coin  words, 
for  the  expression  of  ideas,  to  which  the  Romans,  before 

*  Constitutio  venerabilis  domini  Simonis  Islip  Cantuar.  Archiepiscopi, 
edita  apud  Lambethe,  A.D.  1362.  Ex  MS.  Cott.  Otho,  15,  fol.  135. 
Wilkins,  iii.  50.  Lynd.  App.  56.  Lyndwood,  238.  Spelman,  ii.  610. 


136  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     their  conversion,  were  strangers.      But  of  Islip  it  may  be 

,-L— *  said,  that  he  wrote  as  a  man  who  meant  what  he  said ; 

and  who  intended  that  there  should  be  no  doubt  of  his 
meaning.  One  of  the  archbishop's  writings  had  a  very 
large  circulation,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  number  of 
copies  still  existing  in  manuscript. 

The  extravagance  and  reckless  expenditure  of  Edward 
III.,  of  which  we  have  had  instances  in  the  life  of  Arch 
bishop  Stratford,  continued  throughout  his  reign,  and  were 
from  time  to  time  bringing  successive  administrations  into 
difficulties.  Upon  this  subject,  and  upon  the  abuses  of 
the  royal  court  and  household,  the  archbishop  addressed 
a  remonstrance  to  the  king,  beginning  "  Domine  mi  Eex 
utinam  saperes."*  The  boldness  and  the  sound  reasoning 
of  the  archbishop  procured  for  him  the  admiration  of  his 
contemporaries  ;  and  the  work  is  sufficient  to  show  th&t, 
like  an  honest  man,  a  true  patriot,  and  a  considerate 
churchman,  he  did  not  shrink  from  his  duty,  however 
unpleasant  that  duty  might  be.  If,  as  we  have  seen,  te 
endeavoured  to  compel  the  humblest  of  those  who  weie 
placed  under  his  jurisdiction  to  the  performance  of  their 
duty,  he  was  quite  as  ready  to  address  his  remonstrances 
to  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  realm. 

Archbishop  Islip,  like  a  practical  man,  determined 
to  make  himself,  by  personal  inspection,  thoroughly 
acquainted  with  the  condition  of  the  clergy  and  the  state 
of  the  Church.  Immediately  after  his  enthronization, 
notwithstanding  the  condition  of  the  country,  he  com 
menced  a  provincial  visitation,  which  was  continued  from 
time  to  time. 

*  There  is  a  beautiful  little  MS.,  perhaps  contemporary,  of  Islip's 
letter,  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  under  the  title  of  "  Speculum  Regis 
Edwardi."  There  are  two  copies  of  the  "  Speculum  Regis,"  in  eighteen 
chapters,  in  the  British  Museum,  Faustina,  b.  1,  and  Cleopatra,  d.  9. 
MSS.  of  this  work  have  been  several  times  advertised  for  sale  of  late 
years. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  137 

The  archbishop  could  not,  at  a  time,  when  it  was  doubt-     CHAP. 
ful  whether  the  plague  had  left  the  country,  assemble  the  « — r,_^- 
clergy  in  large  numbers,  and  it  was  supposed  by  some,      i^°n 
that  the  visitation  had  been  perfunctorily  discharged ;    1349~66- 
the  archbishop  being  rather  unobservant  of  delinquencies, 
or  else  failing  to  notice  them  from  considerations  offered 
in  private.     But  upon  this   subject,   the   minds   of  his 
calumniators  were  soon  disabused.     Everything  had  been 
carefully  noted,  and  when  the  archbishop  returned  to 
Canterbury,  all  offenders,  high  and  low,  were  called  to 
account. 

At  Lincoln  the  archbishop  found  an  opponent  in  the 
bishop  of  the  diocese.*  The  Bishop  of  Lincoln  had  pur 
chased  from  the  court  of  Eome,  at  an  enormous  expense, 
an  exemption  from  the  jurisdiction  of  his  metropolitan. 
As  monasteries,  by  placing  themselves  immediately  under 
the  pope,  were  exempted  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
bishops,  in  whose  dioceses  their  establishments  might 
locally  stand ;  so  the  bishop  thought,  that  by  taking  the 
pope  for  his  immediate  superior,  he  might  make  his  an 
exempt  diocese.  But  Islip,  a  lawyer,  knew  that,  by  the 
common  law  of  the  Church,  any  bull  to  such  an  effect  could 
not  be  permanently  binding.  He  acted  accordingly.  He 
remonstrated  with  the  authorities  at  Avignon,  and  a 
counter  bull  was  issued.  We  possess  the  two  documents, 
and  strange  documents  they  are,  when  brought  into  juxta 
position.  The  first  is  a  bull  from  Clement  VI.,  absolving 
the  Bishop  of  Lincoln  from  any  oath  of  fidelity,  obedience, 

*  John  Gynewell  had  been  rector  of  Llanethly,  and  prebendary  of 
Lincoln ;  he  had  a  stall,  also,  in  Salisbury,  and  another  at  York.  On 
13th  of  May,  1346,  he  was  Archdeacon  of  Northampton.  He  was 
consecrated  at  Oxford  on  the  23rd  of  September,  1347,  at  the  same 
time  as  John  Thoresby,  who  was  then  Bishop  of  St.  David's,  and  after 
wards  became  Archbishop  of  York.  Ke  died  at  Lidington  on  the  4th 
August,  1362.  Ang.  Sac.  i.  45.  X.  Script.  2620.  Stubbs,  55. 


138  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     and  subjection,  by  which  he  had  been  bound  to  the  Arch- 

_^L_  bishop  and  Church  of  Canterbury.    The  second  document 

isHp0     is  a  bull  of  Innocent  VI.,  in  which  it  is  stated  that,  in  the 

1349-66.    indulgence  granted  by  Pope  Clement  to  John  Bishop  of 

Lincoln,  some  things  more  and   some  things   less  were 

inadvertently  inserted  ;  it  was  added,  that  Clement,  before 

his  death,  intended  to  correct  them,  so  that  the  indulgence 

was  virtually  cancelled.     The  archbishop,  therefore,  was 

justified  in  the  course  he  pursued;  and  the  Bishop  of 

Lincoln — all  we  have  to  say  of  him  is,  that  he  did  ;iot 

receive  back  any  portion  of  the  money  he  had  expend  3d. 

This  repayment  was  a  useless  trouble,  of  which  the  papal 

court  had  never  been  guilty. 

This  was  not,  however,  the  only  inconvenience  to  which, 
on  the  ground  of  exemption,  the  primate  was  subjected. 
The  relations  between  the  University  of  Oxford  and  its 
diocesan,  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  were  not  yet  decided. 
The  Bishop  of  Lincoln  refused  to  confirm  the  election 
of  William  de  Polmorna  to  the  Chancellorship  of  tie 
University,  although  this  was  only  a  ministerial  act.  He 
refused  to  assign  a  reason  for  conduct  so  unprecedented. 
An  appeal  being  made  to  the  archbishop,  the  archbishop 
issued  his  precept  to  the  bishop,  requiring  him,  within  six 
days,  to  confirm  William  de  Polmorna,  or  to  show  caute 
for  his  refusal  before  the  commissary  of  the  archbishop,  in 
the  church  at  Mayfield,  at  which  place  the  primate  v?i  s 
at  that  time  residing.  The  bishop  being  contumacious,  the 
archbishop  next  appointed  a  commission  to  confirm  and 
admit  the  chancellor.  The  Bishop  of  Lincoln  appealed  to 
the  pope,  and  on  the  strength  of  the  appeal,  justified  his 
non-appearance.  The  primate  pronounced  the  appeal  to 
be  frivolous,  and  treated  the  bishop's  non-appearance  a: 
Mayfield  as  a  contempt  of  court.  When  the  bishop  dis 
regarded  another  citation,  made  according  to  due  form 
the  primate  placed  the  town  of  Banbury,  where  the  bishop 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  139 

was  then  residing,  under  an  interdict,  including  of  course     CHAP. 
the  bishop's  chapel.  The  bishop  still  persevered  in  bringing  x_JL. 
the  case  before  the  papal  courts  ;  but  he  gained  nothing      i&£ 
by  his  conduct,  except  an  ordinance,  which  the  University 
accepted,  by  which,  for  the  future,  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln 
was  required  to  confirm  the  Chancellor  of  the  University,  if 
duly  elected,  at  the  first  requirement  ;  if  the  bishop  refused 
or  delayed   the  chancellor  was  then  to  be  confirmed  by 
the  archbishop  or  his  commissioner.* 

In  the  year  1353,  the  University  was  convulsed  by 
a  controversy  which  caused  much  more  trouble  to  the 
archbishop.  A  disturbance,  originating  in  a  drunken 
broil  between  some  students  and  a  vintner,  ended 
in  a  pitched  battle  between  gown  and  town.  The  bell 
sounded  from  St.  Martin's,  and  summoned  the  townsmen 
to  the  battle.  The  bell  sounded  from  St.  Mary's,  and 
summoned  the  gownsmen  to  the  rescue.  Bows  were  bent 
and  arrows  were  drawn.  The  fight  began  in  earnest. 
The  gownsmen  seemed  likely  to  obtain  the  victory,  but 
the  bell  of  St.  Martin's  still  sounding  the  alarm,  two 
thousand  persons  from  the  surrounding  country  rushed  to 
the  city  gates,  and  recruited  the  troops  of  the  townsmen. 
Twenty-eight,  gownsmen  were  left  dead  in  the  streets,  and 
the  number  of  wounded  was  considerably  larger.  No  one 
was  safe,  except  those  who  ensconced  themselves  between 
the  four  walls  of  a  college  or  a  monastery.  A  contem 
porary  poet  writes  :  — 

Urebat  portas  agrestis  plebs  populosa  : 
Post  res  distortas  videas  quse  sunt  vitiosa. 
Vexillum  geritur  nigrum,  £fclea  Sblca  recitatur, 
Credunt  quod  moritur  rex,  vel  quod  sic  humiliatur. 
Clamant  $^abocfc  Ct  ^abotfc  non  sit  qui  salvificetur, 

fast,  C$be  (pott  fenocfeS,  nullus  post  hsec  dominetur.f 


*  Wood,  Annals,  i.  451.      All  the  documents   are  to  be  found  in 
Wilkins.  f  Wood,  i.  458. 


140  LIVES   OF   THE 

The  townsmen  having  cleared  the  streets,  attacked  the 
inns,  hostels,  or  halls  of  the  scholars. 


Invadunt  aulas  t)g  t!)C  Sun  COttU  fdttfje  geminantes. 
Fregerunt  caulas  simul  omnia  vi  spoliantes 
Sic  occiduntur  plures,  &c.* 

The  archbishop  was  implicated  in  this  affair,  by  the 
exercise  of  his  authority  as  metropolitan.  He  superseded 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln.  The  bishop 
had  placed  the  town  under  an  interdict,  and  then,  for 
some  reason  unassigned,  he  modified,  if  he  did  not  reverse, 
the  sentence.  The  interdict  was  renewed  by  the  authori  ty 
of  the  primate.  He  acted  thus  to  render  the  townsm3n 
amenable  to  an  arrangement,  which  he  suggested  with  a 
view  of  settling  finally,  all  disputes  with  reference  to  the 
several  jurisdictions  of  the  chancellor  and  the  mayor.  Both 
parties  were  required  to  admit,  that  they  had  been,  to  a 
certain  extent,  in  the  wrong  —  that  admission,  which  is 
always  necessary,  before  a  reconciliation  can  be  rendered 
permanent.  The  matter  was  then  submitted  to  tl  e 
arbitration  of  the  king.  The  king  in  council,  acting  en 
the  advice  of  the  archbishop,  confirmed  the  ancient 
charters  that  had  been  granted  to  the  town,  and  then 
conferred  on  the  university,  certain  privileges,  which  :.t 
retains  to  the  present  hour.f 

We  may  now  mention  the  legislative  enactments  wit  i 
which  Islip  was,  more  or  less  directly,  concerned  ;  and 
advert  to  that  most  important  measure,  which  was,  in 
fact,  the  first  decided  step  taken,  so  far  as  externals  wer<; 
concerned,  towards  the  reformation  of  the  Church  of 
England. 

*  Wood,  i.  459. 

f  Compare  Wood,  Parker,  Collier,  Barnes,  and  Ingram.  It  was  re 
ported  that  the  mayor  was  hanged,  but  Anthony  Wood  says  :  "  I  deem 
the  report  false,  because  the  mayor  lived  several  years  after  this  time, 
and  died  a  wealthy  man." 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  141 

We  have  had  occasion  to  allude  before,  to  the  statute     CHAP. 

"XTT 

of  provisors,  and  to  the  evils  resulting  from  papal  pro-  * — 
visions,  which  it  was  designed  to  redress.     It  will  be  only      i^™ 
necessary,  very  briefly,  to  recall  the  reader's  attention  to    1349-66- 
the  whole  subject. 

We  have  been  compelled  to  note  the  aggressions  of 
the  see  of  Eome  upon  the  patronage  of  the  Church ;  and 
so  carefully  was  the  progress  made,  that  the  advances 
made  by  the  Eoman  court  may  be  compared  to  the 
steps  of  the  feline  race — stealthy  and  gentle,  until  it  was 
time  to  pounce  upon  the  prey.  The  attempt  was  first 
made  on  the  rights  of  private  patrons,  towards  the  close 
of  the  twelfth  century.  Letters  were  addressed  to  patrons, 
asking  for  the  exercise  of  their  patronage  in  favour  of 
certain  specified  persons.  These  were  called  expectatives. 
The  expectatives  by  degrees  grew  into  mandates  under 
the  pretext,  that  the  patrons  were  suspected  of  having 
entered  into  simoniacal  contracts,  or  of  entertaining  an 
intention  of  keeping  the  benefice  vacant,  for  the  purpose 
of  applying  the  revenues  to  their  private  use.  The  latter 
was  a  plea  so  often  heard,  that  we  shall  find  measures 
taken  to  guard  against  an  evil  which,  in  unsettled  times, 
may  have  been  of  frequent  occurrence. 

Then  came  the  power  of  devolution — that  is,  of  ap 
pointing  a  proper  person  to  a  vacant  see,  should  a  divided 
chapter  fail  to  elect  in  a  reasonable  time  ;  or  if,  on  an 
appeal,  the  person  elected  was  found  to  be  incompetent. 
This  proceeding  was  justified  on  the  ground,  that  it  was 
expedient  to  supply  a  pastor  to  the  church  with  as  little 
delay  as  possible. 

The  decretal,  unquestioned  and  uncontroverted,  had 
also  asserted  for  the  pope,  the  patronage  of  all  sees 
rendered  vacant  by  the  death  of  the  incumbent,  when 
attending  the  courts  at  Eome—"  vacantes  in  curia."  The 
policy  of  the  Eoman  courts  thenceforth,  in  encouraging 


142  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     the  number  of  appeals  was  evident ;  and  bishops  were 
^XIL_^  taught  by  experience,  that,  by  a  personal  attendance,  any 

?sHpn     business  they  had  to  transact  at  Rome  was,  if  not  ex- 
1349-66.    pedited,  yet  more  satisfactorily  arranged. 

Notwithstanding  all  these  precautions,  the  complaints 
of  simony,  and  of  the  wrong  doings  of  patrons,  were 
frequently  brought  before  the  authorities  of  Rome ;  and 
the  Roman  lawyers  suggested  that,  in  order  to  prevent 
these  abuses,  the  pope,  when  he  had  grounds  for  sup 
posing,  that  a  patron  would  not  exercise  his  right  accord 
ing  to  law,  might  nominate  to  any  benefice  by  anticipation, 
before  the  death  of  the  incumbent, — that  he  might  reserve 
certain  benefices,  assuming  to  himself,  pro  hac  vice,  t  ic 
appointment.  In  the  fourteenth  century,  Clement  V. 
broadly  asserted,  that  the  right  to  present  to  all  benefices 
was  inherent  in  the  pope.  He  maintained,  that  othar 
patrons  only  exercised  the  privilege  of  patronage  as  a 
concession.  He  who  gave  might  take  away,  and  tlie 
conceded  privilege  might,  for  special  reasons,  and  at 
certain  times,  be  revoked.  Hence,  during  the  life  of  tl.  e 
incumbents,  the  pope  might  make  reversionary  grants, 
which  reversionary  grants  were  called  provisions.  A  t 
first,  he  nominated  the  successor  of  a  living  incumbent- 
After  a  time,  he  simply  notified  to  an  astonished  patron, 
that  he  had  provided  for  the  benefice,  though  he  hal 
not  thought  it  necessary  to  mention  the  fact.  At  lasi , 
the  provision  came  to  signify  little  more  than  the  inten 
tion  of  the  pope  to  supersede  the  right  of  a  patron ; 
and,  as  the  source  of  all  patronage,  himself  to  appoint. 
As  the  pope,  at  the  same  time,  claimed  the  power  to 
grant  dispensations  from  any  canons,  which  had  beei. 
passed  against  non-residence  and  pluralities,  together  will 
permissions  to  hold  benefices  in  commendam  ;  the  pope, 
through  his  provisions,  could,  in  point  of  fact,  pension 
the  members  of  his  court  and  household,  or  any  persons 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  143 

whom  he  might  be  pleased  to  force  upon  the  different     CHAP. 
national  churches  of  Europe.     Nay,  more  than  this.     Not  ^JL 
content  with  finding  an  income  for  his  courtiers,  lawyers      i™™ 
and  counsellors,  the  pope  claimed  to  have  a  share  in  the    1349~66- 
spoil.     Annates,  consisting  of  the  first  year's  income  of  a 
benefice,  were  exacted  from  all  whom  the  pope  appointed 
by  provision  and  reservation — a  circumstance,  which  will 
account  for  his  setting  aside  the  canonical   election  of 
Islip    and  his    immediate    predecessors.      A   tithe  also 
upon  the  tithe  was,  every  year,  to  be  paid  into  the  papal 
treasury. 

We  have  had  instances  of  the  unscrupulous  manner,  in 
which  these  usurped  powers  were  exercised,  from  time  to 
time,  and  the  immense  sums  of  money,  in  consequence, 
drawn  out  of  the  country.  Even  if  we  admit  that  the 
clergy,  who  wished  to  rouse  the  government  to  protect 
them,  may  have  exaggerated  some  of  the  statements,  the 
grievance  was  so  great,  as,  at  length,  to  rouse  the  in 
dignation  of  the  whole  kingdom. 

We  are  not  to  attribute  any  deep  political  foresight 
or  sagacity  to  the  parliament  of  Edward.  We  simply 
remark,  that  it  exhibited  one  of  the  characteristics  of  the 
English  mind.  Its  members  were  thoroughly  practical. 
They  waited,  till  the  grievance  was  intolerable,  and  then, 
as  with  a  sledge-hammer,  they  sought  to  overcome  it. 

When  provisions  were  introduced  the  people  murmured. 
Under  the  abuse  of  provisions,  by  which  the  income  of 
certain  benefices  was  drawn  out  of  their  country,  they  com 
plained.  But  when  a  French  pope,  supporting  the  French 
king  against  the  king  of  England,  sought  to  strengthen 
the  hands  of  the  enemy,  by  making  the  English  pay  those 
counsellors,  who  were  most  bitterly  anti- Anglican  in  their 
feelings,  it  was  determined  to  put  an  end  to  an  intolerable 
grievance.  To  excite  the  indignant  feelings  of  the  people, 
indisputable  facts  were  produced.  As  is  the  case  in  all 


144  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  party  movements,  other  statements  may  sometimes  have 
_^_l^  been  hazarded  which  exceeded  the  truth.  But  the  i-nd 
was  answered,  the  spirit  of  all  England  was  roused.  The 
pestilence,  the  ensuing  murrain  among  the  cattle,  the  an 
ticipation,  in  consequence,  of  an  insufficient  supply  of  food, 
the  impoverished  state  of  the  realm,  the  demoralization  of 
the  people,  all  were  traced  to  the  exactions,  misdeeds, 
and  usurpations  of  the  papacy,  which  were  declared  to 
be  more  disastrous  than  war.  It  was  averred,  that,  at  the 
papal  court,  all  things  were  venal ;  and  it  was  affirmed, 
that,  taking  their  lesson  from  Borne,  even  in  England 
patrons  had  begun  to  practise  simony  without  shame  or 
remorse. 

Before  applying  to  parliament,  Edward,  in  conjunction 
with  his  nobles,  sent  a  remonstrance  to  the  pope.  He 
received  a  menacing  and  contemptuous  answer,  in  which 
it  was  stated,  that  both  the  emperor  and  the  king  of 
France  had  enacted  laws  against  provisions,  but  had  sub 
sequently  repealed  them,  and  had  yielded  to  the  pop  3. 
Edward  replied,  that  if  the  emperor  or  the  king  of  Franc?, 
either  or  both,  were  ready  to  take  the  pope's  part,  to 
either  or  both  the  King  of  England  was  prepared  to  gi\  e 
battle,  in  defence  of  the  liberties  of  his  crown. 

There  was  now  a  union  of  all  parties  ;  and  in  1350 
the  statute  of  Provisors*  was  unanimously  passed.  The 
important  preamble  of  the  statute  runs  thus  :  "  Whereas 
the  holy  Church  of  England  was  founded  in  the  estate  cf 
prelacy  within  the  realm  of  England,  by  the  king  and  his 
progenitors,  and  by  the  earls,  barons,  and  other  nobles  of 
the  realm  and  their  ancestors,  to  inform  them  and  tin* 
people  of  the  law  of  God,  and  to  make  hospitalities, 

*  "  Provisores  dicuntur  qui  vel  episcopatum  vel  ecclesiasticam  alian 
dignitatem  in  Romana  Curia  sibi  ambiebant  de  future,  quod  ex  gratu. 
expectativa  nuncuparunt,  quia  usquedum  vacaret,  expectandum  esset.' 
— Spelman,  Glossary. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  145 

alms,  and  other  works  of  charity  in  the  places  where  the  CHAP. 
churches  were  founded,  for  the  souls  of  the  founders,  ^_^L^ 
their  heirs,  and  all  Christians  ;  and  certain  possessions  as  s^™ 
well  in  fees,  lands,  and  rents,  as  in  advowsons,  which  do  ex-  1349-66. 
tend  to  a  great  value,  were  assigned  by  the  said  founders 
to  the  prelates  and  other  people  of  the  holy  Church  of  the 
said  realm,  to  sustain  the  same  charge  and  especially  of 
the  possessions,  which  were  assigned  to  the  archbishops, 
bishops,  abbots,  priors,  religious  and  all  other  people  of 
holy  Church,  by  the  kings  of  the  said  realm,  earls,  barons, 
and  other  great  men  of  the  realm  ;  the  same  kings,  earls, 
barons,  and  other  nobles,  as  lords  and  advowees,  have  had 
and  ought  to  have  the  custody  of  such  voidances,  and  the 
presentments  and  the  collations  of  the  benefices  being  of 
such  prelacies  ;  and  the  said  kings  in  times  past  were 
wont  to  have  the  greatest  part  of  their  councillor  the  safe 
guard  of  the  realm,  when  they  had  need  of  such  prelates 
and  clerks,  so  advanced :  the  bishop  of  Eome  accroaching 
to  him  the  seignories  of  such  possessions  and  benefices, 
doth  give  them  to  aliens,  who  never  dwell  in  England, 
and  to  cardinals,  which  might  not  dwell  here,  and  to 
others  as  well  aliens  as  denizens,  as  if  he  had  been  patron 
or  advowee  of  the  said  dignities  and  benefices,  as  lie  was 
not  of  right  of  the  law  of  England ;  whereby  if  they 
should  be  suffered  there  should  scarcely  be  any  benefice 
within  a  short  time  in  the  said  realm,  but  that  it  should 
be  in  the  hands  of  aliens  and  denizens,  by  virtue  of  such 
provisions  against  the  good  will  and  disposition  of  the 
founders  of  the  benefices."* 

After  this  preamble,  it  was,  in  full  parliament,  "ordered, 
provided,  established,  agreed,  adjudged,  and  considered, 
that  the  said  oppressions,  grievances,  and  damages  in  the 

*  I  have  never  seen  the  whole  of  the  preamble  printed  except  in 
law  books.  I  have  given  it,  therefore,  as  it  shows  what  were  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  Church  at  this  time,  in  regard  to  its  independence. 

VOL.  IV.  L 


146  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     same  realm,  from  henceforth,  should  not  be  suffered  in  any 

"VTT 

manner."  It  was,  therefore,  by  the  assent  of  all  the  great 
men  and  the  commonalty  of  the  realm,  "  ordered  and 
established,  that  the  free  elections  of  archbishops,  bishops, 
and  all  other  dignities  and  benefices  elective  in  England, 
shall  be  held  henceforth,  as  they  were  granted  by  the 
king's  progenitors,  and  the  ancestors  of  other  lords, 
founders  of  the  said  dignities  and  other  benefices ;  and 
that  all  prelates  and  other  people  of  holy  Church,  which 
have  advowsons  of  benefices  of  the  king's  gift,  or  of  aiy 
of  his  progenitors,  or  of  other  lords  and  donors,  to  do 
divine  services  and  other  charges  thereof  ordained,  shall 
have  their  collations  and  presentations  freely  to  the  san  e, 
in  the  manner  in  which  they  were  enfeoffed  by  the  donors. 
It  was  enacted,  that  if  the  pope  should  reserve  a  promo 
tion  elective,  the  king  shall  have  the  collation  to  the  bene 
fice  or  dignity,  such  as  his  progenitors  originally  possessed, 
before  a  free  election  was  granted.  The  election  wis 
first  granted,  it  is  said,  by  the  king's  progenitors  upon  a 
certain  form  and  condition — to  seek,  for  instance,  a  conge 
d'elire,  and  after  election  to  have  the  royal  assent,  and  in  r  o 
other  way;  which  conditions  not  kept,  then  they  ought, 
by  reason,  to  resort  to  its  first  nature." 

To  guard  against  any  equivocation,  it  was  further 
enacted,  that  a  benefice  shall  lapse  to  the  bishop,  if  the 
patron,  on  its  vacancy,  does  not  present  within  six  months, 
and  to  the  king,  if  the  bishop  present  not  within  one 
month.  Any  pro  visor,  or  a  person  accepting  a  provision 
of  the  pope  and  disturbing  the  right  of  a  patron  by  sail 
provision  ;  or  their  proctors,  executors,  and  notaries  ;  were 
to  be  imprisoned,  and  were  not  to  be  released,  until  they 
had  paid  a  fine,  and  had  given  security,  that  they  would 
not  transgress  again,  or  sue  for  redress  in  any  foreig-i 
court.* 

*  Statute  of  Provision  of  Benefices.     25  Edw.  III.  6. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  147 

In  1363,  an  addition  was  made  to  this  act,  by  which  it     CHAP. 
was  enacted,  that  all  persons  purchasing  citations  from  .  J^L_ 
Borne,  or  provisions  for  deaneries  or  other  dignities,  should     f8™°n 
be   arrested   and   punished  according   to  the   foregoing    1349-66. 
statute. 

All  the  estates  of  the  realm,  "  the  king,  the  prelates, 
the  dukes,  the  earls,  barons,  nobles,  and  other  commons, 
clerks,  and  lay-people,  were  bound  by  this  present  ordi 
nance  to  aid,  comfort,  and  to  counsel  the  one  and  the  other, 
and  as  often  as  shall  need  ;  and  by  all  the  best  means  that 
can  be  made  of  word  and  deed,  to  impeach  such  offenders, 
and  resist  their  deeds  and  enterprises,  and  without  suffer 
ing  them  to  inhabit,  abide,  or  pass  by  the  seignories, 
possessions,  lands,  jurisdictions,  or  places,  and  be  bound 
to  keep  and  defend  the  one  and  the  other  from  all  damage, 
villany,  and  reproof,  as  they  should  do  to  their  own  per 
sons  and  for  their  deed  and  business,  and  by  such  manner 
and  as  far  forth  as  such  prosecutions  or  process  were  made 
or  attempted  against  them  in  especial,  general,  or  in 
common."* 

Three  years  after  the  first  statute  of  pro  visors,  in  1353, 
the  first  statute  of  Prsemuniref  was  enacted.  In  this 
the  grievance  was  stated,  that  "  diverse  of  the  people 
had  been  drawn  out  of  the  realm  to  answer  to  things 

o 

whereof  the  cognizance  pertaineth  to  the  king's  court ; 
and  also  that  the  judgments  given  in  the  said   court 

*  Statute  of  Provisors,  38  Echv.  III.  The  sentences  are  long  and 
complicated,  but  I  have  thought  it  best  to  give  them  as  I  find  them. 

f  So  called  from  the  words  of  the  writ,  "  Rex  vice-comiti,"  &c., 
11  Praemunire  facias  praefatum  A  B  quod  tune  sit  coram  nobis,*'  &c. 
11  Prsemunire"  is  said  to  be  used  for  "  prsemonere,"  to  forewarn.  But 
though  this  is  usually  asserted,  "  Prsemunire  "  is  a  Ciceronian  word  in  a 
cognate  sense,  and  there  does  not  seem  to  be  any  reason  why  "  Prscmu- 
nire "  should  be  looked  upon  as  a  corruption : — forewarned,  fore 
armed  : — and  the  use  of  "  munio,"  "  praemiinio,"  and  "  munimcnta  " 
is  more  common  in  mediaeval  writers,  than  in  the  classics. 


148  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     are  impeached  in  another  court   to  prejudice  and  clis- 

J^  ' inherison  of  our  lord  the  king  and  his  crown  and  of  all 

isiipn  the  people  of  the  said  realm  and  to  the  destruction  and 
L349-66.  undoing  of  the  common  law  of  the  said  realm  at  all  times 
used."  Wherefore  it  was  enacted,  that  "  ah1  the  people  of 
the  said  king's  ligeance,  of  whatsoever  condition  they  be, 
which  shall  draw  any  out  of  the  realm,  the  plea  whereof 
the  cognizance  pertaineth  to  the  king's  court,"  or  offend 
in  any  of  the  ways  above  recited,  shall  be  bound  "  to 
appear  before  king  and  his  council,  or  in  Chancery,  or 
before  the  king's  justices  in  his  places  of  the  one  bench  or 
the  other,  to  answer  in  their  proper  persons  to  the  kir-g 
of  the  contempt  done  in  this  behalf."  If  they  failed  to  c  o 
this,  they  were  put  out  of  the  king's  protection,  and  their 
lands,  goods,  and  chattels  forfeit  to  the  king,  and  in 
their  persons  they  were  to  be  imprisoned.* 

Among  the  first  to  violate,  if  not  the  letter  yet  the 
spirit  of  the  statutes,  were  the  king  himself  and  the 
Prince  of  Wales,  though  I  am  inclined  to  think,  that  they 
received  some  provocation  from  the  archbishop.  Th3 
story  is  this  :  on  the  death  of  Northburgh,  Bishop  cf 
Coventry,  and  Lichfield,  Eobert  of  Stretton  was  elected  as 
his  successor,  at  the  instance  of  the  Prince  of  Wales. 
His  confirmation  belonged  of  right  to  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  who  rejected  him  on  the  plea  of  his  beinf'; 
incompetent.  The  prince,  with  the  consent  of  the  king, 
appealed  to  the  pope,  and  the  pope  confirmed  the  sentence 
of  the  archbishop.  Now  here  comes  the  difficulty.  We  dc 
not  find  that  Stretton's  morals  were  attacked,  but  only  his 
literature.  It  is,  indeed,  certain,  that  in  his  old  age  he 
was  blind,  and  that  he  could  not  read  at  his  consecration.f 
But  then,  on  the  other  hand,  he  was  not  only  a  Canon  of 

*  Pramiunire  for  suing  in  a  foreign  realm.     27  Edw.  III.  c.  i. 
|  See  Ang.  Sac.  i.  449. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  149 

Chichester,  but  a  doctor  of  laws,  and  an  auditor  of  the  Eota.  CHAP. 
The  king  and  the  prince  remonstrated  with  the  pope,  and  - — -^— 
the  pope  promised  to  confirm  any  sentence  pronounced,  i^ 
on  an  examination  of  the  case,  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  in  conjunction  with  the  Bishop  of  Eoch ester. 
The  prince  urged  these  prelates  to  deal  with  the  elect  not 
according  to  the  strict  letter  of  the  rule,  but  with  gentle 
ness  and  favour.  This  looks  suspicious,  as  against  Stretton. 
And  the  archbishop  and  the  Bishop  of  Eochester  still 
refused  to  confirm  the  election.  It  is  so  unlikely  that  an 
auditor  of  the  Eota  should  be  unable  to  read,  unless  by  a 
physical  defect,  that  we  cannot  help  suspecting  that  the 
English  clergy  were  dealing  unfairly  with  an  unpopular 
man,  his  blindness  or  short-sightedness  being  made  a 
handle  against  him.  But  be  this  as  it  may,  if  we  acquit 
the  prince  of  having  selected  an  improper  person,  we 
cannot  justify  the  way  in  which  he  carried  his  point. 

The  prince  again  applied  to  the  pope.  The  pope  not 
only  yielded  to  the  application,  but,  with  the  countenance 
of  the  prince,  in  defiance  of  the  common  law  of  the  Church 
and  the  statutes  of  the  realm,  issued  a  commission  for  the 
consecration  of  the  very  man,  whom  he  had,  two  years 
before,  declared  to  be  unfit  for  a  bishopric. 

We  see  from  this  one  transaction — and  similar  cases 
might  be  produced — how  difficult  it  still  was  to  restrain 
self-willed  princes,  and  how  necessary  it  became  to  re- 
enact  the  statute  of  Provisors  from  time  to  time.* 

This  was  not  the  only  struggle,  which  Islip  had  with 

*  In  the  early  period  of  parliamentary  legislation  it  became  frequently 
necessary  to  re-enact  a  law.  Persons  seeking  to  evade  it  would  repre 
sent  it,  otherwise,  as  obsolete.  The  Statute  of  Provisors  required  to  be 
followed  up  by  many  others  to  the  same  effect.  To  give  a  few  instances, 
27  Edw.  III.  c.  1 ;  38  Edw.  III.  c.  1 ;  3  Kic.  II.  c.  37  ;  8  Kic.  II.  c.  12  ; 
12  Ric.  II.  c.  15  ;  13  Ric.  II.  c.  23  ;  2  Henry  IV.  c.  3;  7  Henry  IV. 
c.  8  ;  9  Henry  IV.  c.  8  ;  1  Henry  V.  c.  7  ;  4  Henry  V.  c.  4. 


150  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  this  illustrious  prince.  The  king,  on  the  death  of  every 
English  bishop,  was  entitled  to  his  horse  or  palfrey,  with 
tne  saddle  and  bridle,  a  cloak  with  a  hood  (capella).  a 
CUp  with  a  cover,  a  basin  and  ewer,  a  gold  ring,  and  the 
mute  or  kennel  of  hounds  of  the  deceased  prelate.  When 
the  Black  Prince  was  invested  with  the  Principality  of 
Wales,  he  concluded,  that  the  rights  of  royalty  devolv  -d 
upon  him  ;  and,  on  a  vacancy  of  the  see  of  St.  Asaph,  "be 
demanded  the  payment  of  these  dues.  The  archbishop 
resisted  his  claim.  He  proved,  that  in  the  dioceses  of 
St.  Asaph  and  Bangor,  as  in  that  of  Bochester,  the  royal 
rights,  in  these  respects,  had  been  conferred  upon  the 
primate.* 

Upon  another  occasion,  we  find  the  king  co-operating 
with  the  archbishop  in  maintaining  the  principles  of  the 
late  statutes  ;  but  we  must  remark  that  on  this  occasion 
he  had  no  private  ends  to  serve.  A  misunderstandii  g 
had  taken  place  between  the  Lady  Blanche  Wake  ard 
Thomas  de  Lisle,  Bishop  of  Ely.f 

We  have  no  occasion,  to  go  into  the  merits  of  the  cas  3, 
and  need  only  remark,  that  the  bishop  was  one  of  thoee 
wrong-headed  men  who,  even  when  they  are  in  the  right, 
if  the  case  be  considered  abstractly,  contrive,  by  the:r 
conduct,  to  place  themselves  in  the  wrong.  He  wcs 
accused  of  abetting  arson  and  murder.  A  farm-house  of 
the  Lady  Blanche  was  burnt,  soon  after  their  misundei- 

*  Coke's  2nd  Inst.  491.  There  is  a  very  interesting  paper  on  the 
rights  which  were  claimed  on  a  vacancy  in  the  primacy  by  the  Chapter 
of  Canterbury,  in  the  Journal  of  the  Archa?ological  Institute,  xi.  275. 

•f  Thomas  Lyldus,  or  de  Lisle,  was  educated  at  Cambridge,  where  h3 
graduated  in  theology.  He  was  a  learned  man,  "ut  ilia  ferebant  tem- 
pora,"as  Godwin  expresses  it;  and  was  eminent  as  a  preacher.  He  wa* 
appointed  by  papal  provision  to  the  see  of  Ely,  and  was  consecrated  ai 
Avignon.  He  died  on  the  23rd  of  June,  1361.  He  was  a  benefactor  t«> 
St.  Peter's  College,  Cambridge.  Foedera,  v.  457.  Reg.  Lisle  MSS.  Cole 


AKCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  151 

standing,  and  one  of  her  servants  was  killed  by  a  servant  CHAP. 
of  the  bishop.  The  bishop  was  accused  of  being  the  real  > — --,— 
author  of  the  outrage,  and  was  found  guilty,  upon  trial,  isHpn 
by  a  jury.  He  attempted  to  set  aside  the  verdict  by  1349~66- 
demanding  to  be  tried  by  his  peers.  When  that  attempt 
failed,  on  the  ground,  that  parliament  was  not  sitting,  he 
claimed  to  be  admitted  to  his  canonical  purgation ;  in 
other  words,  ne  appealed  from  the  temporal  to  the 
spiritual  court ;  in  which  a  cleric  of  any  grade,  when  sus 
pected  or  convicted  of  a  crime  before  a  temporal  court, 
might  offer  to  make  proof  of  his  innocence  by  his  own 
oath  or  by  the  oaths  of  compurgators.  Having  carried 
his  case  to  the  spiritual  court,  where  no  one  appeared  to 
accuse  him,  the  bishop  called  upon  the  primate  to  pro 
claim  his  purgation.  The  archbishop,  as  a  wise,  prudent, 
and  patriotic  man,  perceived  that  nothing  could  be  more 
injurious  to  the  interests  both  of  Church  and  State,  at  this 
juncture,  than  to  bring  the  two  jurisdictions,  in  the  spiritual 
and  temporal  courts,  into  collision.  He  declined,  therefore, 
to  act.  On  the  contrary,  he  was  urgent  with  the  Bishop 
of  Ely  to  make  his  submission  to  the  king,  and  to  regain, 
if  possible,  the  royal  favour. 

We  may  add,  that  the  Bishop  of  Ely  fled  to  Avignon. 
Here  the  pope  strongly  advocated  his  cause,  and  went  so 
far  as  to  excommunicate  the  judges,  who  had  passed 
sentence  on  the  bishop,  placing  their  estates  under  an 
interdict.  The  excommunication  and  the  interdict  were 
alike  disregarded  by  the  English  government.  The  king, 
under  the  late  statute  of  Prsemunire,  outlawed  all  per 
sons  bringing  letters,  citations,  or  censures  from  the  pope 
into  England,  and  imprisoned  the  bishops'  agents  and 
chaplains.  The  pope  expostulated.  He  threatened  to 
proceed  to  further  extremities  ;  but  the  dispute  was  ter 
minated  by  the  timely  death  of  de  Lisle.  It  was  suffi- 


152  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,     ciently  clear  that  papal  power  in  England  was  no  longer 

_XIL  ^  what  it  had  been.* 
^™n         It  is  very  remarkable,  that  the  year  1350  was  a  very 

1349-66.  busy  year,  when  large  masses  of  the  people  were  con 
gregated,  apparently  without  fear.  The  Black  Death 
could  hardly  be  said  to  have  ceased ;  and  yet  we  have 
seen,  that  a  full  parliament  was  held,  and  that  the  arch 
bishop  did  not  fear  to  proceed  on  his  visitation.  But 
what  is  still  more  surprising  is,  that,  in  this  year,  amidst 
feasts  and  tournaments,  the  order  of  the  garter  was 
finally  established,  and  the  knights  installed.  According 
to  Walsingham  and  Fabyan,  the  order  was  instituted  :.n 
1344.  According  to  Stow,  the  date  of  its  institution  is 
1350,  and  Ashmole  gives  this  as  the  date  assigned  in 
the  statutes. j*  It  was  probably  founded,  as  is  commonly 
stated,  on  the  19th  of  January,  1344,  but  was  not  com 
pletely  organized,  until  the  23rd  of  April,  St.  George's 
day,  in  1350  ;  when  the  archbishop  was  summoned  to 
Windsor  to  assist  at  its  inauguration. 

There  seem  to  have  been  no  precautions  taken  against 
the  spread  of  the  plague,  and  there  was  probably  littb 
fear  of  contagion  or  infection.  It  was  a  visitation  cf 
God,  and  the  people  felt,  that  they  had  only  to  submit. 
Then,  again,  scarcely  any  of  the  wealthy  or  the  noble 
were  smitten ;  and,  to  the  shame  of  chivalry,  it  must  bo 

*  Ang.  Sac.  i.  652.     Walsingham,  ad.  an.  1358.     Parker. 

•(•  In  RastelFs  Chron.  21G,  the  following  passage  occurs:  "  Abou; 
the  19th  year  of  this  kynge,  he  made  a  solemne  feest  at  Wyndsore, 
and  a  great  justes  and  turnament,  where  he  devysed  and  perfytec 
subtancyally  the  Order  of  the  Knyghts  of  the  Garter.  Howe  be  it  soim 
afferm,  that  this  order  began  fyrst  by  Kynge  Rycharde  Cure  de  Lyon. 
at  the  sege  of  ye  citie  of  Acres,  wher,  in  his  great  necessity,  there  were 
but  xxvi  knyhts  that  fermely  and  surely  abode  with  the  kynge: 
wherefore  he  caused  all  them  to  were  thongs  of  blue  leather  about 
their  legges ;  and  afterwarde  they  were  called  Knyghts  of  the  Blue 
Thonge.' 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  153 

stated,  that,  below  an  esquire  and  a  priest,  the  sympathies 
of  a  knight  could  seldom  descend.  Add  to  this  we  must, 
that  a  ceremonial  of  this  sort,  in  the  fourteenth  century, 
was  not  regarded  as  it  would  be  now,  in  the  light  of  a  1349-66- 
mere  pageant.  It  was,  also,  a  religious  ceremonial. 
Stow  describes  the  king  and  his  five  and  twenty  knights 
coming  forth  in  grand  array.  Each  knight  wras  clothed 
in  a  gown  of  russet,  powdered.  Over  this  was  a  blue 
mantle  with  scutcheons  of  St.  George.  Each  knight  had 
his  garter  of  blue  below  his  knee,  with  the  motto,  "  Honi 
soit  qui  mal  y  pense."  The  chroniclers  describe  the 
splendour  of  the  court,  at  which  Philippa  of  Hainault 
presided,  apparelled  in  a  dress  which  cost  £500.  They 
tell  us  of  the  squires,  pages,  and  yeomen  in  their  rich 
liveries,  attendant  upon  the  noble  dames;  of  heralds 
and  pursuivants  running  to  and  fro,  their  gorgeous 
coats  sparkling  in  the  sun.  The  king  appeared  in  the 
lists  with  a  white  swan  upon  his  shield.  His  son  in 
splendid  armour  rode  by  his  side.*  We  are  told  of  the 
knightly  dexterity,  with  which  the  horses  were  made  to 
pace  round  the  arena,  before  the  combatants  arranged 
themselves,  in  two  parties,  for  the  conflict.  We  are  left 
to  imagine  the  sound  of  the  trumpet ;  the  charge,  and 
the  shivering  of  lances  ;  the  shouts  of  the  people  ;  the 
fair  faces  looking  down  from  the  turrets  upon  the  spirit- 
stirring  spectacle  ;  the  clarion  peal  around  the  castle 
walls.  There  is  something  strange  in  the  interest  felt, 
even  at  the  present  hour,  when  such  a  scene  is  presented 

*  It  is  sometimes  supposed,  that  the  Prince  of  Wales  wore  black 
armour,  than  which  nothing  can  be  more  erroneous.  Neither  Froissart 
nor  Monstrelet,  nor,  as  far  as  I  know,  any  English  chronicler,  calls  him 
the  Black  Prince.  The  French,  after  the  battle  of  Cressy,  spoke  of 
him  as  Edward  le  Noir,  and  the  English  soldiers  adopted  the  term,  as 
one  of  endearment,  as  Marlborough  was  styled  Corporal  John,  and 
other  leaders  have  had  their  nicknames. 


154  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  to  the  imagination.  But  my  business  is  to  mention  the 
first  part  of  the  ceremonial,  which  consisted  in  a  solemn 
procession  of  the  king  and  of  all  the  knights,  bare-head  ed, 
to  the  royal  chapel,  where  the  primate  of  all  England,  in 
full  pontificals,  and  wearing  the  pall,  was  standing  to 
receive  them,  and  to  give  that  blessing  to  the  institution, 
which  still  attaches  to  the  order.  The  archbishop  an 
nounced  what  was  inserted  in  the  ordinances  of  the  order, 
that  everything  was  ordained  to  remind  the  knights  of 
their  being  Christian  men,  engaged  to  maintain,  wherever 
they  might  be,  the  cause  of  Christ.  The  garter  was  to 
represent  the  importance  of  unity  among  the  knights ; 
and  each  knight  was  to  bind  it  on  his  knee  to  be  warned, 
that,  in  battle,  he  should  never  fly.  The  motto  was 
to  suggest  to  him,  that  nothing  unseemly  was  to  be  done 
by  a  knight ;  while  the  image  of  St.  George  was  to  i.i- 
stigate  him  to  the  acts  of  a  hero.  His  purple  robe 
indicated,  that  a  knight  was  the  equal  of  kings  ;  the  collar, 
always  of  the  same  weight  and  with  the  same  number  of 
links,  was  a  witness  of  the  bond  of  faith,  of  peace,  cf 
unity.  They  were  called  companions  of  the  order,  to 
declare  their  readiness  in  peace  or  war  to  act  as  brethrer, 
and  with  one  accord.  In  Anstis's  Eegister  of  the  Order  of 
the  Garter,  and  in  Ashmole,  more  to  the  same  effect  may 
be  found,  drawn  out  to  a  considerable  length. 

The  archbishop  proceeded  to  the  altar.  There  he 
celebrated  high  mass,  and  the  king,  with  the  knights, 
received  the  holy  communion  ;  devoting  themselves  to  the 
service  of  God,  to  the  maintenance  of  truth,  and  to  the 
resistance  of  all  wrong-doers. 

There  may  have  been  more  or  less  of  superstition  in 
some  of  these  proceedings  ;  but  the  connexion  of  all  that 
related  to  the  ceremonials  of  the  court  with  religion, 
prevented  them  from  becoming  what  they  too  often  are 
in  moelern  times,  a  mere  unmeaning  formality. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  155 

There  was  another  state  ceremonial,  in  which  the  arch-     CHAP. 
bishop  was  concerned,  and  to  which  a  religious  character  v_x,L_. 
was  imparted.    I  allude  to  the  release  of  the  royal  French     ^™pn 
prisoner,  King  John,  in  the  year  1361.  1349-66. 

King  Edward  kept  his  Christmas,  in  1360,  at  Wood 
stock.  He  held  his  parliament,  immediately  after  the  holi 
days,  on  the  24th  of  the  following  January,  at  Westminster. 
He  communicated  to  the  three  estates  of  the  realm  the 
articles  of  peace  which  he  had  made  with  the  king  of 
France.*  The  two  houses  were  satisfied  with  the  arrange 
ments,  and  all  preliminaries  having  been  settled,  the  king, 
with  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal,  attended  a  solemn 
service,  at  Westminster  Abbey,  at  which  the  archbishop 
officiated.  The  epistle  of  the  day  was  singularly  appro 
priate.  It  was  taken  from  2  Cor.  xiii.  1 1 — "  Be  perfect, 
be  of  good  comfort,  be  of  one  mind,  live  in  peace ;  and 
the  God  of  peace  shall  be  with  you.  The  grace  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  the  love  of  God,  and  the  fellow 
ship  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  be  with  you  all.  Amen." 

When  the  sacrament  had  been  consecrated,  it  was 
placed  in  front  of  the  altar,  amidst  a  blaze  of  torches  ; 
the  archiepiscopal  cross  forming  a  kind  of  reredos.  The 
peers  were,  all  of  them,  to  receive  the  communion.  The 
two  kings  had  been  sworn  before ;  and  King  Edward  and 
his  sons  took  their  place  fronting  the  French  hostages. 
The  archbishop  then  drew  nigh,  and  with  a  loud  voice 
said,  "  We,  Simon,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  do  swear 
upon  the  Holy  Body  of  God,  and  His  Holy  Gospel,  firmly, 
as  much  as  in  us  lies,  to  keep  the  peace  and  concord 
agreed  upon  by  the  two  kings,  and  to  do  nothing  con 
trary  thereunto."  He  signed  the  oath,  and  having  de 
livered  it  to  notaries,  he  received  the  sacrament.  Each 
peer  then  followed  in  due  order ;  and  when  all  the 

*  The  articles  may  be  seen  in  Brady  or  Tyrrel. 


156  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP.     English  were  sworn,  the  same  form  was  observed  by  the 
—    French. 

Simon  Islip  was  a  stern  strict  man,  attending  to  every 
little  detail  of  duty,  and  requiring  of  others  that  they 
should  do  the  same.  Such  a  man  was  sure  to  be  un 
popular,  especially  when,  economical  in  all  the  arrange 
ments  of  his  household,  he  also  evinced  a  grasping  <r  nd 
avaricious  disposition.  We  have  vindicated  him  from  the 
charge  of  penuriousness  in  regard  to  his  enthronization,  but 
nothing  can  justify  his  subsequent  conduct.  The  plague 
was  followed  by  a  murrain  among  the  cattle,  which,  with 
other  consequences  of  "  The  Mortality,"  exposed  him  to 
pecuniary  difficulties.  He,  consequently,  obtained  a  pap  al 
bull,  empowering  him  to  levy  a  tax  upon  the  clergy  of 
the  diocese,  at  the  rate  of  fourpence  in  the  mark.  He 
actually  exacted  a  tenth.  Perhaps  he  was  unjustly  cen 
sured  for  insisting  upon  dilapidations,  to  the  amount  of 
£1100,  from  the  executors  of  John  Ufford.  For  he  could 
only  make  them  refund  the  money,  which  Ufford  hal 
received,  and  which  his  executors  ought  to  have  paid  t) 
Bradwardine.  Some  defence  may  be  made  for  his  conduct 
in  felling  the  timber  on  his  estates.  It  is  not  said,  that  ho 
damaged  the  property  ;  and  the  timber  being  there,  it  wa;s 
better  to  cut  down  the  trees,  than  to  run  into  debt.* 

Another  act  of  his  was  offensive  to  his  contemporaries. 
As  lord  of  the  manor  of  Slindon,  near  Chichester,  he  had 
a  claim  on  the  estate  of  the  Earl  of  Arundel  for  thirteen 
fat  deer  and  thirteen  lean  deer — this  claim  he  sold  for 
240  marks.  It  was  said,  that  he  had  no  right  to  part  with 
a  privilege  pertaining  to  the  see.f 

*  Ang.  Sac.  i.  46.  "Archiepiscopus  vendidit  arbores  in  et  super  terris 
tenentire  Cantuariensis  Archiepiscopi  in  Walda  crescentes  communiter 
vocata  Dornedenes."  In  the  Sussex  Archaeological  Journal,  Mr.  H.  R. 
Hoare  refers  this  to  Dornedenes  in  the  Wold  of  Kent,  ii.  128. 

f  Ang.  Sac.  i.  46.     Perhaps  Islip  is  less  to  blame  in  this  transaction 


AECHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  157 

But,  as  frequently  happens  in  men  of  Islip's  disposition,     CHAP. 
who  are  at  the  same  time  men  of  principle,  and  under  , r_^ 

C3" 

the  influence  of  a  sense  of  duty,  he  was  not  found  wanting,      ^^™ 
when  a  clear  case  of  necessity  was  brought  before  him,    1349-66- 
or  when  any  great  and  important  work  was  to  be  accom 
plished. 

When,  in  May  1357,  the  Prince  of  Wales  arrived  at 
Canterbury,  with  his  prisoner,  John,  King  of  France,  we 
may  be  certain,  that  the  archbishop  entertained  the  royal 
visitors ;  for  his  absence  would  have  been  such  a  mark  of 
disrespect,  that  it  would  have  been  noticed  by  the 
chroniclers :  equally  certain  it  is,  that  they  would  have 
noticed  any  curtailment  in  the  splendid  hospitalities 
which  were  usual  on  such  occasions  in  the  Palace  -of 
Canterbury. 

It  is  admitted,  that  in  repairing  the  edifices  attached  to 
the  see,  especially  on  his  favourite  residence,  the  manor 
house  of  Mayfield,  in  Sussex,  he  displayed  not  only 
munificence,  but  also  considerable  taste  in  architecture. 
He  expended  a  large  sum  of  money  on  the  palace  at 
Canterbury,  probably  upon  the  occasion  of  the  royal  visit 
just  referred  to.  He  completed  the  house  at  Maidstone, 
the  repair  of  which  had  been  commenced  by  his  prede 
cessor.  But  his  great  work  was  Canterbury  Hall  in  the 
University  of  Oxford,  for  which  great  work  all  his  savings 
were  designed. 

We  have  alluded  to  the  influx  of  illiterate  persons  into 
the  sacred  ministry,  by  the  sudden  demand  for  clergy 
after  the  great  mortality  of  the  plague.  The  bishops  had, 
like  Jeroboam,  very  frequently,  to  make  priests  of  the 
lowest  of  the  people.  Islip  devoted  the  energies  of 

than  is  supposed,  for  it  appears  from  the  Close  Eolls  that  the  deer  had 
been  compounded  for  by  Boniface  and  Peckham.  The  national  bank 
ruptcy  under  Edward,  and  the  impoverishment  of  the  see  by  Stratford, 
are  enough  to  account  for  the  economy  of  Islip. 


158  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     his  powerful  mind  to  restore,  by  the  exercise  of  spiritual 

— ~^-^  discipline,  something    like    order  in    the  Church.     The 

isiipn     enthusiasm  of  the  new  clergy  required  regulation ;  and 

66<    valuing  a  learned  ministry,  as  Islip  did,  he  established 

this  hall  as  a  place  of  education  for  students,  who  were 

natives  of  Canterbury. 

Canterbury  Hall  is  now,  to  use  Fuller's  quaint  expression, 
swallowed  up  in  Christ  Church,  "  which  is  no  sh  gle 
star,  but  a  constellation  of  many  put  together."*  Canter 
bury  Hall  has,  however,  a  place  in  history,  from  its 
supposed  connexion  with  the  great  Eeformer,  John 
Wiclif ;  a  notion  which  is  now  exploded.'}* 

We  still  possess  the  charter  of  foundation,  upon  which 
the  archbishop  bestowed  no  little  thought  and  care.; 
It  is  a  document  of  considerable  interest,  and  having  laid 
down  those  general  rules  for  the  government  of  his 
college,  which  are  common  to  all  such  institutions,  the 
founder  descends  to  some  particulars,  which  throw  li^ht 
upon  his  own  character,  and  the  circumstances  of  the 


age. 


Dress  was  so  much  thought  of  in  those  days,  that  SUIT  p- 
tuary  laws  were  as  necessary  at  the  university,  as  they  were 
supposed  to  be  elsewhere.  He  directs,  that  "  the  ward  an 
with  the  scholars,  in  addition  to  their  ordinary  dress,  shall 
receive  yearly  certain  robes  from  the  common  fund;  and 
that  the  masters  shall  be  clothed  in  the  same  way — vis., 

*  Fuller,  ii.  307. 

f  I  assume  it  as  a  fact  now  admitted  by  all,  who  have  examined  tie 
subject,  that  the  warden  of  Canterbury  Hall  is  a  person  distinct  from  iie 
great  reformer.  The  reader  who  wishes  to  see  the  subject  logicaUy 
argued  and  clearly  proved  is  referred  to  Shirley's  note  on  the  tro 
Wiclifs,  appended  to  the  republication  of  the  Fasciculi  Zizaniorun, 
published  in  the  Rerum  Britannicarum  Medii  j&vi  Scriptores.  This 
treatise  is  so  brief  as  well  as  full,  that  it  does  not  admit  of  further 
abbreviation.  It  frees  the  reformer  from  the  suspicion  that  his  violem  e 
against  Rome  originated  in  personal  feelings. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  159 

bachelors  with  colobes*  or  tabards  reaching  to  the  ankles  ;     CHAP. 

"XTT 

sophisters  with  short  colobes  according  to  the  stature  of  > — -Bl 
each,  and,  as  is  fitting,  with  furs.  The  master  shall  receive  &i™^ 
furs  of  miniver  for  hoods  and  of  buget  for  supertunics,  1349-66- 
bachelors  of  buget  for  both,  and  sophisters  lambswool  for 
supertunics  only,  yet  so  that  the  price  of  the  masters'  robe 
and  the  fur  exceed  not  30s.,  of  bachelors  24s.,  of  sophisters 
18s.,  unless  competent  provision  can  be  made  for  a  less  sum, 
to  which  end  let  the  bursar  or  other  purchaser  on  your 
part,  be  careful  and  exert  himself  as  much  as  possible.  The 
bursar  for  the  time  being,  taking  with  him,  if  need  be,  a 
more  experienced  person  whom  the  community  may  have 
chosen  for  this  purpose,  shall  faithfully  purchase  both  robes 
and  furs,  at  a  fitting  time,  at  the  said  price,  and  shall  dis 
tribute  them  amongst  the  fellows,  to  each,  as  aforesaid, 
according  to  his  quantity.  Let  the  residue  remaining  at 
the  year's  end  be  faithfully  kept  for  other  necessary  and 
common  uses  of  the  said  society.  We  inhibit  the  said 
scholars  from  using  cloaks  or  any  other  garments  whatever, 
unless  with  their  tabards  over,  within  the  university,  at  least 
in  the  public  congregation  of  the  scholars,  except  in  rainy 
weather,  at  which  time  they  may  have  their  cloaks,  that 
thus  their  colobes  may  be  kept  the  better.  Also  when 
after  vespers  the  scholars  customarily  walk  abroad  and 
take  the  air  for  a  short  period,  we  wish  that  the  fellows 
who  are  willing  to  walk  out  should  seek  each  other's  society 
and  walk  together  conversing  with  each  other  in  pairs  on 
scholarship  or  on  some  proper  and  pleasant  topic,  and  so 
return  together  betimes." 

The  fellows  were  directed  to  speak  Latin  in  the  hall,  and 
all  garrulity  was  prohibited.     They  were  not  all  to  speak 


*  The  colobe  is  described  by  Ducange  as  a  sleeveless  tunic,  or  a 
tunic  with  short  sleeves,  "  tunica  absque  manicis  vel  certe  cum  mani- 
cis,  sed  brevioribus,  ex  Gracco  k-o\o/3oc,  curtus." — Ducange,  Gloss. 


160  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,  at  once,  but  the  younger  were  to  listen,  while  the  elders 
^X*L_.  laid  down  the  law.  It  was  customary,  in  the  university,  for 
isiipn  the  members  to  incur  great  expenses,  when  feasts  were 
1349-66.  given  to  celebrate  any  events  of  more  than  ordinary  in 
terest  to  the  community  in  generator  to  any  of  the  members. 
We  have  here  an  instance  of  Islip's  love  of  economy. 
"Whosoever,"  he  says,  "of  the  said  house  shall  have  incept  ?d 
in  any  faculty,  let  his  entertainment  be  held  in  the  hall  of 
the  said  house  and  not  elsewhere,  nor  let  him  invite  more 
than  can,  commodiously  and  properly,  be  received  in  the 
said  hall ;  but  with  such  a  party,  or  less  if  he  wish  it,  ht 
him  be  contented.  But  let  none  of  the  fellows,  on  account 
of  his  determination  or  inception  in  arts,  nor  any  bachelor 
in  any  science  even  of  the  higher  class,  make  any  feas,; 
but  if  he  wish  it,  and  it  may  be  conveniently  done,  let  him 
be  quite  contented  with  the  distribution  of  a  small  anil 
inexpensive  allowance  amongst  his  companions."* 

Minute  directions  are  also  given  for  the  regulation  cf 
the  Library  and  the  Chapel. 

The  first  warden,  whom  Islip  selected,  to  preside  ove? 
his  college  was  Dr  Woodhall,  a  monk.  Woodhall  was 
a  man  of  restless  spirit  and  a  violent  temper.  He  soon 
showed  himself  to  be  unequal  to  the  post.  In  adjudging 
between  the  rival  pretensions,  claims,  and  prejudices  o ' 
scholars  and  monks,  brought  together  under  one  roof,  a 
discretion  was  required  which  Woodhall  did  not  possess. 
The  archbishop  availed  himself  of  the  power,  which 
founders  of  religious  establishments  were  accustomed  to 
reserve  to  themselves,  to  remove  Woodhall ;  and  he  nomi 
nated  in  his  place  John  Wycliff,  Vicar  of  Mayfield. 

With  the  Vicar  of  Mayfield  we  may  presume,  that  the 
archbishop  was  intimately  acquainted,  for  Mayfield  was 
Islip's  favourite  place  of  abode.  By  reference  to  his 

*  Constit.  Aulse  Cant,  in  Univ.  Oxon,  ex  Reg.  Islip,  fol.  213. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  161 

signature  attached  to  various  public  documents,  we  find  him     CHAP. 

"XTT 

resident  here  in  the  months  of  May,  July,  August,  and  >- r— 

September,  1350.    He  was  here  from  April  to  July  1352,      j^p" 
in  February  1357,  in  March  1361,  in  January  1362,  and    1349-66. 
in  April  1363. 

He  was  at  this  time,  a  paralytic  old  man.  In  January 
this  year,  1363,  the  archbishop  was  riding  from  Otford  to 
Mayfield.  Between  Sevenoaks  and  Tunbridge  he  fell  from 
his  horse  in  a  wet  and  miry  place.  The  horse  appears  to 
have  stumbled,  and  the  rider  was  wet  through.  He  rode 
on,  nevertheless,  without  changing  his  dress ;  and,  what 
seems  more  remarkable,  when  he  arrived  at  Mayfield, 
finding  himself  weary,  he  feU  asleep  in  his  wet  clothes  in 
the  stone  chamber, — "  ibidem  in  quadam  lapidea  camera 
dormiens  meridie."  He  woke  ill,  but  contrived  to  take  his 
place  at  the  dinner-table ;  but  the  cold  increasing  upon  him, 
he  could  scarcely  articulate.  It  was  soon  perceived,  that 
the  archbishop  was  labouring  under  a  stroke  of  paralysis. 
His  mind,  however,  was  not  affected,  for  it  was  during  this 
time,  that  he  drew  up  the  statutes  of  his  college. 

In  July,  he  tried  change  of  air,  and  was  carried  in  a  litter 
(suaviter  in  litera)  to  Charing.  He  was  well  enough  to 
visit  Canterbury,  but  he  did  not  stay  there.  His  manor  of 
Charing  was  his  chief  residence  till  August  1364,  when  he 
returned  to  Mayfield.  Here  he  remained  till  the  time  of 
his  death ;  an  event,  which  took  place,  at  midnight,  on  the 
morrow  of  St.  Mark,  the  26th  of  April,  1366,  in  the  seven 
teenth  year  of  his  consecration. 

As  a  characteristic  trait  we  may  remark,  that  he  wished 
his  funeral  to  be  private,  and  to  be  conducted  with  as 
little  expense  as  possible. 

His  orders  were  obeyed ;  and  on  the  second  of  May  he 
was  buried  in  the  nave  of  Canterbury  Cathedral,  "  absque 
tumultu  et  expensis." 

Part  of  his  will  is  preserved  in  the  Dies  obituales  Archie- 

VOL.  IV.  M 


162  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP.     pise.  Cantuar.    He  bequeathed  to  the  convent  six  dozen 
._X*L_.   silver  plates  and  as  many  silver  saltcellars  of  a  superior 
^s™pn     kind,  and  newly  made  ;  four  silver  basins  with  four  ewers, 
1319-66.    twenty-four  pieces  of  silver  and  six  silver  wine-cups, "  to  be 
used  in  the  refectory  of  the  convent  and  not  elsewhere;." 
He  also  left  a  thousand  of  the  best  ewes  he  had,  to  form  a 
perpetual  stock  ;  together  with  many  rich  robes  and  vest 
ments.   The  quantity  of  stock  kept  upon  an  Episcopal  estate 
may  be  inferred  from  that,  which  was  found  on  the  estates 
of  the  See  of  Winchester  on  the  death  of  Edendon,  which 
happened  in  the  same  year.      There  were  127  draught 
horses,  1,556  head  of  black  cattle,  3,876  wethers,  4,777 
ewes,  3,521  lambs.* 

In  the  parish  church  of  Islip,  the  device  of  the  arcr- 
bishop  was  found  in  several  of  the  windows, — the  device 
was,  a  boy  slipping  down  from  a  tree,  and  over  his  head 
and  in  a  label  from  his  mouth  these  words  on  a  scrol, 
u  I  slip,"  in  allusion  to  his  name. 

*  Lowth's  Life  of  William  of  Wykeham,  p.  60.     Hasted' s  Kent,  327. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  1G3 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

SIMON   LANGHAM.* 

A  man  of  wealth. — A  monk  of  Westminster. — His  munificence. — 
Abbot  Henley. — Lawsuit  with  the  Lord  High  Treasurer. — Abbot 
Byrcheston. — Langham  represents  him  at  the  General  Chapter  of 
Benedictines. — Black  Death. — Deaths  in  the  Abbey. — Langham 
Prior. — Abbot. — His  confirmation. — Rules  of  the  Benedictines  not 
strictly  observed. — State  of  the  Abbot. — Langham  pays  off  the  debt 
on  the  Abbey. — Langham  a  great  architect. — Important  works  at 
Westminster  Abbey. — Langham's  discipline. — Regarded  as  a  second 
Founder. — His  benefactions. — Appointed  Lord  High  Treasurer. — 
Obtains  royal  donations  to  the  Abbey. — Venison. — Relics. — Lang- 
ham  offered  Bishoprics  of  London  and  Ely. — Chooses  Ely. — His 
consecration. — His  Episcopal  injunctions. — Feasts  of  Fools. — Lang- 
ham's  generosity. — Appointed  Lord  Chancellor. — His  Ministry. — 
Opens  Parliament,  1363. — His  speech. — His  determination  to  enforce 
Statute  of  Provisors. — Opens  Parliament,  13G5. — His  speech. — 
Statute  of  Provisors  made  more  stringent. — Pope  retaliates  by 
demanding  the  tribute. — Opens  Parliament,  13G6.  —  Speech. — 
Demand  of  Pope  for  tribute  indignantly  rejected  by  King,  Clergy, 
Parliament,  and  People. — Wiclif  employed  to  write  on  subject. — 
Wiclif  preferred  under  Langham's  government. — Langham  desires 

*  Authorities: — Birchington ;  Adam  de  Murimuth  ;  Walsingham  ; 
Historia  Eliensis.  There  is  said  to  be,  in  manuscript,  a  history  of  the 
abbots  of  Westminster  in  the  library  of  Westminster  Abbey,  which 
I  have  not  been  able  to  see ;  but  probably  it  is  the  original  of  the 
valuable  notice  of  Langham  in  Widmore's  History  of  the  Church  of 
St.  Peter.  His  statements  have  been  compared  with  the  observations 
in  Mr.  Scott's  Gleanings  of  Westminster  Abbey,  a  work  worthy  of  its 
author.  There  is  a  notice  of  him  in  Dugdale.  Dugdale's  Monasticon ; 
Steven's  Monasticon. 

M  2 


161  LIVES    OF   THE 

Church  reform. — Primacy  offered  to  Bishop  of  Winchester,  and 
refused. — Accepted  by  Bishop  of  Ely. — Langham  enthroned  with 
much  magnificence. — Archbishop's  hospitalities  at  Lambeth.  — Libels. 
Gratitude  of  monks  of  Ely  to  Langham. — An  accident. — Resigns 
great  seal. — Nevertheless  opens  Parliament  1368. — Arranges  tithe 
for  London  clergy. — Condemns  Scotales. — Rationalistic  heresies  pre 
valent. — Discontent  among  the  people. — John  Balle. — Hymn  to  St. 
Catherine. — Clergy  required  to  arm  their  tenants  in  the  event  of  an 
invasion. — Case  of  Canterbury  Hall  stated.  — Nominated  Cardinal. — 
The  King's  anger. — Langham  resigns  the  primacy. — Pecuniary  diffi 
culties. — Reconciliation  with  the  King. — English  preferments. — 
Comes  on  an  embassy  to  England. — Re-elected  to  Canterbury  by 
Chapter. — Refused  archbishopric  by  the  King  and  the  Pope. — 
Interest  in  the  works  of  Westminster  Abbey. — Obtains  leave  t) 
return  to  England. — Prevented  by  a  paralytic  stroke,  which  proved 
fatal. 

CHAP.     SIMON  LAXGHAM  was  born  at  Langham,  in  Butlandshire.*' 

/  ,   '_,  He  may  have  possessed  a  surname  ;  but  these  surnames 

.angham.   were  not  retained  by  monks  ;  and  the  custom  of  the  age 

.366-68.    wa§5   when   a   man   arrived   at    eminence,    to   drop  his 

patronymic,  and  to  designate  himself  from  the  place  oi 

his  birth. 

Of  his  early  life  nothing  is  known.  He  first  comes 
under  notice,  as  a  monk  of  St.  Peter's,  Westminster.  It 
is  conjectured  by  Widmore,  that  he  received  the  cowl  not 
earlier  than  the  year  1335.  He  was  probably  a  man  of 
fortune.  An  admission  to  the  richer  monasteries  was  an 
object  sought  with  avidity,  at  this  time,  by  men  of  rank 
and  learning ;  by  others  who  desired  a  quiet  and  per 
manent  retirement  from  the  turmoils  and  dangers  of  civil 
and  military  life  ;  and  by  others,  again,  who  regarded  it 

*  There  are  several  places  called  Langham,  in  different  counties. 
Some  persons  have  fixed  upon  Bishop's  Langham,  in  Norfolk,  as  the 
birthplace  of  our  prelate ;  but  his  will,  a  copy  of  which  may  be  found 
in  the  Appendix  to  Widmore,  seems  to  settle  the  question  in  favour  of 
the  Langham  in  Rutlandshire,  by  the  fact  of  his  leaving  a  legacy  to  the 
church  of  that  parish. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  165 

as  an  honour,  to  have  their  names  enrolled  among  the  CHAP. 
members  of  these  religious  institutions.  As  we  have  >__^_1_ 
seen  in  the  life  of  Edmund  Eich,  an  object  so  much  L^ghlSn, 
desired  was  attainable  through  contributions  to  the  1366-6*- 
treasury  of  the  convent,  either  by  grants  of  land  or  by 
gifts  of  money.*  We  can  only  account  for  the  vast,  we 
may  say  the  enormous,  benefactions  of  Langham  to  West 
minster  Abbey,  by  supposing  him  to  have  possessed  large 
private  means.  His  preferments  were  considerable,  but 
he  did  not  hold  them  long ;  and  his  expenses  in  making 
his  various  changes  of  condition  must  have  been  great. 
It  is  expressly  stated  that,  when  he  became  abbot,  he 
paid  off  the  debts  of  his  predecessors  by  money  saved 
while  he  was  monk  or  prior.  Widmore  doubts  the 
accuracy  of  the  statement,  because,  by  the  rule  of  their 
order,  the  Benedictine  monks  could  not  have  anything  in 
private  property. f  This  is  true,  but  it  is  also  true,  that 
this  rule,  as  well  as  others,  was  often  evaded  ;  and,  instead 
of  rejecting  the  assertion  of  contemporary  historians,  we 
consider  it  to  be  much  more  reasonable  to  suppose,  that 
Langham,  upon  his  becoming  a  monk,  assigned  his  private 
property  to  trustees,  reserving  to  himself  that  power  over 

*  Wymer  de  Cameston,  before  the  year  1135,  gave  to  Castleacre 
Priory  one  carucate  of  land,  "  when  he  took  on  him  the  monk's  habit." 
Matthew  Peverell,  about  the  year  118G,  confirmed  to  the  monks  of 
Norwich  a  donation  of  certain  lands  and  rents  to  Great  Malton,  on 
condition  that  they  received  his  brother  Peter  as  a  monk  among  them. 
Alice  de  Meliers,  in  the  time  of  King  John,  gave  tithes  to  St.  Bennet's 
Abbey,  when  one  of  her  sons  had  become  a  monk.  William  Earl  of 
Warren  and  Surrey  gave  to  Carrow  Abbey  a  messuage  and  forty  acres 
of  land,  "when  Muriel,  his  sister,  professed  a  nun  there."  In  the  reign 
of  Henry  I.,  the  Abbot  of  Hulme,  for  the  sum  of  10/.,  granted  to  Richard 
Basset  the  town  of  Heigham  for  his  life,  and  agreed  "  to  receive  him 
into  the  fraternity  of  that  abbey."  Richard  Fitzwilliam  gave  lands  to 
the  monks,  "that  he  might  obtain  a  monastic  brotherhood  in  that 
priory." — See  Taylor's  Index  Monasticus. 

f  Cap.  xxxiii. 


166  LIVES   OF   THE 

it,  which  he  so  munificently  displayed.*  He  acted  up  to 
the  spirit  of  the  rule,  by  devoting  the  bulk  of  his  large 
property  to  the  service  of  his  order  and  abbey.  Besides 
expending  vast  sums  of  money  during  his  life,  he  left,  at 
his  death,  the  residue  of  his  property  to  the  Fabric  of 
the  abbey,  f  It  would  seem  from  this,  that  his  desire  was, 
to  devote  his  vast  resources  not  to  the  increase  of  luxury 
in  the  convent,  but  to  the  adornment  of  the  edifice,  in 
the  completion  of  which  he  took  so  lively  an  interest 
and  such  great  delight.  This  residue  amounted  to 
10,SO(M,  equal  to  nearly  200,000;.  of  our  money.  J 

In  pursuing  this  argument,  we  have  anticipated  our 
history.  We  go  back  to  the  earlier  career  of  Simon. 
When  he  was  received  as  a  monk,  Thomas  Henley  was 
the  Abbot  of  Westminster.  The  first  thing  done  was  to 
place  the  hood  upon  the  young  candidate's  neck.  The 
candidate  remained,  for  three  days,  fasting,  receiving, 
each  day,  the  Holy  Communion.  On  the  third  day,  he 
again  knelt  before  the  abbot,  who  put  the  hood  over  his 
head.  He  was  enjoined  silence ;  he  was  not  permitted 
to  walk  in  procession,  or  to  read  in  the  church  or  pray 
aloud.  To  perform  these  and  all  other  monastic  duties 
and  offices,  the  Master  of  the  Novices  made  application 
in  Langham's  behalf,  at  the  first  meeting  of  the  Chapter ; 
and,  this  being  granted,  the  novice  was  duly  cucullated. 

*  Strictly  speaking,  the  convent  denotes  the  community,  that  is,  the 
religious  men  inhabiting  the  house  and  not  the  house  itself,  though,  in 
a  vulgar  conception,  the  word  passes  for  both.  Among  the  learned 
the  distinction,  however,  is  generally  observed.  Stevens,  i.  7. 

•f  If  a  monk  could  not  have  possessions,  how  could  he  save  ?  He  must 
effect  savings  out  of  his  own  profession.  All  things  were  found  for  a 
monk  in  a  Benedictine  monastery  :  his  habit,  a  handkerchief,  a  knife, 
a  needle,  a  steel  pen,  and  tablets  to  write.  His  bed  was  a  mat,  a  straw 
bed,  a  piece  of  serge,  a  blanket,  and  a  pillow.  But  though  he  had  the 
use  of  these,  they  were  the  property  of  the  community.  Stevens,  164. 

J  Gleanings  from  Westminster  Abbey,  being  an  extract  from  Bray- 
ley,  72. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  167 

Abbot  Henley,  just  at  the  time  of  Langham's  admission     CHAR 
into  the  monastery,  obtained  a  licence  of  non-residence   _^E_- 
from  the  king,    that    he  might   pursue   his   studies    at   L^gi™m. 
Oxford.     He  sought,  however,  to  propitiate  the  monks,    1366-68. 
by  remitting  to  the   convent  nine  dishes  of  meat,  six 
conventual  loaves,    and  three  flagons  of   beer.      These 
they  had    been  accustomed  to  provide,  daily,  for  the 
abbot's  table,  when  he  was  either  at  Westminster,  or  at 
the  manor  house  of  Neyte.     He  excused  also  their  pay 
ment  of  thirty  pieces  of  oak  timber,  yearly  from  their 
wood  at  Hendon.* 

This  statement  is  valuable  ;  for  it  shows,  that  the  rule 
of  the  founder  prohibiting  the  eating  of  flesh,  was  not 
strictly  observed  ;  and,  if  this  regulation  was  evaded, 
so  might  be  also  the  rule  relating  to  property. 

At  the  same  time,  he  impoverished  the  monastery 
by  involving  it  in  a  lawsuit ;  a  suit,  in  which  we  are 
concerned  by  the  fact,  that  Langham  paid  the  lawyer's 
bill. 

The  hospital  of  St.  James,  consisting  of  two  hides 
of  land,  with  the  appurtenances,  was  situated  in  the 
parish  of  St.  Margaret's,  Westminster.  It  had  been 
founded  by  the  citizens  of  London  long  before  the  con 
quest,  says  Speed,  or  "  the  time  of  any  man's  memory." 
It  was  intended  as  an  asylum  for  fourteen  leprous 
women.  'Eight  brethren  in  holy  orders  were  afterwards 
added  to  perform  divine  service,  f  A  question  arose  us 

*  Widmore,  89. 

f  Newcourt,  662.  The  hospital  was  surrendered  to  Henry  VIII.  in 
the  23rd  year  of  his  reign.  The  king,  having  ousted  the  sisters,  built 
a  good  manor  house,  annexing  thereunto  a  park,  enclosed  within  a  wall 
of  brick,  since  that  time  known  as  St.  James's  Park.  Newcourt, 
writing  in  1708,  says  : — "  It  hath  been  of  late  years,  that  is,  soon  after 
the  restoration,  very  much  improved  and  beautified  with  a  canal,  ponds, 
and  curious  walks,  between  rows  of  trees,  by  King  Charles  II.,  serving 
indifferently  to  the  two  palaces  of  St.  James  and  Whitehall." 


168  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     to  the  right  of  visitation  ;  and  this  it  was,  which  involved 
•  -    .  '  .*  the  Beneelictines  of  Westminster  in  a  controversy  with  the 
Langham.  lord  treasurer.      That  the   abbots  of  Westminster  had 
68'    visited  the  hospital  was  admitted  ;  but  it  was  contended, 
that  those  who  diel  so  held  also  the  office  of  treasurer  to 
the   king.      The   high   treasurer,   when   the   suit   com 
menced,  was  Eoger  of  Northborough,  Bishop  of  Coventry 
and  Lichfield  ;*  he  was  succeeded,  in  1343,  by  William 
ele    Cusans  ;     who   again   was   succeeded    in    1345   by 
William  of  Edendon,f  Bishop  of  Winchester.     All  made, 
common  cause  against  the  abbey.     The  trial  came  on,  ir. 
June  1342.     The  jury  gave  a  full  verdict  for  the  abbot. 
The  hospital    was  in  the  parish  of   St.  Margaret,  and 
there,  it  was  decided,  that  the  abbots  had  possessed  full 
jurisdiction,  time  out  of  mind.    The  lord  high  treasurer, 

*  Eoger  of  Northborough  was  educated  at  Cambridge,  of  which 
university  he  was,  at  one  time,  chancellor.  Engaging  in  the  wars,  he 
was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Scots.  He  afterwards  became  a  lawyer,  and 
held  the  office  of  Lord  High  Treasurer  in  1322,  in  1340,  and  in  1342. 
He  contracted  the  marriage  between  Edward  III.  and  Philippa  of 
Hainault.  He  was  ordained  deacon  in  1317,  and  had  prebends  in 
Lincoln,  York,  Hereford,  London,  and  Lichfield.  He  was  consecrated 
to  the  see  of  Lichfield  on  the  27th  of  June,  1322.  He  died  the  22nd 
of  November,  1359.  Foss,  iii.  281.  Stubbs,  52. 

•f  William  Edendon  was  born  at  Edendon,  or  Eddington,  in  Wilt 
shire,  and  was  educated  at  Oxford.  Devoting  himself  to  the  State  as 
well  as  the  Church,  he  became  Keeper  of  the  Wardrobe  in  1343, 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  in  1344,  Treasurer  in  1345,  Lord  Chan 
cellor  in  135G.  He  was  the  first  prelate  of  the  Order  of  the  Garter, 
1350.  He  was  rector  of  Cheriton  in  1335.  He  had  prebendal  stalls 
in  Salisbury,  Lincoln,  and  Hereford.  He  was  consecrated  to  the  see  of 
Winchester  on  the  14th  of  May,  134G.  He  refused  the  primacy, 
which  was  offered  to  him  on  the  death  of  Archbishop  Islip.  He  was 
the  founder  of  Eddington  College.  He  restored  the  buildings  of  the 
Abbey  of  Romsey.  When  he  was  chancellor,  he  introduced  the  groat 
and  the  half-groat,  the  real  value  of  which  was  so  far  less  than  the 
nominal,  that  there  was  a  serious  increase  in  the  price  of  food.  Foss, 
iii.  425.  Stubbs,  55.  Collier,  iii.  114. 


AKCHBISIIOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  169 

however,  found  means  of  delaying  the  judgment ;  and     CHAP. 
obtained  a  new  trial.    Then,  there  was  mismanagement  or  ^~,—> 
negligence    on  the  part    of  the  monks;    and  when  the  L^™h°anm< 
Bishop  of  Winchester  was  treasurer,  he  obtained  a  deci-    1366-68- 
sion  against  the  abbot. 

Abbot  Henley  was  succeeded  by  Simon  de  Byrcheston, 
in  1344.  He  appears  to  have  been  a  selfish,  indolent 
man ;  and  involved  the  house,  already  in  difficulties,  in 
further  debt.  He  was  himself  extravagant ;  he  was  sur 
rounded  by  dishonest  people ;  and  his  relations  are 
described  as  wasteful  persons.  By  this  time,  Simon 
Langham  had,  by  his  merits,  established  a  high  character 
among  the  brethren ;  and,  Byrcheston  being  too  ill  or  too 
indolent  to  attend  the  triennial  chapter  of  the  Benedic 
tines  in  1346,  Langham  was  appointed  to  represent  the 
abbey,  at  Northampton.  The  Benedictines,  or  Black 
monks,  were  directed,  by  a  canon  of  the  second  Lateran 
Council,  to  hold  a  general  chapter  every  third  year,  and 
the  decree  was  renewed  by  Benedict  XII.  The  place 
generally  selected  for  the  meeting  in  England,  was  North 
ampton,  as  being  near  the  middle  of  the  kingdom.  Here, 
rules  and  constitutions  were  established,  to  be  observed  in 
all  houses  of  the  order ;  visitors  were  appointed ;  defaulters 
were  censured;  and  money  was  raised  for  general  purposes. 
Two  or  three  persons  were  selected  from  the  various 
Benedictine  monasteries,  to  preside  in  these  chapters.  The 
abbot  of  Westminster  was  one  of  them ;  and  the  monk  of 
Westminster,  who  was  sent  to  supply  his  place,  was 
already  a  man  of  mark. 

In  1349,  the  Black  Death  had  reached  London ;  and 
from  the  effects  of  this  awful  pestilence  the  monks  of 
Westminster  did  not  escape.  Twenty-seven  of  his  brethren 
Simon  Langham  followed  to  the  grave, — literally  the  grave, 
for  one  deep  grave  was  dug  in  the  cloisters,  to  which  the 
bodies  of  all  who  died  of  the  plague  were  consigned. 


170  LIVES    OF   THE 

Among  the  number,  or  in  addition  to  it,  was  the  Abbot 
Byrcheston.  The  black  spots  appeared  upon  him  on  the 
15th  of  May,  and  he  was  a  corpse  before  evening. 

Qne  Of  tjie  jast  public  acts  of  Byrcheston  was,  in  the 
April  preceding  his  death,  to  admit  Langham  to  the 
office  of  prior.  This  officer  stood  next  to  the  abbot  in 
the  choir,  the  chapter,  the  refectory,  and  in  everything 
relating  to  the  discipline  of  the  establishment.*  Before 
the  end  of  May,  Prior  Langham  was  elected  abbot. 

St.  Peter's  being  an  exempt  abbey,  the  confirmation 
of  its  superior  was  reserved  to  the  pope  ;  and  therefore 
to  receive  confirmation  Simon  passed  over  to  Avignon. 

Although  a  papal  confirmation  gave  the  abbot  full 
power,  and  rendered  the  benediction  a  mere  form,  still 
the  form  was  observed.  On  his  return  home,  Sirnca 
Langham  received  the  benediction,  therefore,  from  tlie 
Bishop  of  London.  Before  the  reading  of  the  gospel  in 
the  office  of  the  holy  communion,  the  abbot  elect  was 
introduced  ;  and  after  responding  affirmatively  to  certai  i 
interrogations  put  to  him  by  the  bishop,  pledging  himse  f 
to  observe  the  rule  of  the  order,  and  to  preserve  tha 
privileges,  while  administering  the  discipline  of  tli3 
house,  he  lay  prostrate  with  the  bishop  upon  a  carpet 
spread  before  the  altar,  while  the  litany  was  chanted. 
After  the  litany,  the  bishop  rose  and  pronounced  th<; 
benediction.  The  abbot,  rising  from  his  knees,  now 
received  from  the  hands  of  the  bishop  the  rule  of  the 
order,  with  an  exhortation  to  observe  it.  He  then  placed 
in  his  hands  the  pastoral  staff. 

We  have  no  notice  of  the  previous  ordination  of  Lang- 
ham,  and,  if  he  was  not  in  priest's  orders  before,  his  ordi 
nation  now  took  place. 

The  formal  admission  of  the  new  abbot  followed.     He 

*  Deer.  Lanfr.   §  De  Priore. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  171 

'cceivecl  the  convent  who  had  come  in  procession  ;  and     CHAP. 
leaded  the  procession,  as  it  went  up  the  nave  towards  the  ' 


,  at  the  entrance  of  which  a  carpet  being  spread,  he 
again  knelt  down  and  prayed.  He  offered  his  devotions  1366-68- 
on  the  upper  step,  the  rest  of  the  convent  praying  below. 
Being  now  admitted  to  the  choir  by  the  bishop,  he  took 
his  place,  with  his  pastoral  staff  in  his  hand,  in  the  abbot's 
stall.  There  the  monks,  according  to  seniority,  gave  him 
the  kiss  of  peace,  first  upon  his  hand,  and  afterwards, 
rising,  upon  his  mouth.  Returning  to  the  vestry  he  put 
off  his  robes,  and  held  a  chapter,  at  which  he  preached. 
The  feast  of  his  admission  followed.  Here  the  convent 
received,  every  man,  a  gallon  of  wine,  a  whole  loaf,  and 
three  handsome  dishes  of  fish.* 

As  there  were  means,  through  which  a  monk  might, 
without  censure,  evade  the  rule  as  regards  the  possession 
of  property,  so  the  black  monks  had  certainly  found  a 
method  by  which  their  tables  might  be  served  with  every 
species  of  luxury.  The  rule  was,  that  the  monks  should 
abstain  from  the  flesh  of  four-footed  animals  ;  because 
these  were  nourished  from  the  earth,  and  the  earth  was 
under  the  divine  malediction,  f  But  the  curse  did  not 
extend  to  the  air  and  the  water  ;  and  birds  being  created 
of  the  same  element  as  fish,  were,  like  fish,  fit  food  for 
Christian  men.J  Fishponds  were,  therefore,  as  valuable 
to  the  eyes  of  a  monk,  as  they  had  formerly  been  to  the 
patricians  of  Rome,  or  his  coverts  to  a  modern  sportsman. 
The  monks  of  Westminster  claimed  a  tithe  of  the  salmon 


*  See  Concordia  regularum. 

f  Many  says  Stevens,  have  been  of  opinion  that  St.  Benedict,  having 
prohibited  only  the  flesh  of  four-footed  animals,  had  tacitly  allowed  the 
eating  of  fowls.  Holstenius  is  of  this  opinion,  grounding  himself  on  the 
authority  of  St.  Hildegard  and  Rabanus  Maurus.  Mabillon  dissents. 
Stevens,  i.  163. 

|  Le  Vceu  de  Jacob,  G5G-G58. 


172  LIVES  OF  TUP: 

CHAP,  caught  in  that  part  of  the  river  which  washed  thei 
_xml-  domain.  But  fish  sufficient  for  the  supply  of  the  inlun< 
La^hTm.  monasteries  could  not,  always  or  easily,  be  obtained 
1366-68.  Here  was  a  case  of  necessity ;  it  was  necessary,  in  thi- 
case,  to  dispense  with  the  rule,  and  if  it  could  be  dispenscc 
with  in  one  case,  a  good-natured  abbot  could  find  some 
other  grounds  for  dispensing  with  it  in  another.  Meal 
was  always  placed  on  the  table  for  visitors.*  The  fact, 
that  the  rule  was  not  strictly  observed  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  oozes  out  from  the  statutes  of  the  "  reformation 
of  the  order  of  St.  Benedict,  or  Black  monks,  consecrated 
and  enacted  at  a  general  chapter  of  the  sacred  order  in 
the  year  1249  ;  "  for  there  a  rule  is  laid  down  to  the  effect, 
that  brothers,  when  travelling,  should  not  "eat  flesh  in 
public  and  in  solemn  assemblies  as  the  seculars,  unless 
they  have  a  dispensation."  Always  they  might  eat  in 
private,  but  not  in  company  without  a  dispensation.  We 
know  that,  long  before  this,  the  table  of  the  monks  of 
Canterbury  was  indecently  luxurious.  We  have,  in  a 
former  volume,  quoted  the  indignant  declaration  of 
Giraldus  Cambrensis  on  this  point  ;  where,  instead  of 
being  grateful  for  the  hospitality  he  had  received,  ,ie 
speaks,  with  abhorrence,  of  the  numerous  kinds  of  fis-h, 
roasted,  boiled,  stuffed  and  fried,  of  the  dishes  exquisite  y 
cooked  with  spices  ;  of  salt  meats  to  provoke  an  appetite; 
of  wines,  piment,  claret,  and  mead  ;  f  and,  although,  just 

*  Ang.  Sac.  ii.  309. 

f  Ang.  Sac.  ii.  480.  Peter  of  Blois  complained  of  the  fastidiousne  s 
which  was,  in  his  age,  exhibited  by  the  religious.  "  If  a  religious,"  le 
says,  "  has  a  quick  pulse,  an  inflamed  urine,  or  a  dull  appetite,  he  cor- 
sults  medical  men,  searches  out  spices,  makes  electuaries,  and  uses  no 
food  not  seasoned  with  cinnamon,  cloves,  and  other  spices.  Such  i 
religious  is  a  disciple  of  Epicurus  rather  than  of  Christ.  This,"  he  say* , 
"  hurts  the  head  ;  this  the  eyes ;  this  the  stomach  ;  this  the  liver ;  butte  i* 
is  of  a  convertible  nature;  beer  occasions  flatulence;  cabbages  ari 
melancholy  ;  leeks  influence  choler  ;  peas  generate  gout ;  beans  excit  -. 


am. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  173 

after  a  reformation  of  the  order,  Simon  Langham  was  not  CHAP. 
likely  to  sanction  these  excesses,  yet  we  know,  inciden-  ^  xni 
tally,  that  he  was  not  inclined  to  enforce  the  rule  of  the  j 
order,  in  what  related  to  the  refectory,  with  ascetic  pre-  1366-68. 
cision.  The  abbot  had  a  separate  house,  and  a  separate 
table ;  for  the  expenses  of  which  the  whole  body  were,  at 
least  to  a  certain  extent,  responsible.  Here  the  abbots  often 
lived  luxuriously,  and,  as  in  the  case  of  Abbot  Byrcheston, 
surrounded  by  relations,  who  were  bound  by  no  rule,  and 
who  revelled  in  good-Jiving  ; — understanding  that  expres 
sion,  in  a  sense  very  different  from  that  in  which  it  had 
been  employed  by  St.  Benedict.  One  of  the  first  things 
done  by  Abbot  Langham,  was  calculated  to  make  him 
popular  with  the  brethren, — a  refusal  to  receive  from  the 
convent  anything  by  way  of  gift  or  presents.  Such  pre 
sents  had  been  freely  offered,  and  without  hesitation 
accepted  by  his  predecessors.  They  were,  probably, 
regarded  as  gratuities  for  not  enforcing  too  strictly  the 
rule  of  the  order.  The  expenditure  of  Abbot  Langham, 
though  not  upon  his  table,  was  as  we  have  said,  so  great 
as  to  excite  astonishment ;  and  yet  he  would  receive  no 
perquisites,  clearly  because  he  had  funds  sufficient,  derived 
from  his  private  resources.  Instead  of  receiving  donations 
from  the  convent,  he  told  them,  that  he  considered  their 
portion  already  too  small ;  and  he  took  care,  in  the  words 
of  Widmore,  "  that  the  misericordia,"* — or  their  better 

phlegm  ;  lentils  hurt  the  eyes  ;  cheese  is  worst  of  all ;  to  stand  long  at 
prayer  weakens  the  nerves  ;  to  fast  hurts  the  brain  ;  to  watch  dries  it." 
MS.  Roy.  lib.  8,  f.  xvii.  The  translation  is  by  Fosbrook.  "  Nullis 
utuntur  salsamentis,"  he  renders  as  "  salt  fish."  It  is  interesting  to  find 
human  nature  always  the  same.  How  many  in  these  days  have  a  list 
of  prohibited  food, — anything  they  dislike, — as  long  as  this. 

*  The  word  "misericord  "  implied  stated  indulgences  and  allowances, 
according  to  circumstances,  of  food,  drink,  wine  or  beer,  or  clothing,  or 
bedding,  beyond  the  rule.  The  place  where  a  feast  was  kept,  distinct 
from  the  refectory,  was  called  the  misericord.  Ducange  v.  Misericordia. 


174  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,  than  ordinary  dishes,  like  to  what  are  now  called  in  oui 
.-*  r  '-'  universities,  exceedings,  or  gaudy-days,  —  "  should  be  com- 
Langham.  mon  to  all  the  monks,  and  not  as  they  had  usually  done. 

1366-68. 


The  power  of  an  abbot,  within  his  abbey,  was  almost 
despotic  ;  and  of  a  mitred  abbot  the  privileges  were 
commensurate.  In  the  abbey  church  he  was  scarcely 
distinguishable  from  a  bishop  ;  he  wore  the  dalmatic,  the 
mitre,  the  gloves,  the  ring,  and  the  sandals,  and  he  held 
in  his  hand  the  pastoral  staff.  In  parliament,  however,  the 
attire  of  the  abbot  differed  from  that  of  the  bishop.  Th  sre 
he  appeared  in  his  gown,  his  hood,  and  his  cassock.f  In 
the  manors  of  the  abbey,  he  ruled  with  full  episcopal 
authority  ;  there,  he  held  his  visitations  ;  and  when  he 
entered  an  impropriate  parish,  the  bells  rung  out  a  meiry 
peal  of  welcome.  He  rode  with  a  hawk  on  his  fist,  or  a 
mule  with  a  gilt  bridle,  his  saddle  and  its  cloth  of  blood 
colour.  His  retinue  of  a  hundred  horse,  equalled  if  it 
did  not  surpass  that  of  a  bishop.  J 

As  soon  as  Simon  Langham  was  comfortably  settled  in 
his  high  office,  he  addressed  his  mind  to  business.  He 
found  the  abbey  involved  in  debt,  to  the  amount  of  two 
thousand  four  hundred  marks.  This  was  occasioned  ty 
the  mismanagement  and  extravagance  of  his  immediate 

*  Widmore,  90. 

f  Fosbrook,  155. 

|  Such  of  the  abbatial  endowments  as  were  held  of  the  king  in  chie", 
or  such  of  the  monasteries  as  possessed  an  entire  barony  equal  to  thir 
teen  knight's  fees,  had  their  superiors  summoned  to  attend  parliament 
as  spiritual  lords.  This  was  for  a  long  period,  however,  regarded  as  \\ 
burden  rather  than  a  privilege.  In  the  year  1264,  sixty-four  abbot* 
and  thirty-six  priors  sat  in  the  English  parliament  by  virtue  of  tbs 
tenure;  in  1278  there  were  forty;  in  1279,  seventy-five;  in  1307 
fifty-six.  This  number  had  decreased,  in  the  reign  of  Edward  III.,  t( 
twenty-seven  abbots  and  two  priors,  and  so  continued  till  the  dissolu 
tion.  Even  then,  as  Sir  Edward  Coke  observes,  "  the  spiritual  lords 
were  equal  in  number  to  the  temporal."  Index  Monasticus,  iv. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  175 

predecessors.  Langham  generously  paid  the  whole  from  CHAP. 
his  private  funds — with  money,  according  to  Selden,  > — -^  '- 
which  he  saved  while  a  monk.  If  a  monk  had  money  Langham 
to  save,  a  monk  must  have  been  able  to  possess,  under 
some  form  or  other,  property  independent  of  the  monas 
tery.  He  could  not  give  what  he  did  not  first  possess. 
Had  he  paid  the  debt  out  of  the  corporate  fund,  he 
would  not  have  been  deserving  of  the  gratitude  which 
he  challenged,  or  the  thanks  which  he  received.  But  on 
this  point  satis  superque  has  been  already  said.  All  that 
we  have  to  add  is,  that  he  certainly  possessed  estates  dis 
tinct  from  those  of  the  convent.  The  estates  he  possessed 
as  abbot,  more  than  met  his  professional  requirements ; 
and  by  adding  to  these  his  paternal  inheritance,  while  he 
husbanded  all  his  resources  with  a  generous  and  self- 
denying  economy,  he  became  one  of  the  most  wealthy 
men  of  the  age.  Riches  were  not  to  him  a  mammon  of 
unrighteousness.  In  an  age,  when  munificence  was  an 
episcopal  virtue,  few  prelates  were  to  be  found  so  muni 
ficent  as  he.  While  the  king  and  the  Prince  of  Wales, 
with  a  gallant  train  of  knights  and  nobles,  were  estab 
lishing  the  military  renown  of  England,  and,  by  their 
chivalrous  courtesy,  were,  at  the  same  time,  mitigating 
the  cruelties  of  war ;  the  prelacy  of  England  was  encou 
raging  art,  and  raising  architecture  to  a  point  of  excel 
lence  never  subsequently  surpassed.  They  were  fostering 
the  newly-awakened  taste  for  classical  literature,  and 
endowing  colleges,  not  only  for  secular  priests,  but  for 
the  laity  also,  now  beginning  to  rival  the  clergy  in  the 
schools  of  learning. 

As  prior,  and  even  before,  when  he  was  only  a  monk, 
the  attention  of  Langham  was  called  to  the  improve 
ment  of  the  conventual  buildings  of  St.  Peter's.  Now 
that  he  was  abbot,  he  associated  with  himself  a  man  of 
congenial  taste,  learning,  and  habits  of  business,  Nicolas 


176  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.     Litlington.     Litlington  now  succeeded  him  as  prior,  and 

"VTTT 

-r— '  was  destined    to    be  his  successor  as  abbot.      He    has 

La^SiTm.  share(l  the  fame,  which  attaches  to  both  names,  for  the 
1366-68.  great  and  important  works,  at  this  period,  carried  on  in 
Westminster  Abbey.  So  united  were  they  in  the  con 
duct  of  these  works,  that  it  is  difficult  to  assign  the 
respective  share  of  each,  in  what  was  to  both  a  labour 
of  love.  We  shall  not,  however,  be  wrong  in  attributing 
the  merit  of  completing  the  eastern  walk  of  the  cloister 
to  Langham  ;  because,  although  we  know,  from  the  Fabric 
Kolls,  that  it  was  erected  in  1345,  that  is,  in  the  time  of 
Abbot  Byrcheston,  yet  that  abbot  did  not  take  much 
interest  in  the  affairs  of  his  monastery.  If  he  delegated 
to  Langham  the  important  office  of  representing  tie 
convent  at  the  triennial  meeting  of  the  Black  monks  jit 
Northampton,  we  may  fairly  conjecture,  that  the  ma  a 
who  devoted  his  fortune  to  the  improvement  of  the  abbey, 
was  the  real  author  of  the  work,  which  reflects  honour 
on  the  presidency  of  Byrcheston.  The  completion  of  tha 
cloister  itself  was  certainly  commenced  in  1350  by  Abbot 
Langham.  It  proceeded,  though  slowly,  yet  regularly, 
throughout  the  whole  of  his  abbacy,  being  completed  by 
his  successor,  out  of  funds  supplied  by  Langham.  The 
work  is  the  more  interesting,  as  being  one  of  the  earliest 
specimens  of  the  perpendicular  which  we  possess.* 

As  a  disciplinarian,  Langham  was  one  of  those,  who 
united  firmness  of  character  with  courtesy  of  manner  and 
kindness  of  heart.  He  had  sagacity  to  perceive,  that 
the  literal  enforcement  of  a  rule  might  be  sometimes  a 
violation  of  its  spirit ;  and  that  a  principle  might  still 
be  preserved,  even  where  there  was  some  relaxation  in 
matters  of  detail. 

The  dress  of  the  Benedictines  depended  in  some  mea- 

*  Scott,  Gleanings  of  Westminster,  42. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  177 

sure  on  the  discretion  of  the. abbot,  and,  according  to  the  CHAP. 
nature  of  the  country,  whether  the  climate  were  hot  or  *  ^~ 
cold,  the  regulations  were  made.  It  would  seem  that,  in  Lan^m 
lax  monasteries,  the  monks,  like  members  of  the  uni-  1366-68- 
versity  at  the  present  time,  would  discard  their  distinctive 
dress,  and  appear  like  other  persons.  This  custom  was  con 
demned  by  the  statutes  of  Gregory  IX.  and  Innocent  IV. ; 
and  Langham  was  particular  in  enjoining  his  monks  to 
wear  their  religious  garments  when  they  went  abroad, 
as  well  as  in  the  cloister.  They  were  never  to  appear 
without  the  cowl  and  regular  habit.  They  were  not  to 
wear  coloured  cloaks.  They  were  not  to  ride  with  a 
costly  or  irregular  saddle,  superfluously  adorned  with 
nails.  They  were  not  to  wear  gilt  or  silvered  spurs,  or 
to  have  any  iron  ornament  on  their  bridles.  They  were 
riot  to  have  fingered  gloves,  or  sharp-toed  boots  ;  their 
shoes  were  to  be  with  thongs — round,  not  sharp.  They 
were,  in  no  place,  to  wear  a  tunic,  or  to  have  coverlets  of 
burnet  or  other  cloth,  or  skins  of  wild  beasts,  or  linen 
shirts ;  but  they  must  sleep  in  their  clothes  and  girt.  They 
might  not  have  garments  open  before  and  behind.  Nei 
ther  the  prior  nor  any  other  monk  might  appropriate  to 
himself  a  chamber,  horses,  or  furniture,  or  contend  for  the 
use  of  the  same.  But,  if  necessity  or  business  should  at 
any  time  oblige  him  to  go  abroad,  he  was  to  be  furnished 
with  necessaries  by  the  president.*  One  regulation 
strikes  us  as  extraordinary,  namely,  a  prohibition  against 
making  bargains  in  church,  except  in  the  time  of  fairs. f 

We  are  told  that,  in  the  judgment  of  the  old  monks, 
Langham  brought  the  house  again  under  such  excellent 
discipline,  that  he  deserved  the  character  of  a  second 
founder — a  compliment  not  unfrequently  paid  to  muni 
ficent  superiors. 

Besides  the  benefactions  already  mentioned,  Langham 

*  Constitutiones  Capituli  Gcneralis.     Dugclale.          f  Stevens,  187. 
VOL.  IV.  N 


178  LIVES   OF   THE 

bought  the  place  of  Sergeant  of  the  Cellar,  which,  says 
Widmore,  '  had  become  a  thing  of  inheritance.'  He  also 
gave,  from  the  abbot's  portion,  a  garden  somewhere 
within  the  close,  '  called  the  Burgoyne.'  There  were 
other  places  in  Westminster  with  foreign  names,  such  as 
Petty  France,  where  the  French  merchants  trading  with 
the  woolstaplers  chiefly  dwelt ;  and  Petty  Calais,  where 
the  staple  merchants  of  Calais  had  their  abode.  We  are 
informed  by  Mr.  Scott,  in  the  "  Gleanings  of  Westminster 
Abbey,"  that  French  workmen  were  much  employed,  not 
only  in  the  erection,  but  also  in  carrying  on  the  improve 
ments  at  this  time  in  progress,  of  Westminster  Abbey. 
Most  probably  the  Burgoyne  was  the  place  in  which  tha 
workmen  were  lodged. 

The  ten  years  devoted  by  Langham  to  his  duties  as  ab 
bot  of  Westminster  were  the  ten  happiest  years  of  his  life . 

Abbot  Langham  was  brought  frequently  into  contact 
with  the  king,  and  his  merits  did  not  escape  such  an 
acute  discerner  of  character  as  Edward  III.     His  econo 
mical  management  of  the  monastic  revenues  pointed  hin 
out  as  a  person  well  qualified  for  public  office;  and  on  the 
21st  of  November,  13GO,  Langham  was  appointed  Lore 
High  Treasurer  of  England.* 

In  this  office  he  did  not  continue  a  sufficient  length  of 
time  to  accomplish  any  important  work  ;  but  lie  showed 
that  his  heart  was  still  in  his  abbey.  Eight  bucks  had 
been  granted  by  King  Henry  III.  to  the  monks  of  West 
minster  from  Windsor  forest,  and  the  new  treasurer 
persuaded  the  king  that  the  assignment  of  ten  bucks  to 
such  a  noble  abbey  as  Westminster  would  not  be  con 
sidered  exorbitant.  The  monks  had  a  dispensation,  we 
may  presume,  to  partake  of  the  king's  venison,  so  dearly 
prized,  although  the  ostensible  object  of  the  grant  was 

*  Foss,  iii.  452. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  179 

only  to  assist  them  in  showing  hospitality  to  such  of  the     CHAP. 
king's  lay  subjects  as  were  brought  within  the  precincts  •— ^— < 
by  business  or  by  their  necessities.     At  a  future  period,  Langham. 
Langham  obtained  from  the  king  a  present  more  highly 
valued  by  those  of  the  monks  who   were   not   carnal- 
minded.     It  was  nothing  less  than  the  veritable  skull  of 
St.  Benedict  himself,  together  with  the  clothes  in  which 
St.  Peter  the  apostle  was  accustomed  to  officiate.     These 
were   appropriate    presents    to    Benedictines    occupying 
the  abbey  of  St.  Peter.     The  abbey  was,  indeed,  rich 
in  relies.     It  possessed  pa*rt  of  the  beam  of  the  manger 
in  which  our   Lord  was   born  ;    there  were  vestments 
of  the  twelve  apostles  ;    portions  of  Lazarus,   of  Nico- 
demus,  of  St.  Anthony,  and  little  bits  of  other  saints  and 
martyrs  ;  part  of  the  holy  cross  and  sepulchre ;  the  veil 
of  the  Virgin  Mary ;  one  great  tooth  of  St.  Erasmus  the 
martyr  ;  a  finger  of  St.  Boniface ;  a  cloth  in  which  St. 
Alban's  body  had  been  wrapped  ;  the  head,  with  the  jaws, 
teeth,  scapula,  and  sundry  small  bones,  of  a  saint  unknown. 
Besides  these  there  were,  though  never    exhibited,  the 
stones  with  which  St.  Stephen  was  stoned,  some  of  his 
bones,  and   some  of  his  blood  ;    some  of  the  ribs  and 
small  bones  of  the  Innocents  ;  also  two  ribs  and  some 
of  the  earth  wet  with  St.  Lawrence's  blood.     The  monks 
exhibited,  as  the  gift  of  Ethelred,  a  part  of  the  holy 
sepulchre,  with  the  seal  thereof ;  dust  from  Tabor,  Calvary, 
and  Olivet,  from  the  place  where  our  Lord  washed  his 
disciples'  feet,  and  from  the  temple  ;  also  a  little  of  the  rust 
from  our  Saviour's  knife.     Among  other  things,  Edward 
the  Confessor  gave  some  of  the  frankincense  offered  to 
our    Lord  by  the  Eastern    magi,  some  crumbs  of  the 
bread  which  He  blessed  ;  a  little  of  the  wood  of  our  Lord's 
table ;  pebbles  from  the  wilderness  in  which  He  fasted  ;  a 
portion  of  the  gaol  in  which  He  was  imprisoned ;  great 
part  of  one  of  the  nails  of  the  Cross ;  part  of  the  seamless 


180  LIVES   OF   THE 

garment,  of  the  sponge,  of  the  lance,  and  of  the  scourge  ; 
a  portion  of  the  vestment  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  of  the  linen 
sne  wove,  of  the  window  in  which  the  angel  stood  when 
]ie  saluted  her,  of  her  hair,  of  her  shoes,  of  her  bed  ;  a 
few  of  the  hairs  of  St.  Peter's  beard  and  part  of  his  cro.ss, 
with  other  fragments  of  dead  men  and  dead  women.  The 
monks  of  Westminster  had  received  presents  from  William 
the  Conqueror,  but  the  Norman  kings  were  not  profuse  in 
their  gifts.  Henry  III.  presented  the  abbey  with  some 
relics  relating  to  our  blessed  Lord's  person,  which,  out 
of  feelings  of  reverence,  we  shall  not  state.  He  gave 
them  also  the  clothes,  ivory  comb,  and  blood  of  St. 
Thomas  of  Canterbury.  This  king  also,  in  the  twenty- 
eighth  year  of  his  reign,  commanded  Edward  Fitzodo  to 
make  a  dragon,  in  manner  of  a  standard  or  ensign,  of  red 
samit,  to  be  embroidered  with  gold,  and  his  tongue  to 
appear  as  though  continually  moving  ;  the  eyes  were  to 
be  sapphire  and  of  other  precious  stones.* 

The  last  was  a  pretty  plaything.  The  other  class  of 
valuables,  as  they  were  then  accounted,  afforded  gratifica 
tion  to  the  order  of  mind  which  is  now  entertained  in 
collecting  autographs  or  salivated  post-office  stamps 
That  they  should  be  accepted  as  authentic,  or  that  credi :; 
should  be  given  to  the  miracles  they  were  said  to  work, 
by  any  but  the  ignorant,  even  in  the  fourteenth  century, 
would  have  been  in  itself  a  miracle  to  which,  a  few  years 
ago,  we  should  have  refused  credence.  A  few  years  ago, 
we  should,  in  speaking  of  the  extraordinary  statements 
made  with  respect  to  relics,  images,  and  certain  other 
marvels,  have  predicated  deception  and  hypocrisy  on 
the  one  side,  and  superstition  on  the  other.  But  we 
have  lived  to  see  the  time  when  men,  of  whose  ability 
and  learning,  of  whose  acuteness  and  honesty,  we  have  no 

*  Dart's  \Vestminster,  26,  37. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  181 

right  to  entertain  a  doubt,  go  out  of  their  way  to  express  CHAP. 
their  belief  in  what,  at  one  period  of  their  lives,  they  -  ^  .  '-• 
would  have  deemed  not  only  as  incredible,  but  also  as  Langham. 
ridiculous.  A  morbid  sentimentality  may  give  rise  to  an 
unconscious  dishonesty  of  mind,  and  a  semi-conscious 
determination  to  be  deceived.  Men  may  be  self-deceived 
before  they  become  the  deceivers  of  others.  While  the 
seared  conscience  may  permit  some  persons  to  believe 
that  deception  may  be  allowable,  if  the  end  be  to  cajole 
the  ignorant  and  unlearned,  through  credulity  in  small 
things,  to  an  acceptance  of  the  greater  mysteries  of  the 
gospel ;  others,  less  disingenuous,  may  make  it  a  point  of 
religion,  even  if  they  suspect  the  wires  by  which  a 
wonder-working  puppet  may  be  moved,  to  abstain  from 
investigation  ;  and,  in  the  absence  of  investigation,  to 
kneel  before  the  Bambino  at  Borne,  or  to  raise  a  shout  of 
joy  at  the  liquefaction  of  St.  Januarius's  blood. 

Returning  now  to  the  history  of  Langham,  we  have  to 
remark  that  the  bishopric  of  Ely  was  offered  to  the  lord 
high  treasurer  in  the  year  1361,  when  that  see  became 
vacant  by  the  death  of  Thomas  de  Lisle.  This  was  on 
the  23rd  of  June.  In  the  September  following  the  see  of 
London  was  vacant  by  the  death  of  Michael  Northburgh, 
and  it  was  placed  at  the  option  of  Langham.  Having 
already  accepted  Ely  he  declined  London.  It  is  not  difficult 
to  account  for  his  decision.  The  chapter  of  Ely  was,  and 
the  chapter  of  London  was  not,  composed  of  Benedictine 
monks  ;  and  the  late  abbot  of  Westminster  would  feel 
more  at  home  with  the  prior  and  convent  of  Ely,  than 
with  the  dean  and  canons  of  St.  Paul's. 

On  the  20th  of  March,  1362,  Simon  Langham  was  con 
secrated  in  St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  by  William  of  Edendon 
bishop  of  Winchester.* 

*  Stubbs,  57.     Keg.  Edendon. 


182  LIVES   OF   THE 

The  activity  of  Langham's  mind  is  shown  by  the  fact 
that,  wliile  still  retaining  his  civil  employments,  he  threw 
himself  heartily  into  the  duties  devolving  upon  him  as  a 
bishop. 

In  the  year  1364  the  bishop  of  Ely,  notwithstanding 
his  labours  as  a  statesman,  to  which  we  shall  have  pre 
sently  to  allude,  held  a  synod  at  Ely.  From  the  acts  of 
this  synod  we  derive  some  information  as  to  the  state  of 
the  Church  and  clergy  at  this  period.  The  practical 
character  of  the  injunctions,  bearing,  as  they  do,  upon 
religious  duty,  speaks  much  in  favour  of  Langham. 

"We  exhort  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,  and  strictly  enjo  n 
that  every  pastor  of  souls  and  every  parish  priest  know  the 
decalogue,  and  frequently  preach  and  expound  the  same  to  his 
people. 

"  Let  him  know  also  the  seven  deadly  sins  (criminalia  peccata), 
and  likewise  preach  to  the  people  that  they  avoid  them. 

"Let  him  know,  moreover,  the  seven  ecclesiastical  sacn- 
ments. 

"  And  let  those  who  are  priests  know  especially  what  are 
required  for  the  sacrament  of  true  confession  and  penitence, 
and  let  them  frequently  teach  laymen  in  the  vulgar  tongue  (iu 
idiomate  communi)  the  form  of  baptism. 

(i  Let  each  one  also  have  at  least  a  simple  knowledge  of  tho 
faith,  as  it  is  contained  in  the  greater  and  the  lesser  creed,  and 
in  the  treatise  called  (  Quicunque  vult,'  which  is  sung  daily  a  - 
prime  in  the  church. 

"  In  the  church  let  him  perform  divine  service  wholly  anc 
devotedly,  viz.  the  lessons,  hymns,  psalms,  and  whatever  else 
is  recited  in  the  church,  giving  a  perfect  pronunciation  of  the 
words,  and  a  careful  attention  of  the  mind  to  the  sense  of  the 
words,  lest  (which  God  forbid),  instead  of  a  living  and  perfect 
sacrifice,  a  mutilated  or  dead  sacrifice  be  offered.  Let  all 
pastors  of  souls  and  parish  priests,  when  they  have  finished 
their  divine  offices  in  the  church,  diligently  give  themselves  to 
prayer  and  to  the  reading  of  Holy  Scripture,  that  as  pertains  to 
their  office  they  may  be  prepared  to  give  a  reason  to  every  one 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY  183 

inquiring  of  hope  and  faith,  and  let  them  be  always  intent  on  CHAP 

the  doctrine  and  operation  of  Scripture,  like  the  staves  in  the  ^  XI/L 

rings  of  the  ark,  that  by  assiduous  reading,  as  by  daily  food,  Simon 

their  discourse  may  be  nourished  and  grow  fat."  iTce-Gi 

Some  injunctions  follow  against  the  marriage  of  priests, 
gluttony,  drunkenness,  and  frequenting  of  taverns.  No 
priest  is  to  carry  arms,  but  he  is  to  have  the  crown  and 
tonsure  befitting  his  order. 


- 


"  We  have  heard  also,  at  which  we  have  no  slight  grief,  that 
certain  priests  extort  money  from  laymen  for  ministering  penance 
or  other  sacraments. 

"  We  have  heard  also  that  certain  priests  cause  their  deacons  to 
hear  the  confessions  of  their  parishioners,  which,  as  it  is  absurd, 
needs  not  admonition,  since  it  is  plainly  true  that  to  deacons 
has  not  been  committed  the  power  of  binding  and  loosing,  and 
since  the  priests  themselves  only  seek  thereby  leisure  and  occa 
sion  for  secular  pursuits.  Wherefore  we  strictly  enjoin  that 
deacons  shall  not  hear  confessions,  or  impose  penance,  or  ad 
minister  other  sacraments  which  priests  alone  are  allowed  to 
administer. 

"  The  execrable  custom,  which  used  to  be  observed  in  certain 
churches,  of  making  a  Feast  of  Fools,  we  altogether  inhibit  by 
special  authority  of  apostolic  rescript,  lest  the  house  of  prayer 
become  a  house  of  sport."  * 

The  denunciation  of  the  Feast  of  Fools  is  an  evidence 
of  an  improved  taste  on  the  part  of  the  people,  who 
began  to  see  profaneness  in  such  proceedings.  On  the 
17th  of  December,  according  to  Ducange,  the  inferior 
members  of  an  abbey  or  monastery  were  accustomed, 
with  great  solemnity,  and  with  the  performance  of 
certain  religious  ordinances,  to  elect  an  abbot  of  fools. 
In  cathedrals  a  similar  ceremony  was  observed  by  the 
minor  canons  and  other  members  of  the  establishment, 

*  Wilkins,  iii.  59. 


184  LIVES    OF    THE 

on  Innocents'  day  ;  the  difference  being,  that  they  elected 
a  bishop  of  fools.     Immediately    after  his  election,  the 
f°°l  elected  was  carried  in  procession  to  the  church.    As 
}ie   entered,  all   rose   to  show  him    respect ;     the   lord 
bishop  himself,  if  present,  did  him  homage.     A  Te  Deum 
was  solemnly  sung.    And  now  the  saturnalia  commenced. 
Wine  and  fruit  were  given  to  the  bishop  of  fools.     He 
then  began  to  intone  and  to  sing  in  the  most  ludicroi.s 
manner,    imitating   any   peculiarities   observable  in   his 
superiors,  and  provoking  a  response  of  laughter,  bawling;, 
hissing,  howling,  and  clapping  of  hands — in  short,  of  all 
those  noises  which  the  vulgar  mistake  for    wit.      Tho 
porter  ascended  the  pulpit  and  preached.      The  bishop 
of  fools,  attended  by  the  minor  canons,  the  choristers, 
and  various  members  of  the  bishop's  household,  then 
rushed  into  the  city,  saluting  everybody  whom  they  met 
They  made  for  the  bishop's  palace  ;  and,  on  reaching  it. 
the  bishop  of  fools  presented  himself  at  the  window  of 
the  great  hall,  and  gave  his  benediction  to  the  town.     At 
matins,  at  high  mass,  and  at  vespers,  the  bishop  of  fools 
presided  for  three  days,  seated  on  the  episcopal  throne ; 
and,  at  Canterbury,  on  the  marble  chair.     He  was  in  full 
pontificals,  being  arrayed  in  the  vestry  with  a  cope,  a 
mitre,  and  gloves,  inferior  in  quality,  though  of  the  usual 
colour.     His  chaplain,   duly  vested,  stood  by  his  side, 
holding  the  pastoral  staff,  and  having  on  his  head  a  little 
cushion  instead  of  the  Birretum.     There  was  a  curious 
mixture  of  solemnity  and  burlesque.     He  was  duly  in 
censed  on  his  entering  the  church,  and  on  his  taking  his 
seat.     Before  the.  Epistle  and  Gospel,  in  the  office  of  the 
Holy  Communion,  were  read,  the  deacon  and  subdeacon 
bent  the  knee  before  the  fool  bishop,  and  received  from 
him  the  sign  of  benediction.     Service  being  concluded, 
the  chaplain   cried   out,  "  Silence,  keep  silence."      The 
chorus,  replied  u  Deo  gratias."     The  bishop  of  fools  pro- 


AKCHBISIIOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  185 

ceeded  with  "  Adjutorium  nostrum ;"  and  all  was  done     CHAP. 

^TTT 

which  was  usual  before  the  giving  of  indulgences.     In-   — -,— - 
diligences  were  then  granted  by  the  fool  bishop,  and  he  Langham. 
dismissed  the  assembly  with  his  benediction.  Meantime  the    1366~68- 
church  and  the  town  were  one  scene  of  fun  and  amuse 
ment;  the  chief  amusement  being  to  turn  into  ridicule 
all  things  sacred  and  serious.     The  \^ole  proceeding,  so 
far  as  the  church  is  concerned,  seems  to  us  to  be  a  scene 
of  profaneness.     But  it  was  similar  to  the  carnival,  as  it 
still  prevails  in  some  foreign  countries  ;    and  bishops  and 
archbishops  were  so  carried  away  by  the  hilarity  of  the 
occasion,  that  they  were  found  very  often  heartily  to  join 
in  it.* 

But  the  mind  of  the  fourteenth  century  was  taking  a 
more  serious  turn  ;  and  men  like  Langham  sought  to  put 
down  what  was  certainly,  when  viewed  abstractedly,  an 
indecency,  if  not  a  profanation.  We  may  also  surmise 
that,  as  a  reverence  for  sacred  things  diminished,  the 
authorities  could  no  longer  tolerate  what  had  been  re 
garded  before  as  an  innocent  sport. 

The  generous  spirit  which  influenced  Langham  as 
abbot  still  animated  him  as  bishop,  if  we  may  judge 
from  one  instance  of  which  we  have  the  record.  When 
he  consecrated  the  new  parish  church  of  St.  Cross  at  Ely, 
on  the  north  side  of  the  monastery,  he  bestowed  on  that 
church  the  vestments  in  which  he  celebrated  the  Sacred 
Mysteries,  together  with  all  the  ornaments ;  to  wit,  one 

*  Ducange  v.  Kalenda?.  Ducange  shows  that  these  feasts  were 
first  introduced  to  supplant  the  ancient  Saturnalia.  He  also  shows  that, 
as  there  must  always  be  a  sacred  tone  of  mind  in  some  men,  there  were, 
to  please  them,  condemnations  of  these  amusements  in  every  age.  In 
merry  England,  such  sports  could  not  be  entirely  put  down  until  the 
triumph  of  Puritanism,  in  the  early  years  of  the  Reformation.  See 
also  Du  Tilliot's  Memoires  pour  servir  a  1'Histoire  de  la  Fete  des  Fous 
qui  se  faisoit  autrefois  dans  plusieurs  £glises.  4to.  Lausanne  et  a 
Geneve,  1741. 


186  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     red  chasuble  of  velvet,  broidered   with  lions  of  white 

— -r—   pearls,    with    two   tunics,    one    cope,   three    albs,    two 

Angham.   stoles  and  habits  of  the  same  sort,  one  large  pall  cle- 

1366-68.    pending  from  the    altar,  and  one  small  coverlet  to  be 

placed  on  the  altar.* 

While  he  was  thus  diligent  in  his  diocese,  he  was  at 
the  same  time  en^iged  in  state  affairs,  at  a  time  when 
much  public  business  was  transacted.  He  was,  as  we 
have  said,  appointed  treasurer  in  the  year  1360  ;  and  in 
February,  1363,  he  succeeded  William  of  Edendon,  the 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  in  the  office  of  Chancellor.f 

Notwithstanding  the  feeling  now  rising  in  the  countiy, 
that  ecclesiastics  should  devote  themselves  to  their  spi 
ritual  duties,  the  ministry,  if  we  may  so  speak,  which  w.is 
formed  under  Simon  Langham,  consisted  for  the  most  part 
of  persons  who  derived  their  chief  emolument  from  tl  e 
Church  :  Lord  High  Chancellor,  Simon,  bishop  of  Ely  ; 
Keeper  of  the  Privy  Seal,  William  of  Wykeham,  arch 
deacon  of  Lincoln ;  Master  of  the  Eolls,  David  William, 
parson  of  Somersham ;  Masters  of  Chancery,  ten  bent  - 
ficed  priests,  civilians ;  Chief  Chamberlain  of  the  Exche 
quer,  William,  dean  of  St.  Martin's-le-Grand  ;  Chancellor 
of  the  Exchequer,  William  Askeby,  archdeacon  of  North 
ampton  ;  Clerk  of  the  Privy  Seal,  Richard  Chesterfield, 
prebendary  of  St.  Stephen's ;  Under  Chamberlain  of  the 
Exchequer,  Keeper  of  the  Seals,  John  Newnham,  parsoi 
of  Fenny  Stanton ;  Surveyor  of  Works,  John  Nowsly. 
parson  of  Harwich. 

The  year  1363  was  a  memorable  year.  There  was  a 
national  jubilee  in  honour  of  the  king,  who  had  now 
completed  the  fiftieth  year  of  his  age.  J  Three  kings  were 
in  England,  each  compelled  to  acknowledge  the  greatness 

*  Ang.  Sac.  i.  G63.  f  Foss,  iii.  454. 

}  Knighton  Col.  2C27. 


am. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  187 

of  the  country  and  the  glory  of  its  king.      The  king  of    CHAR 
Cyprus  was  here  soliciting  the  aid  of  England  against  the  >-^  T  '- 
infidel,  and  secretly  bewailing  the  cruel  policy  which  had  Langh°n 
doomed  to  destruction  that  gallant  army  of  gentlemen    136G 
which  had  long  and  valiantly  maintained  the  Christian 
cause  in  the  East — the  ill-used  and  persecuted  Knights 
of  the  Temple.     David,  king  of  Scotland,  was  here,  no 
longer  a  captive,  but  humbly  pleading  for  a  reduction  of 
his  ransom.     John,  king  of  France,  was  a  prisoner  in 
England. 

In  the  festivities  of  the  occasion  the  lord  chancellor 
participated ;  but  the  period  of  Langham's  chancellorship 
was  a  period  of  political  activity,  as  well  as  of  public 
excitement.  He  opened  the  parliament  of  1363.*  The 
parliament  was  summoned  for  Friday  the  6th  of  October; 
but  was  prorogued  till  the  Friday  following,  on  account 
of  the  thin  attendance  of  members.  At  that  time  it  met 
in  the  white  chamber  of  the  palace.  The  chancellor 
informed  the  two  houses  that  the  king  was  desirous  of 
knowing  the  grievances  of  his  subjects,  in  order  that  he 
might  redress,  by  the  advice  of  his  parliament,  any 
wrongs  done  to  Holy  Church,  and  reform  all  enormities, 
especially  as  to  the  manner  of  exhibiting  petitions. 

The  custom  then  was  for  the  government  to  propose, 
and  for  parliament  to  accept  or  to  reject,  the  measures 
offered  to  their  consideration.  We  conclude  from  the 
measures  now  proposed,  that  Langham's  government  was 
desirous  of  conciliating  the  goodwill  of  the  people,  and 
that  there  was  an  endeavour  to  unite  with  certain  prin 
ciples  of  free  trade,  which  prevailed  in  the  royal  mind,  a 
concession  to  the  popular  clamour  for  protection.  On 
the  Wednesday  after  the  opening  of  the  parliament,  an 
act  was  passed  that  no  man  should  export  woollen  cloths, 

*  Rot.  Par!,  ii.  275. 


188  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  sheep,  butter,  cheese,  malt,  or  ales.  Two  exceptions  \vere 
>  —  -^—  '-*  made  :  one  in  favour  of  the  German  merchants,  who  were 
Lang-ham.  permitted  to  export  worsteds  and  straight  cloths  ;  and 


1366-68.  the  other  in  favour  of  the  merchants  of  Gascony,  who 
were  permitted  to  export  woollen  cloths  to  the  value  of 
wines  imported. 

This  measure  evidently  gave  satisfaction;  as  did  the 
thriving  condition  of  the  country,  and  the  glory  which 
had  accrued  to  it  from  the  brilliant  successes  of  the  kir  g. 
The  Commons  humbly  prayed  that  the  king  would 
enjoin  the  archbishops  and  other  clergy  to  put  up  their 
prayers  to  Almighty  God  for  the  prosperity  of  the  king, 
in  order  to  the  peace  and  good  government  of  the  land, 
and  for  the  continuance  of  the  king's  good  intentions  1:0 
the  Commons. 

Among  the,  proceedings  of  parliament,  two  are  worthy 
of  special  notice.  We  observe  the  increase  of  power 
among  the  Commons  in  the  fact  of  their  petitioning  that 
they  should  have  a  right  to  nominate  the  justices  of  tli3 
peace,  and  that  their  nominees  should  be  irremoveabk. 
Such  a  measure  could  not,  of  course,  be  sanctioned  ; 
nevertheless  the  king  was  advised  so  far  to  concede,  as 
to  permit  the  House  of  Commons  to  name  able  men,  froir. 
whom  the  king  would  select  whom  he  pleased.  The  other 
circumstance  worthy  of  note  occurred  when  the  chan 
cellor,  in  the  presence  of  the  king  and  both  houses. 
declared  that  the  king  intended  to  put  in  force  the  statute 
of  apparel.  The  chancellor  asked  whether  the  houses 
would  proceed  to  act  in  such  matter  by  way  of  ordinance 
or  of  statute.  The  answer  was,  by  way  of  ordinance, 
in  order  that  they  might  amend  the  same  at  pleasure. 
"  From  this  it  would  appear,"  says  Tyrrell,  "  that  an  ordi 
nance  was  regarded  as  a  temporary,  a  statute  as  a  standing, 
law."* 

*  Tyrrell,  ii.  653. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  189 

Although  Urban  V.,  who  was  now  pope,  was  born  a     CHAP. 

"VTTT 

subject  of  the  king  of  England,  and  although  his  attach-  _rr-_ 
ment  to  England  made  some  persons  suppose  that  he  was  an  Langham 
Englishman,  yet  the  papacy  was  so  entirely  under  the  con-  1366~68- 
trol  of  the  French  king,  that  it  was  determined  by  the 
government,  of  which  Bishop  Langham  was  the  head,  to 
enforce  more  strictly  the  statute  of  provisors.  It  was  a 
timely  warning  to  the  new  pope  of  what  he  was  to  expect ; 
and  a  practical  hint  that  if,  like  his  predecessor,  he  deferred 
too  much  to  France,  he  might,  peradventure,  lose  England. 
But  it  required  some  consideration  to  decide  on  the 
proper  mode  of  proceeding.  The  government  offices  were 
filled  by  ecclesiastics,  and  the  Bishop  of  Ely  had  reasons 
of  his  own  for  not  wishing  to  be  conspicuous  in  a  measure 
which  could  not  fail  to  excite  much  anger  at  Avignon. 
It  was  determined,  therefore,  to  save  him  from  this  diffi 
culty  and  in  order  to  give  greater  weight  to  the  transac 
tion,  that  the  business  should  be  conducted  by  the  king 
himself. 

Under  these  circumstances,  a  parliament  was  summoned 
to  meet  at  Westminster ;  and  it  met,  accordingly,  on  the 
octave  of  St.  Hilary,  the  21st  of  January,  1365,  in  the 
painted  chamber.  The  Bishop  of  Ely,  as  chancellor, 
opened  the  proceedings.  He  took  for  his  text  Psalm 
Ixxxix.  14,*  "Justice  and  judgment  are  the  habitation  of 
Thy  throne :  mercy  and  truth  shall  go  before  Thy  face." 
He  then  went  on  to  say :  "  Our  Lord  the  king  having 
seen  that  God,  in  His  infinite  mercy,  hath  crowned  his 
arms  with  success,  and  hath  given  him  grace  to  do 
righteously ;  that  He  hath  blessed  the  king  with  loyal 
subjects,  both  among  the  great  men  of  the  land  and 
among  the  Commons,  who  by  personal  service,  by  their 
grants  of  money,  and  by  their  prayers,  have  been  the 
salvation  of  himself  and  his  possessions,  and  enabled  him 

*  Rot.  Parl.  ii.  283. 


190  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAR     to  assert  and  defend  the  rights  of  his  crown ;  he  thanks 
s-Jl_t~l->  these  his  subjects  with  all  his  heart,  and  prays  for  the 
Lang-ham,   continuance  of  such  zeal  and  loyalty  in  time  to  come. 
1366-68.    jje  entreats  his  nobles,  the  great  men  and  the  commons, 
to  aid  him  in  the  measures  necessary  for  the  protection  of 
the  realm  and  for  maintaining  the  rights  of  his  crown, 
by  their  council  and  advice,  and  to  assist  in  the  adminis 
tration  of  the  laws  made  in  his  time  and  in  the  time  of 
his  ancestors.      The  king  also  wills  that  those  who  rre 
aggrieved  in  any  matter  shah1  bring  their  petitions  befcre 
parliament,  and  promises  that  they  shall  have  suitable 
answer  and  remedy.  To  receive  such  petitions,  he  appoii  ts 
the  clerks  of  his  treasury,  and  he  will  assign  to  divers  of 
his  prelates  and  other  great  men  the  office  of  hearing 
them  and  of  determining  upon  their  merits." 

A  speech  from  the  throne  dealt  in  generalities  in  those 
days,  and  we  cannot  say  that,  in  this  respect,  the  lapse  of 
ages  has  caused  any  great  difference.  Eeceivers,  triers  of 
petitions  for  England,  Ireland,  Wales,  and  for  Acquitaine 
and  other  foreign  countries,  were  then  appointed  accorc- 
ing  to  usual  form  and  custom.  The  reference  to  foreign 
countries,  that  is,  to  the  king's  possessions  on  the  continent, 
shows  that  parliament  had  not  yet  reached,  in  form,  tho 
position  it  was  beginning  to  approach — that  of  being  the 
great  council  of  the  nation,  convened  to  legislate  for  tho 
nation;  it  was  the  council  of  the  king,  to  advise  him  ir 
any  matter  which  was  to  him  of  personal  concern. 

When  the  speech  of  the  chancellor  was  concluded,  "  les 
communes  des  countees,  citees,  et  burghs  demorants  en 
pees  en  la  dit  chambre  de  peynte  de  commandement  le 
roi,"  the  prelates,  dukes,  earls,  barons,  repaired  to  the 
chambre  blanche.  There  they  were  addressed  by  the  king. 
He  complained  that  citations  and  false  suggestions  were 
continually  made  to  the  pope,  with  reference  to  matters 
determinable  in  the  king's  courts  ;  and  that  pensions  were 


AKCHBISIIOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  191 

still  obtained  from  the  court  of  Rome  (la  court  de  Home),  CHAP. 
to  the  damage  of  the  king  and  other  patrons  in  his  ^  xni 
realm,  of  churches,  chapels,  cathedrals,  colleges,  hos- 
pitals,  and  other  benefices.  He  pointed  out  how  this 
was  an  insult  offered  to  the  laws  of  the  land,  whilst  it 
derogated  from  the  dignity  of  the  crown,  and  had  not 
only  withdrawn  treasures  from  the  country  directly,  but, 
by  impoverishing  the  Church,  had  rendered  it  impossible 
to  sustain,  in  suitable  grandeur,  the  Divine  service ;  while 
it  seriously  impeded  such  good  works  as  hospitality  and 
almsdeeds.  He  called  upon  the  said  prelates,  dukes, 
-earls,  and  barons,  on  whose  loyalty  and  wisdom  he  relied, 
to  devise  some  measure  for  the  correction  of  the  grievance, 
and  the  sustentation  of  the  laws  and  customs  of  the  realm. 

The  Commons  were  then  summoned  to  the  white  cham 
ber.  There  the  substance  of  the  king's  address  was  re 
peated  to  them — it  is  presumed,  by  the  chancellor. 

On  the  Saturday  following  an  act  was  passed,  repeating 
and  rendering  more  stringent  the  provisions  of  the  Statute 
of  Provisors  and  of  Praeinunire.  Very  strong  language 
was,  on  this  occasion,  made  use  of  with  respect  to  the  pope 
and  his  pretensions,  which  it  was  thought  advisable  to 
modify  before  the  act  was  placed  on  the  statute  book.* 

It  was  supposed  that  the  papal  authorities  might  endea 
vour  to  annoy  the  prelates  on  account  of  their  voting  for 
this  act,  which  was  passed  unanimously.  Another  act  was, 
therefore,  passed  for  the  protection  of  the  lives  and  pro 
perties  of  the  prelates  and  the  other  lords  of  parliament. 

The  gauntlet  was  now  thrown  down  to  the  new  pope. 
Whatever  may  have  been  his  own  predilections,  Urban  V., 
though  a  good,  was  nevertheless  a  weak,  man,  and  his 
court  was  composed  of  Frenchmen.  The  French  cardi 
nals  regarded  the  king  of  England's  conduct  as  a  chal- 

*  Cotton's  Abridgment,  10. 


192  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAR  lenge,  and  they  met  it.  The  pope  addressed  a  letter  to 
XIIL  the  king  of  England,  reminding  him  of  the  tribute  to 
which  King  John  had  subjected  the  English  crown.  He 
demanded  the  payment  of  a  thousand  marks  a  year ;  and, 
as  no  tribute  had  been  paid  for  thirty-three  years,  he  re 
quired  that  the  arrears  should  be  transferred  to  the  papal 
treasury.  Many  historians,  when  they  record  the  derna  id 
now  made  at  a  time  when  France  was  in  the  lowest  grade 
of  humiliation,  when  the  papacy  was  almost  powerless, 
and  when  England  had  been  raised  by  the  victories  of 
Cressy  and  Poictiers  to  the  highest  pitch  of  military 
glory,  are  inclined  to  regard  this  act  as  one  of  insaniiy- 
rather  than  of  folly. 

But  we  must  take  all  circumstances  into  consideration. 
King  Edward  had  asserted,  by  reference  to  the  history  of 
the  country,  the  right  of  himself  and  his  nobles  to  the 
patronage  of  bishoprics  and  other  benefices  endowed  by 
their  ancestors.  It  was  not  folly  in  the  pope  to  reply,  "If 
you  argue  from  the  past,  I  shall  put  in  my  claim  to  th  3 
tribute  awarded  by  your  ancestors  to  my  predecessors, 
and  which  you  have  neglected  to  pay."  It  may  have  been 
regarded  as  opening  the  way  to  a  compromise  :  "  If  you 
will  modify  your  claim,  I  will  modify  mine."  There  was  no 
folly  in  this,  though  of  the  amount  of  folly  to  which  im 
passioned  men  may  be  hurried,  it  is  impossible  to  form  an 
estimate.  The  French  cardinals,  with  their  angry  passions 
aroused,  were  only  too  well  pleased  to  offer  an  insult  to 
the  conqueror  of  their  country,  by  reminding  him  of  a 
period  in  our  history  from  which  the  English  mind  revolts; 
when  this  country  was  in  a  position  as  humiliating  as 
that,  to  which  France  had  now  been  reduced  by  the  in 
vincible  Edward  and  his  heroic  son.  They  knew,  and 
Edward  and  his  ministers  felt,  that  the  insult  lay  in  the 
fact  implied  by  the  payment  of  the  tribute  ;  that  the  king 
dom  of  England  and  the  lordship  of  Ireland  were  held  in 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  193 

fee  of  the  successors  of  St.  Peter ;  that  England,  though  CHAP. 
it  had  conquered  France,  was  not  what  France  was,  an  in-  ^.XITIL-. 
dependent  kingdom.  Men  of  little  minds  are  often  regard-  Leghorn 
less  of  consequences  in  their  wrath,  so  long  as  they  can  1366~68- 
give  a  momentary  annoyance,  or  offer  the  slightest  in 
sult  to  opponents. 

The  demand,  however,  under  the  circumstances,  did 
not  afford  much  trouble  or  annoyance  to  Edward  or  to 
Langham.  They  saw  that  the  pope  had  taken  a  false 
step ;  and  that  by  it  their  hands  would  be  strengthened. 
The  whole  nation,  including  the  clergy,  was,  with  a  mi 
nority  too  insignificant  to  be  regarded,  anti-papal.  The 
government  took  no  steps  before  the  meeting  of  parlia 
ment,  but  merely  prepared  the  way  for  a  burst  of  indig 
nation,  by  permitting  it  to  be  whispered  that  this  insult 
had  been  offered  to  the  king  and  his  people. 

The  parliament  met  at  Westminster  on  the  30th  of 
March,  13GG.  The  prelates  and  great  men — "les  pre- 
latz  et  grantz" — assembled  in  the  white  chamber,  the 
Commons  in  the  painted  chamber.  On  the  second  day  of 
meeting  the  Commons  were  summoned  to  the  white  cham 
ber,  and  the  Bishop  of  Ely,  as  chancellor,  declared,  in  the 
king's  name,  the  reason  why  the  parliament  had  been 
convened.  He  stated  that  the  king,  having  appointed  his 
eldest  son  to  be  his  lieutenant  in  Aquitaine,  and  the  Duke 
of  Clarence,  his  next  son,  to  act  in  the  same  capacity  in 
Ireland,  was  enabled  to  devote  his  whole  attention  to  the 
affairs  of  England.* 

The  usual  preliminaries  in  appointing  triers  and  re 
ceivers  of  petitions,  or,  as  we  should  say,  in  the  formation 
of  committees,  were  then  gone  through. 

The  next  day  the  king  attended  in  state,  at  the  white 
chamber.  The  Commons  were  summoned.  The  Bishop 

*  Rot,  Parl.  ii.  280. 
VOL.  IV.  O 


194  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     of  Ely  rose :  he  had  already  informed  them,  in  general 

^1'^.  terms,  of  the  occasion  of  their  meeting,  and  it  was  no\y 

L^ghTm.   tne  king's  pleasure,  that  he  should  lay  before  them  the 

1366-68.  special  objects  upon  which  their  advice  was  required. 
The  king  had  received  information  that  the  pope,  on  the 
ground  that  King  John  had  done  homage  for  the  rea'm 
of  England  and  the  land  of  Ireland — "par  le  roialnie 
d'Englcterre  et  la  terre  d'Irlande," — and  had  stipulated 
in  acknowledgment  of  this  homage  the  annual  pay 
ment  of  a  thousand  marks,  intended  to  proceed  agair  st 
the  king  and  his  realm  to  recover  the  said  service  and 
tribute.  The  king  prayed  the  prelates,  dukes,  earls,  and 
barons  to  give  him  their  counsel  and  advice  as  to  the 
measures  to  be  adopted,  if  the  pope  carried  his  threat  in  x> 
effect  and  a  suit  should  be  commenced. 

The  prelates  requested  permission  to  debate  the  matter 
by  themselves,  and  promised  to  announce  their  decision 
the  next  day.  The  next  day  the  prelates  were  prepared 
witli  their  answer,  and  the  dukes,  earls,  barons,  and 
grandees,  "  grantz,"  concurred  in  the  determination — thj.t 
neither  King  John,  nor  any  other  king,  had  any  power  to 
place  himself,  his  realm,  or  his  people  under  such  thral 
dom,  without  their  assent  and  accord.  The  matter  was 
laid  before  the  House  of  Commons,  who  affirmed  what 
thus  became  the  unanimous  decision  of  Church  and 
State.  It  was  then  solemnly  enacted,  by  the  threo 
estates  of  the  realm, — the  Clergy  the  Peers,  and  the  Com 
mons, — that,  if  by  process  or  in  any  other  way  the  popo 
should  attempt  to  enforce  his  assumed  but  invalid  claim 
in  this  respect,  he  should  be  resisted  and  withstood  b}' 
the  king  and  his  subjects  with  all  their  puissance.*  This 

*  The  Rolls  of  Parliament  contain  a  mere  dry  statement  of  \vhai 
was  done  in  this  parliament.  That  there  was  a  debate  is  certain,  but 
the  speeches  given  by  Wiclif,  in  the  "  Determinatio  quaxlam  Magistri 
Johannis  Wyclyff  de  dominis  contra  unum  monachum,"  are  evidently 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  195 

was  carried  amidst  the  acclamations  of  all  parties  with  a  CHAP. 
unanimity  and  patriotic  excitement  which,  reported  to  the  * — -^— 
pontiff,  convinced  him  that  there  was  that  in  the  English  Langham 
character  which  made  it  unsafe  to  rouse  it  to  anger. 

The  king,  to  mark  his  own  sense  of  indignation,  prohi 
bited  the  payment  of  the  Peter  pence.* 

The  following  day  petitions  were  received  against  the 
mendicant  orders,  from  the  Universities  of  Oxford  and 
Cambridge ;  and  counter  petitions,  on  the  part  of  the 
friars,  against  the  Universities.  It  was  determined,  by  act 
of  parliament,  that  no  scholar  should  be  received  into  any 
of  the  four  mendicant  orders  under  the  age  of  eighteen 
years  ;  that  the  friars  should  not  produce  any  new  bull 
from  the  court  of  Borne,  or  take  advantage  of  any  old 
one,  in  their  controversies  with  the  Universities  ;  and 
that  any  future  difference  between  the  parties  at  issue 
should  be  decided  in  the  court  of  the  king,  without  fur 
ther  appeal.f 

The  pope  had  recourse  to  no  ulterior  measures  against 
the  king.  This  circumstance  confirms  the  view  already 
taken,  that  the  demand  was  employed  merely  as  a  reprisal 
or  an  insult,  without  any  expectation  of  a  result  different 
from  that  which  actually  took  place. 

This  controversy,  however,  obtains  importance  from 
the  fact,  that  it  was  through  it  that  the  celebrated  John 

not  a  report  of  what  actually  occurred.  Though  he  introduces  them  as 
being  those  "  quas  audivi  in  quodam  concilio  a  dominis  saecularibus," 
yet,  from  internal  evidence,  they  are  merely  the  form  in  which  he  thought 
fit  to  express  his  own  opinions.  The  document  is  valuable,  however, 
as  it  shows  that  a  debate  did  actually  take  place,  and  it  is  interesting  as 
expressing  the  judgment  taken  against  the  pope  on  purely  feudal 
grounds.  This  tract  impresses  the  mind  more  forcibly  with  a  feeling 
of  the  writer's  intellectual  vigour  and  logical  precision,  than  any  other 
of  Wiclifs  publications  with  which  I  am  acquainted. 

*  Barnes,  670,  from  MS.  Vet.  Angl.  in  Bibl.  C.C.C.C.  232. 

t  Rot.  Parl.  ii.  290. 

o  2 


196  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.     Wiclif  was  first  brought  into  public  notice.    His  charac- 
_?-^L-  ter  was  well  known  as  a  divine,  and  he  ranked  high  as  a 
angham.  schoolman.     In  the  controversy  between  the  University 
1366-68.    of  Oxford  and  the  mendicant  orders  he  had  taken  a  con 
spicuous  part,  and  was  ever  afterwards  the  great  oppone.it 
of  the  friars,  and  the  strenuous  supporter  of  the  secular 
clergy.     His  pen  was  now  employed  in  defence  of  the 
decision  of  parliament  against  the  papal  claims. 

Although  the  proceedings  in  parliament  had  been  unani 
mous,  the  superior  clergy  cooperating  cordially  with  tie 
lords  temporal  and  the  Commons,  yet  there  was  one 
person  found  in  England — whether  an  Englishman  or  not 
does  not  appear,  —  who  maintained  opinions,  not  then 
very  common,  which  have  of  late  years  been  called 
Ultramontane. 

Nothing  can  better  prove  the  unpopularity  of  the  caus  3 
which  he  advocated,  than  the  circumstance  that  he  dared 
not  reveal  his  name.  This  man  published  a  tract  in  which 
he  maintained  the  supremacy  of  the  pope  ;  and  he  boldly 
asserted  that  to  the  pope  the  sovereignty  of  England,  by 
failure  of  the  annual  tribute,  had,  on  feudal  principles, 
been  legally  forfeited.  He  challenged  Wiclif  to  come  for 
ward  and  refute  his  proposition.  Nobly  did  Wiclif  ac 
cept  the  challenge ;  and,  in  a  work  to  which  reference 
has  been  already  made,  he  displayed  the  ability  of  a  sound 
logician,  the  learning  of  an  educated  lawyer,  together 
with  zeal  for  the  Church  of  which  he  describes  himseli 
as  a  humble  and  obedient  son,  proposing  to  affirm  nothing 
which  could  be  supposed  to  damage  her  cause  or  offend 
the  ears  of  the  devout.* 

*  The  general  feeling  at  this  time  was,  that  the  pope  had  the 
suzerainty  of  the  Church,  and  that,  like  other  suzerains,  he  was  ambi 
tious  to  exceed  his  legitimate  authority.  It  is  on  these  grounds  that 
Wiclif,  at  this  period,  opposed  him.  The  advance  from  one  extreme 
to  the  mean  in  AViclif  was  gradual ;  his  descent  from  the  mean  to  the 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  197 

Before  this  publication,  John  Wiclif  had  been  appointed     CHAP. 
one  of  the  chaplains  to  the  king.     In  this  very  work  he  ...XI,IL.^ 
describes  himself  as  the  king's  peculiar  clerk.     He  was,  L^*^ 
as  will  be  observed,  appointed  to  a  post  of  honour  near    1366-68. 
the  king  when  Simon  Langham  was  the  chancellor — and 
as  such  the  chief  adviser  of  the  crown.     The  manage 
ment  of  the  royal  chapel,  and  all  that  pertained  to  it, 
rested  with  the  chancellor.     This  is  an  important  fact,  to 
be  borne  in  mind  by  those  who  do  not  believe  that  any 
controversy,  at  any  time,  existed  between  Langham  and 
Wiclif.   During  the  early  period  of  Wriclif 's  career,  which 
corresponded  with  the  concluding  years  of  Simon  Lang- 
ham,  their  political  principles  were  the  same.    They  were 
both  of  them  opposed  to  the  usurpations  of  the  papacy  ; 
and  a  monk  was  as  much  opposed  as  a  secular  to  the 
mendicants.*     Although  Langham  would   certainly  not 
have  agreed  with  Wiclif,  when  that  reformer  went  to  the 
root  of  the  evil,  and  impugned  the  received  doctrines  of 
the  Church ;  he  probably  did  go  quite  as  far  as  Wiclif 

other  extreme  was  also  gradual.  The  biographers  who  seem  to  think 
that  he  was  born  an  ultra-protestant,  on  the  model  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  are  only  surpassed  in  their  presumption  by  those  who  would 
claim  for  Wiclif  the  principles  of  the  Church  of  England  since  the 
Reformation.  A  great  man  is  damaged  by  his  worshippers,  who,  in 
seeking  to  deify  him,  convert  him  into  a  "  faultless  monster." 

*  This  is  mentioned  in  corroboration  of  the  statements  made  by 
Canon  Shirley,  in  his  masterly  note  on  the  two  John  Wiclifs,  Fascicu 
lus  Zizaniorum,  513.  His  argument  to  show  that  the  reformer  was 
not  the  Warden  of  Canterbury  Hall — that  the  Warden  of  Canterbury 
Hall  was  another  man,  John  Wiclif  of  Mayfield — appears  to  me  to  be 
so  conclusive  that  I  assume  the  case  to  be  settled.  It  relieves  the 
reformer  from  the  suspicion  that,  in  his  hostility  to  the  pope,  he  was 
influenced  by  personal  feelings.  That  Wiclifs  temper  hurried  him, 
occasionally,  into  worse  than  indiscretions,  no  one  but  a  hero-worship 
per  will  deny.  But,  in  all  the  authenticated  actions  of  his  life,  his 
character  stands  forth  noble  in  its  simplicity,  and  in  an  honesty  of 
purpose  which  raised  him  far  above  motives1  merely  selfish. 


198  LIVES   OF   THE 

had  himself  gone,  at  this  period  of  his  life.  lie  was  anx 
ious  to  enforce  the  discipline  of  the  Church,  and  to  adopt 
measures  for  the  restriction  of  pluralities  and  of  non-resi- 
c~lence.  A  moral  man  himself,  he  was  stern  in  his  rebuke 
of  immorality  on  the  -part  of  the  clergy ;  and  would  be 
attracted  to  Wiclif  by  the  purity  of  the  reformer's  life. 

On  the  death  of  Archbishop  Islip,  the  primacy  was 
offered  to  William  Edendon  bishop  of  Winchester,  but  he 
declined  it.  He  is  stated  to  have  said,  with  reference  to 
the  dilapidated  condition  of  the  estates  belonging  to  the 
archbishop,  that  "  although  Canterbury  had  the  highest 
rack,  yet  Winchester  had  the  better  manger  :"  a  medie\al 
joke  is  worth  preserving.  But  it  is  annoying  to  hear 
moderns  reviling  the  aged  and  infirm  bishop  for  the  plea 
santry,  as  if  it  betrayed  a  sordid  mind ;  forgetting  the  t, 
if  the  manger  of  Winchester  was  good,  its  bishop  was  one 
of  the  most  munificent  of  men. 

The  offer  of  the  primacy  to  the  Bishop  of  Winchester, 
when  Langham  was  chancellor,  is  sufficient  to  show  tin  it 
the  latter  was  not  ambitious  of  the  higher  honour.  But 
when  the  Bishop  of  Winchester  declined  the  office,  the 
Bishop  of  Ely  did  not  think  it  necessary  any  longer  to 
shrink  from  a  position  which  he  was  called  upon  by 
circumstances  to  occupy. 

The  king  issued  his  conge  d'elire,  nominating  the  Bisho,) 
of  Ely  to  the  electors.  The  chapter  agreed  to  postulate 
the  royal  nominee.  The  king's  will  was  signified  to  tin 3 
pope.  The  pope  obeyed,  and  the  usual  bulls  were  issued. 
On  the  4th  of  November  1366,  Simon  Langham  received 
the  pall  at  St.  Stephen's,  Westminster,  from  the  hands  o:' 
John  bishop  of  Bath.*  On  the  following  day,  the  5th  oi' 
November,  in  presence  of  the  king,  at  his  palace  oi' 
Westminster,  the  archbishop  solemnly  renounced  every 

*  Stubbs,  140. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBUKY.  199 

expression  in  the  papal  documents  which  militated 
against  the  royal  prerogative,  or  infringed  upon  the  laws 
lately  enacted.*  On  the  25th  of  March  the  new  arch 
bishop  was  enthroned  at  Canterbury,  with  the  usual  mag- 
nificence,f  rendered  the  more  gratifying  to  the  people  by 
contrast  with  the  curtailment  of  the  ceremony  and  festi 
vities  on  two  former  occasions. 

The  archbishop's  hospitalities  were  renewed  at  the 
Manor-house  at  Lambeth,  on  the  10th  of  October,  1367. 
On  that  day  he  had  consecrated  William  of  Wykeham  to 
the  see  of  Winchester ;  and  on  that  day  the  hall  of  the 
archbishop's  residence  was  filled  with  guests.  Of  that 
hall  there  are  no  remains,  the  site  being  occupied  by  the 
more  recent  fabric  erected  by  Archbishop  Juxon.  We 
may  be  sure  that  on  this  day  Nicolas  Litlington,  abbot 
of  Westminster,  had  crossed  the  water  to  visit  the  primate  ; 
and  we  may  feel  equally  sure  that  when 'Simon  of  Lang- 
ham,  William  of  Wykeham,  and  Nicolas  Litlington  were 
seated  at  the  same  board,  the  conversation  was  not  confined 
to  those  affairs  of  State  in  which  two  of  them  were  bear 
ing  a  prominent  part ;  but  that  it  was  chiefly  directed  to 
the  splendid  works  in  progress  at  Westminster  and  pro 
jected  at  Winchester.  We  may  imagine  how  the  genius 
of  Langham  and  Litlington,  great  as  it  was,  appeared 
insignificant  when  they  listened  to  the  plans  which  had 
already  suggested  themselves  to  the  mind  of  William  of 
Wykeham.  They  discussed  the  merits  of  the  perpen 
dicular  style  of  architecture  which  Wykeham  was  instru 
mental  in  introducing,  and  of  that  new  arrangement  of 
those  important  members  of  a  window  of  many  lights, 
—the  mullions  and  tracery  lines. 


*  Ang.  Sac.  i.  663.     The  words  are — "  renunciatione  pura  et  spon- 
taneaipeT  ipsum facta  de  verbis  prsejudicialibus in  Bullis  suis  contentis." 
Ibid.  "  Honorifice  sicut  decet." 


200  LIVES    OF    THE 

When  Simon  Langliam  was  translated  to  the  see  of 
Canterbury,  the  following  clever  verses  were  put  into  cir 
culation.  They  may  be  read  as  two  hexameters,  or  as 
rhymes. 

Laetantur  coeli,  quia  Simon  transit  ab  Ely, 
Cujus  in  adventum  flent,  in  Kent,  millia  centum. 

Notwithstanding  his  duties  as  a  statesman,  we  have  seen 
that  Langham  did  not  neglect  his  diocese.  In  every  situa 
tion  of  life,  we  find  him  deferential  to  his  superiors,  cour 
teous  to  his  equals,  and  kindly  considerate  of  his  inferiors. 
We  may,  therefore,  regard  the  verses  either  as  a  witticism 
intended  simply  to  amuse  the  idle ;  or  we  may  treat 
them  as  the  splenetic  effusion  of  some  disappointed  candi 
date  for  his  favour  and  patronage.  How  bitter,  and  hovr 
unjust,  such  persons  may  be,  every  patron  is  well  aware. 
Every  great  man  must  give  some  offence;  if  he  prefers 
one  man  out  of  ten,  he  disappoints  nine,  who  regarc 
themselves  as  ill  used,  and  their  merits  as  neglected.  His 
tory,  which  is  in  some  respects  enlightened  by  contem 
porary  libels,  will  be  entirely  falsified,  if  these  are  not 
checked  and  moderated  by  bringing  them  to  the  test  of 
facts.  We  must  oppose  to  this  libel  the  testimony  of  the 
monks  of  Ely.  They  describe  their  bishop  as  a  venerable 
father,  and  as  a  discreet  and  provident  pastor.*  The 

*  Aug.  Sac.  i.  1G4.  They  also  say  that  he  was  preferred  by  Urban 
V.,  moved  "  fama  bonitatis  ejus  et  scientia  circumquaque  volitante." 
Parker,  no  mean  authority,  says  :  "  Hie  Archiepiscopus  in  tola  vita,  om 
nibus  quae  gessit  muneribus,  non  minus  providens  atque  sagax  quam 
beneficens  et  liberalis  fuit."  Dart,  who  is  followed  by  Mr.  Foss,  says  of 
this  primate,  that  "  he  was  affable,  humble,  temperate,  and  very  munifi 
cent,"  It  is  necessary  to  mention  these  things,  for  Lord  Campbell,  as  it 
would  seem  from  mere  caprice,  speaks  in  disparagement  of  Langham. 
Lord  Campbell  says  he  was  ambitious,  and  in  Lord  Campbell's  eyes  this 
is  a  grievous  sin ;  free,  of  course,  from  ambition  himself,  he  never  loses 
an  opportunity  of  denouncing  it.  The  following  extraordinary  passage, 
however,  may  serve  to  show  that  Campbell  had  not  examined  this  por- 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  201 

verses,  therefore,  did  not  express  the  sense  of  the  diocese     CHAP. 
in  general.     At  the  same  time,  Langham's  attachment  to   _1^_^ 
the  monks  may  have  caused  him  to  be  unpopular  with   Langha™ 
the  seculars.     It  is  not,  however,  my  concern  to  vindicate    1366~68- 
the  conduct  of  Langham.    The  reader  will  judge  from  the 
facts  of  his  history,  and  they  certainly  make  an  impression 
on  my  own  mind  in  his  favour.     I  do  not  find  any  other 
evidence  of  his  having  been  unpopular ;  and,  whatever  may 
have  been  the  feeling  on  his  first  arrival  at  Canterbury,  it 
is  certain  that,  after  he  had  resigned  the  see,  his  restoration 
was  desired. 

He  met,  at  this  time,  with  an  accident  which  was 
regarded,  says  Birchington,  as  an  event  of  ill  omen. 
Immediately  after  his  taking  possession  of  the  see  of 
Canterbury,  like  a  good  man  of  business,  he  visited  all 
his  manors,  and  arranged  all  matters  among  his  tenants 
with  great  prudence  and  care.  While  thus  engaged,  he 
was  journeying  towards  Otford,  one  day,  on  the  king's 
high  road,  when  the  horse  of  his  cross-bearer  stumbled. 
The  rider  was  thrown  to  the  ground.  The  man's  life  was 
saved,  but  the  cross  itself  was  "  terribly  shattered,"  though 
it  was  soon  repaired. 

The  archbishop,  soon  after  his  consecration,  resigned 
the  Great  Seal,  and  his  friend,  William  of  Wykeham,  was 
appointed  Lord  Chancellor.  The  record  of  the  proceed 
ings  does  not  exist.*  But,  although  the  Bishop  of 
Winchester  is  mentioned  as  Chancellor  on  the  16th  of 
September,  yet  the  archbishop  opened  the  parliament 


tion  of  history  with  the  slightest  care  : — "  Among  those  with  whom  he 
quarrelled  at  Canterbury,  was  the  famous  John  Wiclif,  then  a  student 
at  the  college  there  erected  by  Islip,  his  predecessor.  The  ardent 
youth  being  unjustly  expelled,  and  finding  no  redress  for  the  wrong  he 
suffered,  turned  his  mind  to  church  usurpation,  and  prepared  the  way 
for  the  reformation  which  blessed  an  after  age." 
*  Foss,  iii.  434. 


202  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  which  met  in  1368.*  Writs  of  summons  were  issued  for 
-TT— — '  the  first  day  of  that  month,  but,  as  many  members  had  not 
Langham.  yet  arrived,  the  archbishop,  in  the  king's  name,  thanked 
68>  those  who  had  shown  their  zeal  by  an  early  attendance, 
and  adjourned  the  parliament  for  three  days.  On  Thurs 
day,  May  4th,  the  king  being  present,  the  archbishop,  as 
prolocutor,  informed  the  parliament  that  the  king  yielded 
unto  God  most  humble  and  hearty  thanks  for  havirg 
given  him  the  victory  over  all  his  enemies  ;  as  also  for 
the  peaceable  and  flourishing  condition  of  the  realm,  and 
for  the  loyalty  of  his  subjects,  who  were  always  ready  to 
render  him  personal  service,  and  to  assist  him  by  their 
property.  These  blessings  he  desired,  as  much  as  in  hiri 
lay,  to  continue,  or  rather  to  increase.  That  in  this  reso 
lution  he  might  better  succeed,  he  had  at  this  timo 
summoned  his  parliament,  to  confer  with  them  on 
matters  relating  to  the  premisses. 

The  Prelates  and  "  Grantz  "  were  ordered  to  assemble; 
in  the  "  Chambre  Blanche,"  and  the  Commons  in  the 
"Petite  Salle."  On  the  Friday  following,  there  was  a 
debate  in  the  House  of  Lords  on  the  offer  of  peace  made  by 
David  Bruce,  king  of  Scotland,  on  condition  of  his  being 
discharged  from  homage.  The  proposal  was  rejected  with 
indignation  by  the  lords.  It  does  not  appear,  that  the 
lower  house  was  consulted  upon  the  subject. 

Thus  happily  terminated  the  political  career  of  Simon 
Langham. 

Advancing  years  had  by  no  means  diminished  the 
activity  of  the  primate.  Almost  immediately  after  his 
appointment,  he  commenced  a  visitation  of  his  province. 
In  London,  he  terminated  a  dispute  concerning  tithes 
between  the  citizens  and  the  clergy,  the  Bishop  of  London 
fully  concurring  in  the  arrangement.  He  arranged  that 

*  Hot.  Parl.  ii.  29-1.     Parry,  130. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  203 

a  payment  should  be  made  to  the  clergy,  after  the  rate  of    CHAP. 
a  farthing  for  every  ten  shillings  rent  of  the  houses,  on   «_-T_L 
each  Sunday  and  festival  of  the  year  which  had  a  vigil.   Lan^hTm 
This  scheme  of  Langham's  was  confirmed  by  his  sue-    1366-68' 
cessors  ;  and  the  tithes  were   paid  in  this  manner  until 
the  latter  end  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.     At  that  time, 
by  a  decree  of  the  archbishop,  the  chancellor,  and  the 
privy  council,  confirmed  by  parliament,  the  payment  was 
settled  at  two  shillings  and  sixpence  in  the  pound. *     The 
archbishop,  acting  under  the  influence  of  a  public  opinion 
which  affected  the  mind  even  of  Urban  V.,  endeavoured, 
if  not  to  suppress,  yet  to  diminish  the  number  of  plurali 
ties  ;  making  a  distinction  between  benefices   with,  and 
benefices  without,  cure  of  souls.     He  found  many  of  the 
clergy  endowed  with  twenty  benefices,  and   sometimes 
with  a  greater   number,  to   which    cure   of  souls    was 
attached. 

Whether  the  Constitutions,  published  afterwards  in  the 
name  of  Langham,  be  genuine  or  not,  is  a  question  not 
easily  answered.  It  is  not  necessary  for  us  to  investigate 
the  subject,  for  in  these  Constitutions  there  is  nothing 
worthy  of  special  notice.  Scotales  or  drinking-bouts,  in 
which  the  prize  was  given  to  the  man,  who  approached 
nearest  to  the  condition  of  brutal  intoxication,  without 
being  laid  prostrate  beneath  the  table,  were  still  common, 
and  were  too  often  encouraged  by  the  clergy.  The  arch 
bishop,  as  his  predecessors  had  done,  denounced  the  evil 
custom,  and  advocated  the  cause  of  temperance.  He  dis 
covered  in  the  course  of  his  visitation,  that  the  most  crude 
opinions  were  prevalent  in  various  parts  of  the  country, 
and  especially  among  men  of  some  reputation  for  learning. 
Langham,  with  his  business-like  habits  and  clearness  of 
perception,  arrayed  the  heresies  he  had  detected  under 

*  Widmore,  95.    Wharton  de  Episc.  Londinens.  80.    Wilkins,  iii.  62. 


204  -LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,     thirty  heads.      Every  earthly  pilgrim,  it  was   asserted, 
^— -  whether  adult  or  infant,  whether  Saracen,  Jew,  or  pagan, 
^iTm.   yea,  even  he  who  should  die  in  his  mother's  womb,  would 
5~68<    have  a  clear  vision  of  God  before  his  death,  during  which 
vision  he  would  have  a  free  choice  accorded  to  him  of 
being  converted  to   God  ;    if    he  should   then  be  con 
verted  unto  God,  he  would  be  saved  ;  if  not,  he  would 
be   damned.     Sin   committed   during  this    clear   vision, 
on  account  of  a  perverse  choice,  could  not  be  atoned  for 
or  forgiven — "non  est  remediabile  nee  remissibile ;"  even 
the  passion  of  Christ  cannot  make  satisfaction  for  such 
an  offender — "  si  intelligatur  de  clara  visione  viatoris." 
An  adult  may  be  saved  by  the  natural  law — "de  leg 3 
communi  salvari " — without  either  actual  or  habitual  faith 
in  Christ.    Of  the  sacrament  of  baptism  it  was  said  that  it 
is  not  necessary  to  the  salvation  of  any  who  die  in  their 
infancy  ;  and  with  respect  to  infants  who  die  after  baptism. 
Catholics  might  doubt  whether  they  be  saved  or  damned. 
It  was  seen  how  closely  connected  is  infant  baptism  with 
the  doctrine  of  original  sin,  for  it  is  added  that  it  was  impos 
sible  that  any  man  could  be  damned  for  original  sin  alone. 
Man  could  only  be  condemned  for  actual  sin.     For  every 
sin  committed  by  believers,  it  was  contended  that  there  is 
a  sufficient  remedy  in  nature,  by  which  the  pilgrim  might 
return  to  the  condition  in  which  he  was  before  he  com 
mitted  sin.  No  one  could  be  justly  deprived  of  his  heavenly 
inheritance  for  sins  committed  without  a  clear  vision  of 
God.     Nothing  could  be  sin  merely  on  the  ground  of  its 
having  been  prohibited — positive  law  was  here  set  aside. 
The  Father,  it  was  asserted,  is  finite  in  Divine  operations, 
the  Son  is  finite  in  Divine  operations,  and  the  Holy  Spirit 
alone  is  infinite.     It  was,  moreover,  affirmed  that  God 
cannot  annihilate  anything ;  nor  can  He  punish  any  one 
immediately,  because  He  cannot  be  a  tormentor — "  non 
potest  esse  tortor."     In  the  24th,  25th,  and  26th  articles 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  205 

it  is  maintained,  that  Mary,  the  blessed  Mother  of  Christ,     CHAP. 
and  all  the  other  saints — our  Lord  only  excepted — are  ~__^_1^ 
still  liable  to  sin  and  damnation.     The  eternity  of  future  Langham. 
punishments  is  strongly  denied.     It  is  affirmed  that  those 
who  are  damned  in  hell  and  the  devils  themselves   are 
capable  of  salvation,  that  they  may  repent  and  be  eter 
nally  happy ;  that  God  Himself  could  not  create  a  rational 
being  who  should  be  impeccable.* 

It  would  appear,  that  they  who  propagated  these  doc 
trines  had  formed  themselves  into  a  school,  though  not  into 
a  distinct  sect.  They  were  merged,  probably,  into  the 
Lollards  afterwards  ;  but  they  were,  at  this  time,  few  in 
number.  It  is  curious  to  find  the  Church,  in  the  four 
teenth  century,  disturbed  very  nearly  in  the  same  manner 
as  in  the  nineteenth.  These  heresies  chiefly  prevailed 
among  men  of  thought  and  learning,  and  therefore  Lang- 
ham  addressed  a  letter  to  the  University  of  Oxford, 
requiring  that  no  one  should  be  permitted  to  defend  these 
propositions  in  the  schools.  At  Oxford,  the  erroneous 
teaching  was  traced  to  the  obnoxious  mendicants,  who 
were  "  originally  instituted  to  root  out,  by  their  preaching 
and  holy  living,  the  various  heresies  as  they  should  arise 
in  the  Church."  This  circumstance  is  sufficient  to  show 
that  such  teaching  had  not  been  countenanced  by  John 
Wiclif,  the  leader  of  the  party  most  opposed  to  the  friars. 

The  intellectual  excitement  was  not  confined,  however, 
to  the  educated  classes  of  society.  The  archbishop  dis 
covered  that  demagogues  were  at  work  among  the  labour 
ing  classes  ;  and,  as  has  been  so  frequently  the  case  in 
English  history,  a  projected  political  movement  was  masked 
under  the  form  of  religion.  He  selected  for  censure  one 

*  Manclatum  Simonis  Langham  de  publicando  damnationem  certorum 
articulorum  v.  idus  Novembris,  A.D.  mccclxviii.  Ex  Reg.  Langham. 
fol.  70.  They  are  printed  in  Wilkins.  In  the  translation  given  above 
they  are  abbreviated. 


206 


LIVES    OF   THE 


CHAP,     man  especially,  John  Ball,  who  will  come  more  promi- 

,_,  nently  before  us  hereafter.     For  this  reason,  and  because 

:,angham.   ^  shows  the  manner  of  dealing  with  such  characters  as 
1366-68.    John  Ball  in  that  age,  the  mandate  addressed  by  the  arch 
bishop  to  the  Dean  of  Bocking  on  this  subject,  is  presented 
to  the  reader  in  a  translation  :— 

Simon,  Archbishop,  £c.,  to  the  Dean  of  Bocking,  in  our  im 
mediate  jurisdiction,  and  to  other  all  and  singular  rectors,  vicars, 
and  parochial  chaplains,  greeting,  &c.  It  has  come  to  our 
hearing,  through  public  report,  that  one  John  Ball,  pretending 
that  he  is  a  priest,  within  our  jurisdiction  aforesaid,  preaches 
manifold  errors  and  scandals,  both  to  the  detriment  of  his  ow  i 
soul  and  of  the  souls  of  those  who  favour  him  in  his  proceeding, 
and  to  the  manifest  scandal  of  the  universal  Church.  We, 
indeed,  being  unable  to  tolerate  healthfully  a  proceeding  of  thii 
kind  without  injury  to  our  conscience,  intrust  to  you,  and  com 
mand  you,  conjointly  and  severally,  strictly  enjoining  that  al. 
and  singular  those  who  are  under  the  jurisdiction  of  our  said 
deanery,  according  to  form  of  law,  you  effectually  admonish, 
and  each  of  you,  as  much  as  in  you  lies,  warn  effectually, 
peremptorily  inhibiting  them  from  presuming,  any  one  of  them, 
to  be  present  at  the  preachings  of  the  said  John,  under 
penalty  of  the  greater  excommunication  against  all  who  do  not 
canonically  obey  these  admonitions  aforesaid,  through  their 
negligence  and  fault,  which  we  desire  that  they  may  thus  ipso 
facto  incur.  Those  who  object  or  offend,  if  you  find  any 
such,  or  any  you  discover  acting  in  this  way,  you  are  to  cite 
or  cause  forthwith  to  be  cited,  that  they  appear  before  us, 
on  some  certain  day  of  trial,  which  you  will  see  is  to  be 
appointed  wherever  we  may  then  be,  in  our  city,  diocese,  or 
province  of  Canterbury.  You  are  also  to  cite,  or  cause  to  be 
cited  forthwith,  the  said  John  Ball  to  appear  personally  before 
us  on  some  certain  day  of  trial,  which  you  will  see  to  be 
appointed  for  him,  to  make  answer  on  certain  articles  and 
enquiries  touching  the  correction  and  the  safety  of  his  soul, 
objected  to  him  by  our  office,  and  if  need  be  personally  swear  to 
speak  the  truth  and  obey  the  law  in  all  things.  And  what  you 
may  have  done  in  the  matters  aforesaid,  you  are  to  certify  to  us 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBUEY.  207 

in  words,  on  the  day  and  at  the  place,  by  your  letters  patent,  or     CHAP, 
let  him  certify  by  his  own,  containing  the  series  of  these,  and      xm-  , 

the  names  and  surnames  of  the  citers.*  Simon 

Langham. 

At  the  same  time,  the  primate  addressed  a  mandate 
to  the  Dean  of  Booking,  with  a  view  of  defending  the 
clergy  from  the  mischiefs  occasioned  by  the  irregularities 
of  the  friars.  The  friars  caused  infinite  confusion  in 
various  parishes,  setting  up  altar  against  altar,  preaching 
against  the  parochial  clergy,  and,  in  fact,  acting  the 
part  of  dissenters.  He  desired  that  they  should  not  be 
permitted  to  officiate  in  any  parish,  unless  they  exhibited  a 
special  licence  to  do  so,  either  from  the  pope  or  from  the 
archbishop.f 

While  Langham  was  employed  in  condemning  heresy, 
he  was  encouraging  a  superstition,  which,  if  not  heretical 
at  that  time,  would  certainly  be  condemned  by  the  present 
generation.  He  authorised  and  enjoined  a  hymn  in  honour 
of  St.  Catherine,  in  which  she  is  invoked  by  prayer.  The 
hymn  is  too  long  for  transcription,  but  is,  as  a  composition, 
not  without  merit.  Why  he  should,  at  this  especial  time, 
have  selected  St.  Catherine,  virgin  and  martyr,  for  the 
particular  devotion  of  the  English  Church,  it  is  not  easy 
to  surmise.  The  name  of  Catherine  of  Sienna  may 
already  have  reached  England,  and  have  suggested  this 
attention  to  her  namesake;  but  of  the  St.  Catherine  whom 
Simon  Langham  desired  to  honour  we  know  little.  The 
name  is  still  preserved  in  a  species  of  firework,  the 
Catherine  wheel  being  so  designated  as  representing 
the  instrument  of  torture  upon  which  the  virgin  martyr 
suffered.  She  was  placed  upon  an  engine  made  of  four 
wheels  joined  together,  and  stuck  with  sharp-pointed 
spikes  ;  so  that  when  the  wheels  began  to  move  it  was 
expected  that  her  body  would  be  torn  asunder.  Her  acts 
state  that,  at  the  first  stirring  of  the  terrible  engine,  the 
*  Wilkins,  Ex  Reg.  Langham,  G4.  f  Ibid. 


208  LIVES   OF   THE 

:HAP.  cords  were  broken  by  the  invisible  power  of  an  angel, 
the  engine  fell  to  pieces,  the  wheels  being  separated  one 
from  the  other.  This  the  firework  represents.  Her 
translation,  also,  is  familiar  to  us  by  a  beautiful  picture 
of  which  many  engravings  have  been  made.  Her  mar 
tyrdom  took  place  in  the  fourth  century,  and  her  body 
was  discovered  by  the  Christians  of  Egypt  in  the  eighth ; 
it  is  said  then  to  have  been  carried  by  angels  to  the 
great  monastery  on  the  top  of  Mount  Sinai.* 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  Langham,  as  archbishop,  was  to 
require  the  clergy  to  be  prepared  to  arm  their  tenants 
and  retainers  that  they  might  act  as  volunteers,  in  time 
of  war,  in  the  event  of  any  invasion  of  this  country.f 
The  last  act  of  his  episcopate  was  to  call  upon  all  men  to 
unite  in  prayer,  that  the  pestilence,  now  reappearing  in 
the  country,  might  be  averted  or  cease.  He  desired  that 
processions  should  be  made  on  the  fourth  and  sixth  days 
of  every  week,  with  the  accustomed  singing  of  the  Litany, 
enjoining  each  clergyman  to  add  such  suffrages  as  might 
be  divinely  suggested  to  his  mind.  To  those  who 
attended  the  processions  he  granted  an  indulgence  of 
forty  days,  "  trusting  in  the  mercy  of  Almighty  God,  and 
the  merits  and  prayers  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  His 
Mother,  the  holy  Thomas,  the  glorious  martyr,  and  all 
the  saints.  "J 

*  Butler  in  loc.  Jos.  Assemanni  in  Calend.  Univ.  ad  Nov.  24,  v. 
375.  Falconius,  archbishop  of  San  Severino,  quoted  by  Butler,  speaks 
of  the  translation  as  follows  : — "  As  to  what  is  said,  that  the  body  of  the 
saint  was  conveyed  by  angels  to  Mount  Sinai,  the  meaning  is  that  it 
was  carried  by  the  monks  of  Sinai  to  their  monastery,  that  they 
might  devoutly  enrich  their  dwelling  with  such  a  treasure.  It  is  well 
known  that  the  angelical  habit  was  often  used  for  a  monastic  habit,  and 
that  monks,  on  account  of  their  heavenly  purity  and  functions,  were 
called  angels." 

f  Wilkins,  iii.  66. 

J  Ibid.  iii.  74. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  209 

There  is  one  transaction  in  Langham's  life  which  has 
obtained  more  prominence,  than  it  deserved,  from  a  blun- 
der  made  by  those  historians,  who  held  a  brief  for  Wiclif, 
and  by  the  biographers  of  the  great  reformer.  They  have 
confounded  Wiclif,  the  Master  of  Canterbury  Hall,  with 
the  object  of  their  hero-worship ;  and  they  can  scarcely 
find  language  strong  enough  to  express  their  indignation 
against  the  primate  who,  as  they  assert  without  adducing 
any  proof  to  confirm  their  assertion,  did  him  wrong.  We 
have  already  alluded  to  this  subject,  and  we  have  shown, 
that  there  is  more  reason  to  suppose,  that  Langham  was 
friendly  to  the  reformer  than  otherwise.  He  was  the  keeper 
of  the  king's  conscience  when  Wiclif  was  made  the  royal 
chaplain ;  and  Wiclif  had  not  yet  propounded  any  doc 
trines,  or  evinced  any  tendency  to  conduct  which  Lang- 
ham  would  condemn.  But,  be  this  as  it  may,  there  was 
nothing  really  to  blame  in  Langham's  conduct  as  to  Can 
terbury  Hall.  He  may  have  been  influenced,  and  perhaps 
he  was,  by  a  narrow  party  spirit.  He  was  a  monk,  and  a 
favourer  of  monks ;  hostile,  like  Wiclif,  to  the  mendicants, 
but  preferring  a  monastery  to  a  college.  But  it  is  to  be 
remembered,  that  his  judgment  was  confirmed  upon  an 
appeal  ;  and  to  assume  that  the  papal  courts  were 
already  hostile  to  Wiclif,  or  that  they  must,  by  the  fact  of 
their  being  papal,  be  corrupt,  is  a  mere  begging  of  the 
question.  Corruption  enough  there  was  in  all  courts  ; 
but,  unless  there  is  some  strong  temptation  to  corruption, 
which  cannot  be  here  supposed,  the  tendency  of  a  court  of 
justice  is  to  decide  justly.  They  could  not  exist,  if  this 
were  not  the  case.  Injustice  is  the  exception,  not  the 
rule,  in  the  worst  cases. 

Archbishop  Islip  had  founded  Canterbury  Hall.  Monks 
and  seculars  were  to  live  together,  as  he  hoped,  in  peace. 
He  placed  a  monk  over  the  establishment ;  this  monk 
mismanaged  its  affairs.  Islip  deposed  the  monk,  and 

VOL.  IV.  P 


210  LIVES    OF   THE 

nominated  Wiclif  of  Mayfield  as  his  successor.  Arch- 
bishop  Langham  was  called  upon,  as  visitor,  to  restore 
tne  first  warden,  Woodhead.  It  was  contended,  that 
Woodhead  had  not  been  statutably  removed,  and  that  the 
founder  was  in  his  dotage  when  he  made  the  change. 
The  question  would  turn  on  two  facts.  Founders  generally 
reserved  to  themselves  the  right  to  make  alterations  in 
their  statutes  during  their  lifetime.  The  first  question, 
then,  to  be  decided  was  whether  Archbishop  Islip  had 
made  this  reservation  in  his  own  favour.  If  Islip  had 
reserved  to  himself  the  right,  then  the  question  might  be; 
raised,  whether,  in  carrying  it  into  effect,  he  was  in  his 
dotage  and  incapable  of  rational  action.  We  have  no 
data  or  evidence  to  justify  us  in  giving  an  opinion  on  the 
subject.  All  we  know  is,  what  the  judgment  of  Lang- 
ham  was,  acting  as  a  judge  ;  and  that,  on  an  appeal,  his 
judgment  was  confirmed. 

This  is  the  plain  statement  of  the  case. 

The  manor  Langham  selected  for  his  favourite  country 
residence  was  that  of  Otford.  Here  he  was  seeking  re 
creation  and  rest,  when  messengers  arrived  from  Montefi- 
ascone,  where  Urban  V.  was  then  residing,  with  the  an 
nouncement,  that  on  the  27th  of  September,  1368,  the 
pope  had  promoted  Simon  Langham  to  the  dignity  of  a 
cardinal  presbyter  by  the  title  of  St.  Sixtus.  There  were 
many  things,  which  commended  this  appointment  to  the 
mind  of  Langham.  He  did  not,  perhaps,  picture  to  him 
self  the  meadows,  the  orchards,  and  the  mulberry  planta 
tions  in  the  vicinity  of  the  town  ;  or  the  promenade  of 
elm  trees  running  the  circuit  of  the  walls,  of  which 
those  who,  in  our  age,  have  visited  Avignon  have  a  very 
pleasant  remembrance.  These  were  not  likely  to  be  as  at 
tractive  to  him  as  they  are  to  us  in  a  more  civilised  age, 
although  Petrarch  had  already  taught  men  a  love  of  the 
picturesque.  But  the  noise  of  those  many  church  and 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  211 

convent  bells,  which  disgusted  Eabelais,  who  gave  to  CHAP. 
Avignon  the  name  of  La  Ville  Sonnante,  would  be  as  ^-^r— ^ 
music  to  the  ears  of  the  sometime  Abbot  of  Westminster.  Langhart 
He  would  think  with  pleasure,  of  dwelling  in  the  midst  of 
a  city  abounding  in  churches  and  religious  establishments. 
Although  Petrarch  was  not  now  at  Avignon,  yet  Langham 
knew,  that  he  had  been  strongly  urged  to  revisit  that  city— 
an  invitation  which  only  his  declining  health  prevented 
him  from  accepting.  Richard  of  Bury  was  an  acquaint 
ance  of  Petrarch,  and  to  the  friendship  of  Petrarch,  as 
much  distinguished  now  for  his  piety  as  he  had  been  for 
merly  for  his  genius  and  learning,  Langham  might  fairly 
aspire.  Petrarch  was  indeed  engaged  at  this  time  on  his 
book,  "De  sui  ipsius  et  multorum  aliorum  ignorantia," 
against  some  foolish  pedants,  who,  in  their  ignorance,  as 
sailed  the  Pentateuch  and  the  Scriptures  in  general ;  and 
Langham  might  anticipate  a  conference  with  the  poet,  upon 
whom  the  eyes  of  all  Europe  was  fixed,  on  such  a  subject 
as  this.  The  palace  of  Avignon,  moreover,  was  not  now 
what  it  had  been  under  Clement  V.  The  present  pope, 
Urban  V.,  was  a  devout,  meek,  and  humble  man,  who 
still  lived  as  a  monk  amidst  the  splendours  of  royalty. 
He  was  the  patron  of  learning  and  the  protector  of  learned 
men.  To  form  part  of  the  family  of  such  a  pontiff  seemed 
to  Langham  to  be  passing  into  another  monastery.  At  the 
same  time,  he  knew  Urban  to  be  a  weak  man,  easily  in 
fluenced  by  those  around  him.  His  predilections  were 
known  to  be  towards  England  and  her  heroic  king  ;  but 
he  was  always  found  acting  with  her  enemies.  Even  now, 
when  he  astonished  the  world  by  nominating  one  English 
and  one  Italian  cardinal,  he  yielded  so  far  to  the  French 
interest,  that  he  included  in  the  batch  of  cardinals  six 
Frenchmen.  It  occurred,  therefore,  to  the  sagacious  mind 
of  the  aged  English  statesman,  that  it  would  be  of  vast  im 
portance  for  England  to  have  a  representative,  in  what 


212  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     was  really,  if  not  avowedly,  a  hostile  court.     The  cardi- 

_XIIL  .  nalate  was  not  now,  as  it  soon  after  became,  a  post  of 

^Tm.   honour,  involving  only  duties  which  a  non-resident  might 

1366-68.    discharge.      The  cardinals  were  required  to  reside  at 

the  papal  court,  to  fill  public  offices,  and  to  officiate  as 

judges  in  the  various  tribunals.     They  acted  as  the  privy 

council  of  the  pope ;  and  to  have  in  that  council,  at  that 

time,  a  patriotic  Englishman,  might  well  be  regarded  as  .1 

matter  of  importance. 

With  these  impressions  upon  his  mind,  Langham  re 
ceived  the  intelligence  of  his  nomination  to  the  cardinal  - 
ate  with  satisfaction  ;  and  hastened  immediately  to  West 
minster,  fully  expecting  that,  by  the  long-sighted  king,  the; 
same  view  would  be  taken  of  the  political  advantages  or 
the  appointment. 

But  the  pride  of  Edward  prevented  him  from  entertain 
ing  any  feeling,  except  that  of  indignation,  that  the  pope 
should  dare  to  summon  to  his  councils  a  subject  of  the 
King  of  England,  without  first  signifying  his  intention  to 
the  king,  and  obtaining  his  consent.  He  felt  very  much  as 
the  King  of  Prussia  might  now  be  expected  to  feel,  if  un 
known  to  him,  the  Emperor  of  Austria  were  to  nominate 
one  of  his  ministers  to  become  a  counsellor  of  the  Aus 
trian  empire. 

An  English  king  has  seldom  been  accustomed  to  mo 
derate  his  anger,  or  to  place  restraint  upon  his  passions. 
Langham  was  astonished  and  astounded  by  the  violence 
of  Edward's  feelings  against  one  whom  lie  had  honoured 
with  his  friendship.  We  have  had  an  exhibition  of  the 
same  violence  of  anger  and  the  same  placability  in  the 
history  of  Archbishop  Stratford. 

By  the  common  law  of  England  the  nomination  of 
Langham  to  the  cardinalate  had  rendered  vacant  the  pri 
macy  of  England.  Simon  Langham,  now  Cardinal  of  St. 
Sixtus,  had,  on  his  nomination,  ceased  to  be  Archbishop 


ARCHBISHOrS   OF   CANTERBURY.  213 

of  Canterbury.  The  king  seized  the  temporalities  of  the 
see  and  appropriated  them  to  his  own  use.* 

Langham  did  not  murmur  or  complain.  He  felt  cer 
tain,  that  the  time  would  come,  when  the  king  would  see 
the  matter  from  a  different  point  of  view — and  it  was  so. 
Although  the  primacy  was  forfeited,  yet  Langham  felt 
that  he  might  have  been  reappointed.  But  this  he  did 
not  propose. 

Langham  asked  permission  to  remain  at  Otford,  till  he 
could  complete  his  preparations  for  sailing.  Here  he  was 
forsaken  by  many  of  his  former  retinue.  They  had  no 
wish  to  expatriate  themselves.  His  appointment  to  an 
office  in  a  court  regarded  as  hostile  to  England,  ren 
dered  him  immediately  unpopular.  The  rents  by  which 
a  large  household  was  supported  were,  to  a  great  extent, 
paid  in  kind.  Money  was  scarce  ;  and  yet  now  Langham 
had  to  pay  in  money  for  everything  he  required.  He 
was  obliged,  therefore,  to  apply  to  the  clergy  of  the 
deanery  of  Shoreham  to  advance  him,  on  loan,  a  certain 
sum  of  money,  to  be  raised  by  a  rate  of  fourpence  in 
the  mark.  While  he  was  at  Otford  he  was  reduced  to 
such  difficulties  that,  it  is  stated,  he  was  obliged  to  sell 
his  staurum.f 

He  applied  for  leave  to  quit  the  country,  but  did  not 
obtain  it  until  February.  On  the  last  of  February,  the 
Ex- Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  Cardinal  Langham,  sailed 

*  In  some  books  it  is  said  that  Langham  announced  his  appointment 
to  parliament,  and  that  parliament  was  consulted  by  the  king.  But  no 
parliament  sat  after  May  in  this  year ;  and  in  13G9  parliament  did  not 
meet  till  June.  Langham  had  sailed  for  the  continent  in  February. 
Widmore  says  that  "  In  the  style  of  business  of  those  times,  a  person 
appointed  cardinal  was  discharged  by  the  pope  from  his  obligation  to 
attend  a  particular  church,  that  he  might  be  employed  in  the  service 
of  the  Church  universal." 

f  Staurum,  any  store,  or  standing  stock  of  cattle,  provisions,  etc. 
Kennet,  Glossary. 


214  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,     for  the  continent.      He    landed    the  next  day,  being  a 

XIII.         mi  -i 

, — •  Thursday. 

an^ham  Soon  after  his  arrival  at  Avignon,  Cardinal  Langham 
366-68.  ]ia(j  j;O  lament  the  deatli  of  his  patron,  Pope  Urban  V. 
Urban  was  succeeded  on  the  papal  throne  by  Peter 
Eoger,  a  nephew  of  Clement  VI.,  and  son  of  William. 
Count  of  Beaufort.  The  new  pope,  who  took  the  name  of 
Gregory  XI.,  was  a  young  man ;  and  he  knew  the  value 
of  such  a  counsellor  as  Langham,  whom  he  employed  on 
several  important  missions. 

Friendly  relations  were  soon  re-established  between 
Cardinal  Langham  and  Edward  III.  The  king  became 
aware  of  the  advantage  of  having  a  friend  to  England  at 
the  Court  of  Avignon ;  and,  as  in  the  case  of  John  Strat 
ford,  he  endeavoured  to  obliterate  the  memory  of*  the 
past,  by  heaping  favours  upon  the  friend  who  had  borne 
so  meekly  the  outburst  of  his  passion.  He  allowed  him 
to  style  himself  the  Cardinal  of  Canterbury.  He  called 
him  his  dear  and  faithful  friend.*  He  permitted  the  car 
dinal  to  hold  a  prebend  in  York,  the  archdeaconry,  toge 
ther  with  the  treasurership  of  Wells  and  the  deanery  of 
Lincoln.  This  was  done  by  the  king,  in  defiance  of  the 
laws  of  the  land  ;  but  he  probably  supposed,  that  the 
appointment  of  an  Englishman,  though  a  cardinal,  to  these 
situations  was  a  legitimate  exception  to  the  rule.  The 
House  of  Commons,  however,  were  of  a  different  opinion. 
They  were  not,  perhaps,  aware  of  the  services  rendered  to 
the  English  crown  by  Langham ;  and  when  he  was  ap 
pointed  to  the  deanery  of  Lincoln  they  complained,  f 

*  Foedera,  iii.  932,  970.  Notre  cher  et  feal  amy  le  Cardinal  dc 
Cantebirs. 

f  Rot.  Parl.  ii.  339.  It  may  be  well  to  show  from  a  contemporary, 
the  feelings  with  which  preferments  in  the  Church  were  at  this  time 
regarded.  Writing  to  Francesco  Bruni,  the  apostolic  secretary, 
Petrarch  says,  that  he  would  gladly  accept  from  the  pope  a  living 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  215 

In  the  year  1372,  Cardinal  Langham  was  associated  CHAP. 
with  the  Cardinal  of  Beauvais  in  a  mission  to  the  courts  — _,_ - 
of  England  and  France,  for  the  purpose  of  mediating  a  Langham. 
peace.  The  two  cardinals  met  at  a  town  in  Flanders,  where 
they  remained  for  four  days  in  consultation,  and  then  re 
paired  to  the  French  court.*  From  France  they  passed  over 
to  England.  It  was  doubtful  how  the  cardinals  would  be 
received  by  Edward,  and  measures  were  adopted  to  pro 
cure  for  them  proper  respect.  In  1371,  Gregory  XI. 
published  a  bull,  prohibiting  all  patriarchs,  primates,  and 
archbishops  from  carrying  the  cross  in  the  presence  of  a 
cardinal  or  other  representative  of  the  Church  of  Rome.f 
The  nuncios  were,  at  the  same  time,  invested  with  extra 
ordinary  powers.  They  were  commissioned  to  consecrate 
or  order  the  consecration  of  churches — those  probably, 
and  they  were  many,  which  had,  through  the  neglect  of 
the  diocesans,  been  left  unconsecrated.  They  might  purify 
cemeteries  which  had  been  polluted  by  the  burial  of  here 
tics,  having  first  exhumed  and  cast  out  their  bodies,  if 
discovered.  They  had  full  authority  to  visit  exempt 
monasteries,  which,  from  the  laws  against  papal  inter 
ference,  had  been  left  for  several  years  unvisited.  They 
had  considerable  powers  of  granting  benefices.  One 
hundred  women  of  high  birth  and  rank,  to  be  named  by 
the  nuncios — some  of  them  "  with  four  honest  matrons  " — 

without  care  of  souls,  the  care  of  his  own  soul  giving  him  sufficient 
employment.  Such  a  donation  would  add  to  the  comforts  of  his  old 
age.  He  had  no  cause  of  complaint ;  he  kept  two  horses,  and  five  or 
six  amanuenses ;  but  self-invited  guests  besieged  him,  and  the  expenses 
of  hospitality  were  great.  He  also  wanted  to  build  an  oratory  to  the 
Virgin  Mary,  and  if  he  did  not  obtain  some  further  preferment,  he 
should  be  obliged,  for  that  purpose,  to  sell  his  books.  Though  not  in 
priest's  orders,  his  preferments  were  already  considerable.  Variorum 
Epist.,  43. 

*  Fabyan,  484. 

f  Wilkins,  iii,  90. 


216  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     were  to  enter  and  visit  any  convent  of  females,  but  not 

-p  — -    to    eat   or  sleep  therein.     The   nuncios    had  power   to 

angham.   absolve  thirty  persons  who  had  committed  homicide  or 

68'    mutilation  on  deacons  or   archdeacons,  with  a  form  of 

penance,  scourging  in  the  church.* 

There  were  several  who  availed  themselves  of  the 
power  of  absolution  which  the  nuncios  possessed ;  but 
with  the  exception  of  these  and  the  visitation,  perhaps, 
of  some  of  the  exempt  monasteries,  the  cardinals  had 
neither  the  time  nor  the  ability  to  exercise  the  authority, 
which  the  pope  assumed  the  power  to  confer.  The  anti- 
papal  spirit  was  at  its  height  in  England,  and  any  viola 
tion  of  the  laws  of  the  land  would  have  been  immediately 
resented.  Neither  was  Langham  inclined  to  forget  his 
duty  as  an  Englishman,  though  he  now  appeared  as  the 
representative  of  a  foreign  court.  When  he  came  into  the 
presence  of  the  king,  he  immediately,  to  the  disgust  of 
his  French  coadjutor,  doffed  his  hood  as  a  mark  of  respect 
—a  mark  of  respect  not  shown  in  his  interview  with  the 
French  king ;  for  this  he  received  a  reprimand  from  the 
court  of  Avignon,  where  it  was  reported  that  what  he 
did  was  in  derogation  of  his  own  dignity. 

The  offer  of  mediation  was  contemptuously  rejected  on 
either  side ;  and  the  reason  assigned  by  the  court  at  Avignon 
was  that,  as  the  nuncios  had  been,  one  the  Chancellor  of 
England,  and  the  other  the  Chancellor  of  France,  they 
were  each  of  them  too  much  attached  to  the  interests  of 
their  respective  princes. f  Nevertheless,  Langham's  visit 
to  his  native  country  was  not  without  some  political  suc- 

*  This,  taken  from  a  manuscript  in  the  British  Museum,  is  quoted 
by  Dean  Milman,  v.  389.  The  important  facts  from  this  interesting 
manuscript  have  been  pressed  into  his  service  by  Dean  Milman,  with 
that  wonderful  skill  by  which  he  grasps  what  is  important  amidst  a  sea 
of  rubbish. 

f  Baluzius,  i.  427. 


AKCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBUKY.  217 

cess.     Although  the  result  of  the  legation  was  not  what     CHAP. 
was  intended,  he  succeeded  in  effecting  a  peace  between 
the  King  of  England  and  the  Count  of  Flanders.* 

While  in  England,  the  cardinal  viewed  with  interest 
the  works  carried  on  by  his  successor  in  Westminster 
Abbey,  and  encouraged  him  to  proceed  by  promising 
him  pecuniary  support.  He  also  visited  the  convent  at 
Canterbury,  and  with  his  usual  munificence  presented 
each  monk  with  a  piece  of  gold  ;  which  was  afterwards 
misrepresented  in  the  light  of  purchasing  their  votes  in 
the  event  of  the  see  of  Canterbury  becommg  again 
vacant. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  following  year,  he  re 
turned  to  Avignon.  Here,  having  explained  away, 
with  a  craven  spirit,  the  mark  of  respect  shown  to  the 
King  of  England,f  he  was  advanced  by  Gregory  XI.  to 
the  title  of  Cardinal  Bishop  of  Prseneste.  After  his  visit, 
however,  to  England  he  lost  his  influence  at  the  papal 
court. 

In  13T4,  on  the  death  of  Archbishop  Whittlesey,  the 
Chapter  of  Canterbury,  without  consulting  the  king,  and 
not  forgetful,  it  is  said,  of  the  Cardinal's  gold,  made  a 
postulation  for  Langham  to  be  his  successor. J  But  the 
king,  at  that  time  entirely  under  the  influence  of  the 
Duke  of  Lancaster,  had  determined  to  reward  Simon 
Sudbury,  Bishop  of  London,  for  services  he  had  rendered 
to  the  Duke  of  Lancaster's  party  ;  and  the  convent  of 
Canterbury  were  threatened  with  the  penalties  of  a  pra3- 
munire.  The  pope's  inclinations  coincided  with  those  of 
the  king,  for,  in  serving  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  Sudbury 
had  also  served  the  papacy ;  and  the  postulation  was 
refused,  on  the  ground  that  Langham  was  an  able  man  of 
business,  and  could  not  be  spared  from  Avignon. 

*  Foedera,  iii.  953.  f  Ang-  Silc-  *•  794.  J  Ibid. 


218  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP.         But  Langham's  heart  was  still  in  England ;  and  when 

X"TTT 

rr— -  the  plague  returned  here  in  1374,  he  obtained  two  bulls 

LifnghTm.  fr°m  tne  pope,  granting  full  pardon  to  all  who  died  in 
1366-68.  penitence,  and  were  unable,  from  the  absence  of  the 
clergy,  to  receive  sacerdotal  absolution.  Although  we 
do  not  see  any  peculiar  advantage  to  be  derived  from 
such  a  proceeding,  it  was  the  means,  no  doubt,  of  afford 
ing  much  peace  to  troubled  consciences,  in  the  absence  of 
all  spiritual  consolation  through  the  dearth  or  the  neglect 
of  the  clergy. 

Langham  was  also  in  frequent  correspondence  with  the 
Abbot  of  Westminster.  From  letters  preserved  in  the 
archives  of  the  abbey,  we  learn  that  Langham  had  deter 
mined  to  establish  certain  chantries  at  Westminster  and  at 
Kilburn,  and  he  also  had  set  his  heart  on  rebuilding  the 
west  end  of  the  abbey.  For  the  accomplishment  of  the 
first  object,  he  gave  a  thousand  marks  to  purchase  an 
estate  productive  of  forty  marks  a  year.  He  was  urgent 
to  have  the  works  of  the  abbey  carried  on  without 
loss  of  time,  and  contributed  six  hundred  marks  to 
the  subscription  which  the  monks  were  raising  for  that 
purpose. 

The  pope,  towards  the  close  of  Langhani's  life,  was  ex 
pected  to  leave  Avignon  for  Eome,  much  to  the  dismay  of 
the  English  cardinal.  He  could  not  bear  the  thought  of 
being  removed  so  far  from  England,  and  from  the  works 
which,  with  his  advice  and  chiefly  at  his  expense,  the  abbot 
was  carrying  on  in  Westminster  Abbey.  He  had  long  since 
ceased  to  have  influence  in  the  papal  councils  of  Avignon. 
What  was  he,  an  aged  man,  to  do  in  a  country  so  strange 
to  him  as  Italy  ?  He  wrote  letters  to  the  king  entreating 
his  permission  to  settle  in  England.  The  Duke  of  Lan 
caster  was  now  the  ruler  of  England,  the  king  was  in  his 
premature  dotage,  and  Langham  did  not  receive  the  imme 
diate  answer  he  expected  from  his  dear  old  master.  He 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  219 

was  not  likely,  however,  to  meet  with  opposition  from  the     CHAP. 
papal  court.     They  no  longer  wanted  a  man  of  business   — ^__ 
there,  whose  eye  was    ever  cast  towards   the  shores  of  Langham 
England, — alas  !  not  now  an  object  of  fear.    The  councils    1366~68- 
of  the  English  cardinal  were  received  with  suspicion,  in  a 
college  of  cardinals  composed  almost  entirely  of  French 
men. 

At  length,  the  royal  consent  was  signified  to  him  by 
letters.  He  hastened  to  the  pope,  and  obtained  his  per 
mission  to  retire.  He  wrote  to  the  Abbot  of  Westminster 
to  provide  him  with  lodgings  within  the  precincts  of  the 
abbey,  promising  the  assistance  of  his  advice  as  well  as 
of  his  purse  for  the  completion  of  the  works  in  progress. 
He  conferred  with  French  architects,  and  enlisted  in  his 
service  skilled  artisans.  In  making  his  preparations  for 
his  departure,  the  old  man  felt  young  again.  One  fine 
day  in  June,  he  was  conversing  on  the  subject.  He  was 
in  high  spirits  and  apparently  in  good  health.  He 
was  rejoicing  in  having  now  almost  accomplished  what 
had  for  many  years  been  the  object  of  his  life,  when  he 
was  struck  down  by  a  paralytic  stroke.  Physicians  were 
sent  for,  but  medical  aid  proved  to  be  useless.  The 
attack  was  a  fatal  one.  He  lingered  for  a  couple  of 
days,  and  on  the  22nd  of  July,  1376,  Simon  Langham 
breathed  his  last. 

His  will  was  opened,  and  his  wish  there  expressed  was, 
that,  if  he  died  at  Avignon,  he  should  be  buried  in  a 
church  of  the  Carthusians,  which  had  been  lately  built, 
and  towards  the  erection  of  which,  he  had  contributed 
with  his  usual  munificence.  To  a  vault  in  the  church  of 
the  Carthusians  his  body  was  therefore  consigned. 

A  copy  of  his  will  is  to  be  found  in  the  appendix  to 
Widrnore ;  in  it  we  may  say,  that  lie  left  Westminster 
Abbey  his  residuary  legatee.  We  have  already  mentioned, 
that  his  benefactions  to  the  abbe}r,  including  the  debts  of 


220  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  his  predecessors,  which  he  discharged,  amounted  to  ton 
thousand  eight  hundred  pounds,  recorded  in  the  two 
following  verses :- 

1366-68. 

Ees,  ^Es  de  Langham  tua  Simon  sunt  data  quondam 
Octingentena  librarum  millia  dena. 

Three  years  elapsed,  and  the  grateful  monks  of  West 
minster  had  by  that  time  prepared  a  tomb  in  St.  Benet  s 
Chapel,  whither  the  body  of  their  benefactor  was  brought 
and  re-interred  with  all  due  solemnity. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  221 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

WILLIAM  WHITTLESEY.* 

Obscurity  of  early  life. — Educated  at  Cambridge. — Master  of  Peter- 
house.— Nephew  of  Archbishop  Islip. — Studied  canon  law  at  Avig 
non. — Judge  of  the  Court  of  Arches. — Archdeacon  of  Huntingdon. — 
Bishop  of  Rochester. — Translated  to  Worcester. — Translated  to  Can 
terbury. — Recurrence  of  the  plague. — Enthronization  conducted  pri 
vately. — Maintains  Edward's  right  to  call  himself  King  of  France. — 
Whittlesey  a  confirmed  invalid. — Unable  to  attend  parliament. — 
Sent  his  proxy. — Only  officiated  once  at  a  consecration. — Depressed 
condition  of  the  country. — Return  of  the  plague. — Party  feeling. — 
Clergy  first  regarded  as  professional  men. — Attempt  to  form  a  lay 
government. — Clergy  required  to  arm  themselves. — Offences  against 
Statute  of  Mortmain. — Clergy  taxed  by  parliament. — Whittlesey 
attends  convocation. —  Preaches.  —  Breaks  down. — His  illness. — 
Anti-papal  spirit  among  the  clergy. — Embassy  to  the  pope. — Its 
failure. — A  congress  proposed. — Oxford  empowered  to  elect  its 
Chancellor. — Otford. — Its  medicinal  waters. — Whittlesey  at  Lam 
beth. — His  will. — His  death. 


OF   the    personal    history  of   William  Whittlesey  little  CHAP. 

is  known.     He  is  supposed  to    have  been  a  native  of  > — 

Whittlesey,  a  town  situated  near  the  great  mere  of  the  whitdc- 
same   name   in   the   county   of   Cambridge  ;  f   and   his 

*  Authorities  : — Walsingham,  Birchington,  Continuatio  Hist  or  183  de 
Episcopis  Wigorniensibus.  Capgrave. 

f  Fuller,  Worthies,  ii.  99,  places  Whittlesey  in  Huntingdonshire, 
and,  in  his  quaint  way,  says : — "  No  reputed  author  mentioning  the 
place  of  his  birth  and  breeding,  he  was  placed  by  us  in  this  county, 
finding  Whittlesey  a  town  therein,  so  memorable  for  the  mere,  and 


1368-7-i. 


222  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  education  at  the  university  of  Cambridge  may  be  regarded 
-  as  confirmatory  of  the  tradition.  He  became  a  member 
whittle-  of  Peterhouse,  in  which  house  the  collegiate  system  in- 
1368-74  stituted  at  Oxford  a  few  years  before  by  Walter  de 
Merton,  was  introduced  into  Cambridge  through  the  muni 
ficence  and  wisdom  of  Hugh  de  Belsham,  Bishop  of  Ely. 
From  Cambridge,  according  to  a  custom,  still  observed, 
of  attending  lectures  at  more  than  one  university,  he; 
went,  as  we  are  informed  by  Wood,  to  Oxford.  But  he 
returned  to  Cambridge  in  the  year  1349,  when  he  became 
Master,  "  Gustos,"  of  his  college — the  third  in  succession 
from  the  founder.  It  was  a  time  of  much  activity  in 
Cambridge,  but  Whittlesey  is  not  mentioned  as  having 
taken  an  active  part  in  the  proceedings  of  the  University. 
William  Whittlesey  was  the  nephew  of  Archbishop 
Islip,  who  made  himself  responsible  for  his  education.* 
By  the  advice  of  the  archbishop,  he  devoted  himself  to 
the  study  of  the  canon  law  ;  and,  to  complete  his  legal 
education,  he  became  a  student  in  the  papal  courts  at 
Avignon.  While  there,  the  archbishop  appointed  him 
proctor  of  the  see  of  Canterbury ;  and  this  appointment  was 
the  means  of  bringing  him  a  considerable  business,  when 
the  student  became  a  practitioner.  He  was  recalled,  by 
his  paternal  friend,  to  England,  when  a  vacancy  occurred 
in  the  Court  of  Arches.  Of  this  court  the  nephew  of  the 
archbishop  was  constituted  the  judge.  If  he  retained  this 
office  when  he  was  appointed  Master  of  Peterhouse,  he  had 
the  means  of  defraying  his  travelling  expenses,  for  he  was 
rector  both  of  Croydon  and  of  Cliff.  He  was  collated  to 
the  archdeaconry  of  Huntingdon  in  the  year  1337.f 

presuming  that  this  William  did  follow  suit  with  the  best  coat  in  that 
age,  surnamed  from  the  place  of  their  nativity." 

*  Simon  Islip,  Archiepiscopi  Consanguineus.  Ang.  Sac.  i.  535. 
Green  says  he  was  his  sister's  son. 

f  The  entry  in  Hardy's  Le  Neve  stands  thus  :   "  William  Whittlesoy 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY. 

While  he  was  Archdeacon  of  Huntingdon,  he  sat  in  judg-     CHAP. 

ment  in  the  celebrated  case  of  Thomas  de  Lisle,  Bishop  of  « 

Ely,  on  which  case  some  remarks  have  been  made  in  the    \vhittT- 


life  of  Simon  Lnnnrn  *  sey- 

***•  1368-74. 

It  tells  well  for  Archbishop  Islip,  that  he  provided  for 
his  kinsfolks,  and  despised  the  absurd  cry  against  nepotism. 
A  man  should  die  rather  than  appoint  an  unfit  man,  to  a 
public  office  ;  but  when,  among  many  men  sufficiently 
qualified,  there  is  one  who  is  his  kinsman,  then,  by  the 
very  fact  that  God,  in  His  providence,  has  brought  that 
man  near  to  him,  he  is  bound  to  select  him  as  the  special 
object  of  his  favour.  The  archbishop  was,  at  this  time,  in 
bad  health.  He  sought  for  and  found  affectionate  assist 
ance  in  his  nephew  ;  and  William  Whittlesey,  grateful  for 
the  education  bestowed  upon  him  by  his  uncle,  found 
pleasure  in  proving  his  gratitude,  by  attending  to  the 
interests  and  the  wishes  of  his  aged  kinsman. 

In  the  year  1360,  the  see  of  Bochester  became  vacant 
by  the  death  of  Bishop  Sheppey.f  In  the  infirm  state  of 
the  archbishop's  health,  it  would  be  a  great  comfort  to 
him  —  and  when  discussing  the  subject  of  a  successor  to 
Sheppey,  it  could  not  fail  to  appear  to  both  uncle  and 
nephew  that  it  would  be  advantageous  to  all  parties  —  for 
the  bishopric  to  be  held  by  William  Whittlesey.  He  had 
invariably  conducted  himself  with  more  than  respect- 

was  admitted  on  Tuesday,  the  feast  of  St.  John  (June  24,  1337),  to 
the  archdeaconry  of  Huntingdon  (Coll.  Kennett),  on  the  death  of  It. 
Brenchell."  If  so,  he  was  again  appointed  20th  June,  1343.  Pat.  17. 
Edward  III.  p.  1,  in.  15. 

*  Hist.   Eliensis. 

f  John  Sheppey  had  been  a  lawyer  of  some  eminence.  He  was 
Lord  Chancellor  in  135G-8;  Lord  Treasurer  in  1358.  He  was  Prior 
of  Rochester  before  he  was  a  bishop.  He  was  consecrated  at  St.  Mary's, 
Soutlnvark,  to  the  see  of  Rochester,  on  the  10th  of  March,  1353.  He 
died  at  La  Place,  Lambeth,  on  the  19th  of  October,  1360.  Fuller's 
Worthies.  Stubbs,  53. 


224  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     ability,  in  the  various  offices  for  which   he   had  been 

^.JL^J^  selected  by  his  uncle's  discernment   or   affection.     The 

wwttT    Bishop  of  Eochester,  moreover,  was  a  kind  of  vicar  to  the 

1368-74    Primate9  wno'    a^ter   tne  conquest,  occupied  a  situation 

similar  to  that  which,  before  the  conquest,  had  been  filled 

by  the  suffragans  of  St.  Martin's.     When  the  metropolitan 

was  abroad,  or  engaged  in  provincial  visitations,  the  chief 

management  of  the  diocese  of  Canterbury  devolved  upon 

the  Bishop  of  Eochester.      It  was  on  all  accounts  impor- 

•  tant  that  a  good  understanding  should  exist  between  the 

Bishop  of  Eochester  and  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 

and  so  it  was  arranged  that  the  bishopric  of  Eochester 

should  be  obtained  for  Whittlesey. 

Since  the  days  of  King  John,  the  primate  had  not 
retained  the  absolute  power  he,  at  one  time,  possessed,  .of 
nominating  to  the  vacant  see.  But  he  still  exercised  the 
same  kind  of  control  which  was,  in  other  dioceses,  exer 
cised  by  the  king.  The  conge  d'elire  was  issued  in  the 
name  of  the  primate ;  and  he  invested  the  bishop  elect 
with  the  temporals.  If  he  withheld  the  temporalities,  the 
chapter  would  find  it  difficult  to  secure  the  services  of  a 
well  qualified  person  for  the  bishopric.  The  endowments 
both  of  the  bishopric  and  of  the  chapter  were  compara 
tively  small ;  and  to  avoid  litigation  was  an  object. 
Therefore  the  influence  of  the  archbishop  was  still  so 
great,  as  to  be  tantamount  to  a  nomination.  But  the 
monks  were  sufficiently  awake  to  their  own  interests  ;  and 
I  suspect  that  they  made  a  bargain  with  the  aged  primate 
on  this  occasion.  Certain  it  is,  that  we  find  a  certain 
suspicious  Carta  Simonis  Islip,  Cant  Archiepisc.  qua  restituit 
ecclesiam  de  Boxley  Monachis  Eoffensibus — a  restitution 
made  soon  after  the  consecration  of  Whittlesey.*  Certain 
it  also  is,  that  the  nominee  of  the  primate  was  duly  elected, 

*  Registrum  Roffense,  181. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  225 

His  election  was  confirmed  at  Avignon,  jure  provisionis,     CHAP. 
on  the  31st  of  July.  1361.     Everything  was  conformable  • r-1— 

,      .  „  ,        .  Al  WiUiara 

to  the  late  regulations  of  royalty  in  regard  to  the  other    whittie- 
dioceses.     The  primate  nominated,  the  chapter  elected  his    136^.'74< 
nominee,  and  that  nominee  was  confirmed  by  the  Pope  ; 
each  party  adopting  a  formulary,  which  had  become  little 
more  than  a  form. 

William  Whittlesey  received  the  temporals  from  his 
uncle,  on  the  25th  of  December,  1361,  at  Otford,  and  pre 
parations  were  immediately  made  for  the  consecration. 
The  archbishop  desired  to  officiate  himself ;  and  his  age 
and  infirmities  rendered  it  necessary  for  him  to  have  the 
consecration  performed  privately,  in  his  chapel  at  Otford. 
Here  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  laying  hands  on  his 
nephew,  on  the  6th  day  of  February,  136 2.*  But  the  extra 
ordinary  thing  is,  that  he  was  not  assisted  by  a  single 
diocesan  bishop.  Islip  was  not  popular  with  his  suffra 
gans  ;  but  the  favour  of  assisting  at  the  consecration  was 
to  be  sought  at  their  hands  by  the  prelate  who  was  to 
be  consecrated.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  cause,  if 
what  is  said  of  Islip  be  true,  he  would  not  be  sorry  to 
plead  his  infirmities  as  an  excuse  for  not  incurring  the 
expense  of  entertaining  diocesan  prelates,  with  their 
princely  retinues,  even  if  he  had  accommodation  for  them 
at  Otford.  His  coadjutors  at  the  consecration  were 
Eichard,  Archbishop  of  Nazareth  ,f  then  acting  as  a  suffra 
gan  of  Canterbury,  and  Thomas  Bishop  of  Lamberg, 
acting  as  suffragan  to  the  Bishop  of  London.  J 

*  Ang.  Sac.  i.  378. 

f  Richard,  Archbishop  of  Nazareth,  was  elected  October  10,  1348, 
and  was  consecrated  at,  Avignon,  by  Bertrand,  Bishop  of  Sabina,  shortly 
before  the  issue  of  the  Bull  of  Provision,  8th  Dec.  He  was  suffragan 
for  Canterbury,  1349  ;  for  Worcester,  1350  ;  for  London,  1361  ;  for 
Ely  in  the  same  year.  He  died  in  1366.  Stubbs,  143. 

J  John  Lambergensis  Mr.  Stubbs  regards  as  the  person  sometimes 
called  John  Langebrugge,  "  Buduensis."  But  Thomas  seems  to  have 

VOL.  IV.  Q 


226  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.  The  uncle  and  nephew  worked  well  and  happily  toge 
ther  till  1364.  The  infirmities  of  Islip  increased.  The 
income  of  the  see  of  Kochester  was  small.  The  arch 
bishop  wished  to  bequeath  all  his  savings  to  the  col 
lege  he  had  founded  at  Oxford  ;  and  therefore,  when,  by 
the  translation  of  John  Barnet*  to  the  see  of  Bath  in  1363, 
a  vacancy  occurred  at  Worcester,  Archbishop  Islip  deter 
mined  to  use  his  influence  with  the  king  to  obtain  the 
bishopric  of  Worcester  for  the  Bishop  of  Eochester.  It 
would  not  be  necessary  for  the  Bishop  of  Worcester  to 
reside.  Although  La  Place,  the  residence  of  the  Bishops  of 
Eochester  in  Lambeth,  was  nearer  to  the  archbishops 
manorhouse  (now  called  the  Palace)  ;  yet  the  inn  in  Lor  - 
don  of  the  Bishop  of  Worcester  was  near  St.  Mary-le- 
Strand  ;f  and  so,  without  much  difficulty  or  loss  of  time, 
the  nephew  might  row  up  the  river  whenever  the  primat3 
might  require  his  advice  or  assistance. 

The  king's  permission,  therefore,  being  obtained,  tho 
chapter  of  Worcester  postulated  the  Bishop  of  Eochester  ; 
and,  on  the  6th  of  April,  1364,  the  translation  of  William 

9 

been  a  different  person.  John  was  appointed  suffragan  of  Wells.  In 
consequence  of  the  number  of  unauthorised  bishops  who  were  acting  a.' 
suffragans,  his  commission  was  renewed  in  1362.  Stubbs,  144. 

*  John  Barnet,  though  not  distinguished  as  a  lawyer  or  a  statesman 
held  the  office  of  High  Treasurer  of  England  in  1362.  He  was  Eector 
of  Dereham  in  1351,  Canon  of  St.  Paul's  in  1354,  and  in  the  April  of 
the  same  year  he  was  installed  a  prebendary  of  Lichfield.  He  was 
Archdeacon  of  Bath,  of  London  1359,  and  of  Canterbury  1361.  He 
was  consecrated  to  the  see  of  Worcester  on  the  20th  of  March,  1362; 
was  translated  to  Bath  in  1363;  to  Ely  in  1366.  At  Ely  he  had 
established  an  interest,  having  been  chaplain  to  Bishop  De  Lisle.  He 
died  at  Bishop's  Hatfield,  June  7, 1373,  and  was  buried  at  Ely.  Fuller. 
Bentham's  Ely.  Green's  Worcester.  Stubbs'  Registrum. 

•f  Pennant,  149.  A  void  piece  of  ground  in  front  of  this  inn  was 
leased  by  one  of  Whittlesey's  successors,  for  building  purposes,  for  the 
yearly  payment  of  one  pound  of  pepper  and  a  supply  of  garden  stuff  to 
the  Bishop's  family  when  resident  in  London. 


AKCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  227 

Whittlesey  was  effected.      He  does  not  appear  to  have     CHAP. 
resided  at  his  new  see.    'But  when  he  was  enthroned  he  ^_SZi 
found  the  prior  and  convent  in  a  state  of  great  exultation.    wSie 
The  prior  had  just  obtained  from  Urban  V.  the  confirrna-    13g^;74 
tion  of  a  bull  of  Clement  VI.,  by  which  the  use  of  the 
mitre  and  pastoral  staff  was  conceded  to  him  and  his  suc 
cessors  for  ever. 

Two  years  afterwards,  the  Bishop  of  Worcester 
mourned  the  death  of  his  benefactor  and  patron,  who 
departed  this  life  on  the  26th  of  April,  1366. 

All  that  can  be  said  of  Whittlesey  is,  that  he  was  a 
man  of  commanding  presence,  eloquent,  and  discreet.  It 
so  happened,  that,  a  man  of  discretion,  and  one  who  had 
not  been  mixed  up  in  politics,  with  no  ambition  to  become 
a  statesman,  was  required  to  fill  the  metropolitan  throne 
of  Canterbury,  on  the  resignation  of  Langham.  Whit 
tlesey  was  such  a  man ;  and,  as  such,  he  was  recom 
mended  for  the  primacy  to  Edward  III.  To  the  will  of 
the  king,  when  he  required  the  chapter  of  Canterbury  to 
postulate  the  Bishop  of  Worcester,  the  monks  of  Christ- 
church  yielded.  Ihe  pope,  under  the  circumstances  of 
the  country,  even  if  he  had  possessed  the  inclination, 
would  not  have  ventured  to  disregard  the  royal  man 
date;  and  by  a  bull,  dated  the  llth  of  October,  1368, 
Whittlesey  found  himself  primate  of  All  England  and 
metropolitan.  It  must  have  been  to  his  own  surprise,  if 
of  modesty  he  possessed  a  single  spark. 

It  was  under  mournful  circumstances,  however,  that  he 
prepared  for  his  enthronization.  For  the  third  time,  the 
plague  had  made  its  appearance  in  the  land.  Whether 
Whittlesey  partook  of  the  economy  or  penuriousness  of 
his  uncle  is  not  known,  but,  of  course  under  the  circum 
stances  the  religious  ceremonials  of  the  enthronization 
could  only  be  observed  ;  and,  to  the  disappointment  of 
the  citizens  of  Canterbury,  the  feast  was  omitted. 

Q  2 


228  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.         In  the  parliament,  which  assembled  in  the  May  of  1369, 

• — ^—  the  primate  had  to  bear  a  part,  though  not  a  very  conspi- 

whiX    cuous  one.     After  the  treaty  of  Bretigny,  King  Edward 

1368-74    ha(l  renounced  the  title  of  King   of  France.     But  that 

treaty  had  now  been  grossly  violated  by  the  French  king. 

The  question,  therefore,  was  put  to  the  archbishop  and 

other  prelates  of  the  Church  of  England,  in  the  king's 

name,  by  William  of  Wykeham,  the  chancellor,  whether 

King  Edward  might  not,  notwithstanding  his  stipulation 

to  the  contrary,  resume,  under  the  circumstances,  the  title 

of  King  of  France. 

The  archbishop  and  prelates  took  two  days  to  delibe 
rate  on  this  case  of  conscience.  When,  on  the  third  day, 
the  parliament  had  reassembled,  the  archbishop  in  the 
name  of  his  brethren  delivered  their  judgment.  They 
were  unanimous  in  their  decision  that,  by  the  infraction 
of  the  treaty  on  the  part  of  the  French,  the  king  was  ab 
solved  from  an  oath,  which  was  only  binding  so  long  as  the 
opposite  party  abided  by  the  terms  of  the  treaty  to  which 
they  had  been  jointly  sworn ;  and  that  Edward  might,  with 
good  conscience,  resume  and  use  the  titlf  of  King  of  France. 

In  this  sentence,  the  dukes,  earls,  barons,  and  commons, 
with  equal  unanimity,  concurred.  The  king  immediately 
gave  orders,  that  a  new  seal  should  be  made :  and  from  that 
time,  till  the  reign  of  George  III.,  the  Kings  of  England 
continued  to  have  their  arms  quartered  with  those  of  France. 

Soon  after  his  appointment  to  the  see  of  Canterbury, 
Whittlesey  became  a  confirmed  invalid.  In  1371  he 
excused  himself,  on  this  ground,  from  attending  parlia 
ment,  and  sent  his  proxy  to  the  Bishops  of  London, 
Worcester,  and  St.  David's.*  There  were  eight  bishops 
consecrated  during  his  primacy,  and  he  was  only  able  to 
officiate  once.  On  that  single  occasion,  when  he  con- 

*  Reg.  Whittlesey,  fol.  40.     This  is,  perhaps,  the  earliest  form  of 
a  proxy  that  we  possess.     It  is  printed  in  Wilkins,  iii.  89. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  229 

secrated  Thomas  Arundel  to   the    see   of  Ely,   he  was     CHAP. 

XIV 

obliged  to  officiate  privately,  in  the  chapel  in  which  he  - 
himself  had  been  consecrated,  that  of  the  archiepiscopal    mittie- 
manorhouse  at  Otford.*  1368-74 

In  short,  Whittlesey  was  neither  physically  nor  intellec 
tually  adequate  to  the  exigencies  of  his  position  or  the 
requirements  of  the  time.  Never  did  the  Church  stand 
more  in  need  of  a  sound  judgment  and  a  vigorous  mind. 
The  national  spirit,  a  little  while  before,  exuberant  with 
enthusiasm  and  hope,  was  now  depressed ;  and  for  that 
depression  there  was  ample  cause.  The  plague,  having 
appeared  for  a  third  time,  might,  it  was  feared,  visit  the 
country  periodically.  The  pestilence,  hominum  et  grosso- 
rum  animalium,  had  been  accompanied  with  a  great  inun 
dation  ;  and  a  scarcity  was  the  consequence,  f  The  glory 
of  Edward's  reign  was  setting.  Through  his  reckless  ex 
travagance,  in  spite  of  all  remonstrances,  the  country  was 
reduced  almost  to  a  state  of  bankruptcy.  The  storms  were 
gathering  around  his  throne  which  overwhelmed  his  suc 
cessor.  There  were  reverses  abroad.  Spain,  as  well  as 
France,  was  in  arn^s  against  this  country.  Aquitaine  was 
disaffected.  At  the  same  time,  a  strong  feeling  was  rising 
in  the  country  against  the  clergy,  and  it  was  fostered  by 
men  in  power. 

The  government  was  weak,  through  the  increasing  in 
capacity  of  the  king.  The  powers  of  the  royal  mind  had 
been  prematurely  excited,  and  the  king  in  consequence 
had  become  prematurely  old.  He  seems  to  have  gradually 
sunk  into  an  imbecility,  the  extent  of  which  was  concealed 
from  the  public.  He  was  not  hors  de  combat,  but  his  mind 
was  easily  swayed  by  any  persons,  who  were  brought  into 

*  Four  of  the  consecrations  took  place  at  Avignon  ;  but  still,  the  fact 
that  Whittlesey  only  once  exercised  the  highest  function  of  his  office, 
and  that  in  private,  confirms  the  report  of  his  long  invalidism.  For 
two  out  of  the  six  years  of  his  primacy  he  was  confined  to  his  house. 

f  Adam  de  Murimuth  Cont.  205.     Walsingham,  186. 


230  LIVES   OP   THE 

contact  with  him.  The  Duke  of  Lancaster  (John  of  Gaunt), 
calling  himself,  in  right  of  his  wife,  King  of  Castile,  endea 
voured  first  to  bend  William  of  Wykeharn,  Bishop  of  Win 
chester,  to  his  own  purposes ;  and  failing  in  that,  his  ob 
ject  was  to  drive  him  from  the  palace,  that  the  king 
might  be  entirely  under  the  control  of  his  mistress,  Alice 
Ferrers — a  lady  of  great  beauty  and  many  accomplishments, 
but  evidently,  foreseeing  the  precariousness  of  her  position, 
bent  upon  realising  a  fortune.  With  her  John  of  Gaunt  en 
tered  into  a  close  alliance,  and,  for  the  first  time,  formed  a 
political  party  in  the  country,  which  sought  its  object  not 
by  force  of  arms,  alone  or  chiefly,  but  through  parliament. 

The  Prince  of  Wales  was  abroad.  Euniours  reached 
the  country  that  his  health  was  failing.  Suspicions  were 
beginning  to  be  entertained  that  John  of  Gaunt  was  plan 
ning  to  secure  the  succession  to  the  Crown  for  himself,  if 
anything  should  happen  to  his  brother. 

The  party  he  formed,  though  afterwards  unpopular, 
was  at  first  powerful.  In  the  House  of  Commons  the  mid 
dle  class  was  represented,  and  many  came  to  London  with 
their  minds  inflamed  against  that  portion  of  the  inferior 
clergy,  who  were  too  often  acting  as  pettifogging  attorneys 
in  the  provinces.  In  the  House  of  Lords  there  were  many 
now  aspiring  to  public  situations,  who  did  not  wish  to 
qualify  themselves  for  office  by  submitting  to  the  re 
straints  which  would  be  imposed  upon  them  by  taking 
holy  orders.  If  the  high  offices  of  State  might  be  held  by 
clergymen,  why  not  by  soldiers,  when  soldiers  no  longer 
treated  learning  with  contempt? 

As  the  object  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster's  political  dis 
like  was  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  he  sought  to  strengthen 
his  party  by  enlisting  into  his  service  everyone  who  was 
opposed  to  the  clergy,  high  or  low. 

Hitherto  the  clergy  had  only  been  a  part  of  the  people. 
They,  like  others,  might  fight  as  soldiers,  advise  as  physi- 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  231 

cians,  labour  as  farmers,  discuss  as  lawyers,  give  judgment     CHAP. 
as  judges,  serve  the  country  as  diplomatists,  and  the  king  . — -^ 
as  statesmen.     They  had  not  formed  a  distinct  profession.    whita 
But  now,  when  learning  was  no  longer  despised,  and  con-    13gg^74 
sequently  was  not  a  monopoly  of  the  clergy,  men  were 
beginning  to  feel  that  the  law  might  be  made  a  distinct 
profession, — so   might   diplomacy,   so  might   statesman 
ship  ; — the  military  profession  was  already  established. 
If  this  were  the  case,  then  the  clergy  formed  a  profession: 
if  theirs  was  a  profession,  let  them  adhere  to  it,  perform 
the  duties  of  it,  and  not  encroach  upon  the  duties  of  other 
professions. 

Many  years  were  to  elapse  before  this  conversion  of 
the  clergy  into  mere  professional  men — instead  of  being, 
as  heretofore,  subjects  ready  for  the  performance  of  any 
duty  anywhere,  for  which  learning  was  required, — would 
be  an  admitted  fact ;  but  the  tendency  was  in  that  direc 
tion,  at  this  time.  It  was  now  that  the  clergy  were  first 
attacked  as  a  body ;  it  was  now  first  that  they  began  to 
show  a  party,  a  professional  spirit — an  "  esprit  de  corps." 

The  Black  Prince,  when  he  returned  to  England,  be 
came  alarmed  at  the  ambitious  inclinations  discernible  in 
his  brother.  He  naturally  took  the  side  opposite  to  the 
duke ;  and,  as  Lancaster  endeavoured  to  sway  the  king's 
mind  through  Alice  Ferrers,  the  prince  called  to  his 
councils  his  father's  old  friend  and  adviser,  William  of 
Wykeharn.* 

The  ill-health  of  the  prince  prevented  him  from  coming 
prominently  forward.  Hence  the  two  parties  now  formed 
were  headed,  really  if  not  ostensibly,  by  the  Duke  of 
Lancaster  on  the  one  side,  and  the  Bishop  of  Winchester 

*  "  Ther  was  a  priest  about  the  Kyng  of  England  called  Sir  Willyain 
TVycam,  who  was  so  great  the  Kynge,  that  all  thyng  was  done  by  hym, 
and  without  hyni  nothinge  done."  Lord  Berners'  Froissart  Chron. 
ccxliv.  1,  364. 


232  LIVES   OF   THE 


CHAP,     on  the  other.     The  bishop's  chief  ally  and  supporter  was 
XIV'  -  a  man  of  the  highest  rank  and  family  —  a  man  well  quali- 


to  resist  a  Flantagenet  —  William  Courtenay,  Bishop  of 
10sey-  .     Hereford,  of  whom  we  shall  have  hereafter  much  to  say. 

1368—74. 

The  plans  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  were  wisely  laid. 
He  had  the  sagacity  to  see  that  the  House  of  Commons 
might  be  made  the  arena  for  party  warfare.  In  forming 
the  parliament  of  1371,  the  friends  of  the  Duke  of  Lan 
caster  and  of  Alice  Ferrers  were  very  successful.  Through 
the  sheriffs,  by  whom  a  return  to  parliament  might  be 
much  influenced,  and  to  whom  Alice  Ferrers  wrote  in 
the  king's  name,  a  parliament  favourable  to  the  Duke  of 
Lancaster  was  returned;  and  a  direct  attack  upon  the 
Bishop  of  Winchester  was  made,  through  a  petition  to 
the  king,  complaining  that  the  government  for  a  long  time 
had  been  managed  by  "  men  of  Holy  Church,  —  gentz  de 
seinte  Esglise,  —  whereby  many  mischiefs  and  damages 
had  happened  in  time  heretofore,  to  the  dishonour  of  the 
crown,  —  en  desheritesoun  de  la  coroune,  —  and  the  great 
prejudice  of  the  said  realm:  that  it  would  therefore 
please  the  king  that  laymen  —  lays  gentz  —  of  the  said 
realm,  of  sufficient  abilities,  and  none  others,  ought,  for 
the  future,  be  made  chancellor,  treasurer,  clerk  of  the 
privy  seal,  barons  of  the  exchequer,  controller,  or  other 
great  officers  or  governors  of  the  kingdom  ;  and  that  this 
matter  might  be  so  established  that  it  should  never  be 
defeated,  or  anything  done  to  the  contrary,  in  time  to  come, 
saving  to  the  king  the  removal  and  choice  of  such 
officers,  yet  so  as  they  should  be  laymen."* 

*  Collier,  iii.  131,  points  out  the  inconsistency  of  the  averments  in 
this  petition  with  the  preamble  of  the  Statute  of  Provisors,  where  it 
is  said  :  —  "  Kings,  in  times  past,  were  wont  to  have  the  greatest  part  of 
their  council  of  prelates  and  clerks,  for  the  safeguard  of  the  realm  ;  and 
that  the  pope,  by  forcing  foreigners  upon  patrons,  impoverished  the 
council-board  and  disappointed  the  government."  But  what  was 
expedient  at  one  time  might  be  inexpedient  at  another.  The  clergy, 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  233 

The  king's   answer  was,  "Le   roi  ordeinera  sur  ceo     CHAP. 
point  sicome  lui  semblera   meltz  par  avis  de  son  bon  » — -^-^ 

.-i  ,,  «,  William 

conseil.  whittle- 

The  party,  through  Alice  Ferrers,  was  nevertheless  13gg^74 
strong  enough  to  prevail  upon  the  king  to  accede  to  the 
desire  of  his  faithful  commons.  Sir  Robert  Thorp  was 
appointed  lord  chancellor,  instead  of  the  Bishop  of  Win 
chester  ;  Lord  Scrope  of  Bolton  became  lord  treasurer,  in 
the  room  of  the  Bishop  of  Exeter.  But  the  movement 
was  premature,  f  For  many  years  to  come,  the  Kings  of 
England  were  obliged  to  call  ecclesiastics  to  the  council, 
to  consult  them  as  lawyers,  to  employ  them  as  diploma 
tists,  and  to  place  them  on  the  judicial  bench.  It  required 
a  considerable  lapse  of  time  to  enable  the  lawyer,  the 
physician,  and  the  diplomatist  to  earn  a  livelihood  from 
their  respective  professions,  independently  of  that  extra 
neous  assistance,  if  we  may  so  call  it,  which  they  had 
hitherto  derived  from  the  emoluments  of  the  Church.  After 
the  present  experiment  had  lasted  for  four  or  five  years, 
the  Duke  of  Lancaster  himself  suggested  the  appointment 
of  a  clerical  chancellor  in  Adam  of  Hough  ton,  Bishop  of 
St.  David's. 

in  the  first  instance,  were  regarded  simply  as  subjects ;  in  the  second 
instance  they  were  treated  as  professional  men. 

*  Rot.  Parl.  ii.  304.  The  times  were  felt  to  be  full  of  peril  to  the 
clergy,  who  had  never  before  been  attacked  as  a  body : — "  Adversariis 
nostris  quasi  ad  januas  insultantibus."  Wilkins,  iii.  79.  "  In  isto 
parliamento,"  says  Walsingham,  "  ad  petitionem  dominorum  in  odium 
ecclesiae  amoti  sunt  episcopi  de  officiis  Cancellar.  et  Thesaurar.  et 
clericus  de  private  Sigillo,"  180  ;  or,  as  Capgrave  expresses  it  : — "  In 
this  yere,  1371,  lordes  asked  that  the  bischoppes  schuld  be  removed 
fro  the  offises  Chancelere,  Tresorer,  and  Privy  Sel,  and  that  temporal 
lordes  shuld  have  the  offises.  And  so  it  was  fulfilled  indede  ;  and  all  this 
was  done  for  hate  of  the  clergie." 

t  From  the  times  of  Thorp  and  Knyvett,  in  1372  and  1373,  the 
chancellors  continued  to  be  ecclesiastics  till  the  promotion  of  Sir 
Thomas  More,  by  Henry  VIII.,  in  1530. 


234  LIVES   OF  THE 

CHAP.  But  now  the  party  was  determined  to  follow  up  the 
^J^_^  victory.  An  attack  was  premeditated  upon  the  purse  of 
WhiS  the  clergy,  to  which  we  shall  have  occasion  presently  to 
,o!oy%,  recur.  But  as  it  took  some  time  to  mature  the  measures 

1368-74.  .  . 

now  designed,  it  was  determined  to  prepare  the  way  by 
an  attack,  as  it  were,  upon  their  persons.  The  ministry 
which  superseded  that  of  William  of  Wykeham  suggested 
the  following  proclamation  to  the  king,  which  was  offen 
sive,  because  it  insinuated  that  the  clergy  were  backward, 
in  what  related  to  the  defence  of  their  country.  It  wa& 
addressed  as  a  circular  to  the  bishops  in  Latin  :— 

As  we  have  now  newly  learned  for  certain  that  our  French 
neighbours  and  others  their  adherents  have  collected  a  great 
fleet  of  ships  with  a  great  multitude  of  fighting  men  and  persons 
in  arms  in  divers  parts  on  the  seacoasts,  and  are  hastening  to 
prepare  themselves  as  quickly  as  possible  for  shortly  invading 
our  realm  of  England,  making  war  on  us,  the  said  realm,  and 
our  people,  and  to  the  utmost  of  their  power  destroying  and 
subverting  our  dominion  and  the  Church  of  England,  we,  wishing 
to  provide  for  the  preservation  and  defence  of  the  church  and 
realm  aforesaid  in  every  way  with  our  whole  power,  as  is 
fitting,  and  calling  to  mind  that  you  and  the  other  prelates  and 
the  whole  clergy  of  the  said  realm,  together  with  our  other 
faithful  servants,  are  held  bound  to  lend  your  helping  hands  to 
resist  our  said  enemies  for  the  security  of  Holy  Church  and  the 
said  realm, firmly  enjoin  and  command  you.  by  the  faith  and  love 
by  which  you  are  held  to  us,  that  in  consideration  of  the  heavy 
losses  and  perils  hanging  over  us  through  the  attacks  of  our 
enemies  aforesaid,  all  abbots,  priors,  religious  and  other  eccle 
siastical  persons  whomsoever  of  your  diocese,  all  excuse  being 
put  aside,  be  armed  and  arrayed  with  competent  weapons,  viz. 
every  person  between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and  sixty,  according 
to  their  condition  and  means,  and  that  you  cause  them  to  be 
set  in  thousands,  hundreds,  and  twenties,  so  that  they  may  be 
ready  and  prepared  for  proceeding  with  our  other  faithful  sub 
jects  against  our  said  enemies  of  our  realm  of  England,  to  make 
war  upon  them  with  the  help  of  Grod,  to  destroy  them,  and  to 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  235 

drive  off  and  crush  their  malice  and  insolence.     And  this,  as     CHAP, 

you  love  us  and  our  honour  and  yours,  and  the  security  of  Holy  ._XIV>  ^ 
Church  and  of  our  realm  aforesaid,  do  you  in  no  wise  omit.     "William 
Witness  myself  at  Westminster,  the  16th  day  of  June,  in  the        sey. 
year  of  our  reign  of  England  46,  of  France  33.*  1368-74. 

The  condition  of  the  Church  and  the  state  of  public 
opinion  weighed  heavily  on  the  mind  of  Whittlesey.  He 
felt  deeply  his  incapacity  to  take  his  proper  place  in  the 
country.  He  consulted  physicians,  and  was  ever  expect 
ing  to  have  a  remedy  prescribed  for  his  disorder,  wThile 
they  found  it  difficult  to  decide  on  the  precise  nature  of 
the  complaint  under  which  he  suffered.  He  lingered  at 
Otford,  where  he  had  early  found  a  home  and,  in  his 
predecessor,  an  affectionate  kinsman. 

Meantime  the  financial  difficulties  of  the  country  were 
increasing.  It  was  necessary  to  have  recourse  to  strong 
measures  to  replenish  the  exhausted  treasury  ;  and  to  the 
credit  of  the  king,  it  must  be  observed  that,  unlike  his 
ancestors,  he  was  anxious  that  the  measures  should  be 
conducted  on  constitutional  principles. 

The  House  of  Commons  determined  to  deal  with  the 
property  of  the  clergy  and  of  the  religious  houses ;  and 
the  clergy  had,  unfortunately  for  their  cause,  placed  them 
selves  in  the  wrong,  and  thus  had  laid  themselves  open  to 
attack.  The  Statutes  of  Mortmain,  which  had  been 
enacted  in  the  reigns  of  Henry  III.  and  Edward  I.,  and  had 
been  renewed  under  Edward  III.,  declared  that  it  should 
not  be  lawful  for  any  person,  religious  or  other,  to  buy, 
sell,  or  receive  under  pretence  of  gift,  any  lands  or  tene 
ments  without  the  king's  licence. f  Yet,  in  spite  of  this 
enactment,  lands  had  been  received,  and  the  Statutes  of 
Mortmain  had  been  transgressed.  The  parliament  was, 

*  Ex.  Eeg.  Whittlesey,  fol.  162. 

|  9  Henry  III.  c.  36.      7  Edw.  I.  c.  2.      18  Edw.  III.  c.  3. 


236  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     therefore,  perfectly  justified  in  deciding,  that  in  the  great 

*-   t>  '-^  tax  voted  in  1371,  all  lands  should  be  included  in  the 

whittle1-    rate  which  had  passed  into  mortmain  since  the  eighteenth 

1368-74    year  °^  Edward  I.     Whether  it  was  equally  justifiable  to 

enforce  payment  from  small  livings  hitherto  exempt  is  not 

quite  so  clear.* 

That  the  parties  concerned,  the  clergy  of  that  age, 
should  feel  indignant  at  the  course  pursued,  and  that  they 
fehould  not  regard  the  proceeding  with  that  impartiality 
with  which  we  are  able  to  view  it,  is  only  what  one 
could  expect.  They  simply  saw  an  aggression,  a  novelty ; 
for  ecclesiastical  property  had  hitherto  been  regarded,  in 
the  eye  of  the  law,  as  sacred.  They  could  not  but  sus 
pect,  and  perhaps  they  were  not  wrong,  that  the  object 
was  to  get  in  the  thin  end  of  the  wedge, — and  what 
would  follow  might  be  easily  surmised.  Then,  again,  the 
clergy  had  really  a  strong  case,  if  we  pass  over  that  in 
fraction  of  the  law  to  which  we  have  referred.  At  this 
period,  a  violation  of  the  law  was  not  unusual,  for  laws 
were  generally  regarded  as  enactments  to  meet  a  present 
difficulty  or  grievance.  When  that  end  was  answered, 
they  were  not  more  binding  than  are  the  present  laws  of 
the  Church  of  England  upon  a  clergy  who,  in  every  rank, 
are  found  to  violate  them  with  impunity,  though  they 
may,  at  any  time,  be  called  to  account.  The  property  of 
the  Church  was  not  subject  to  parliamentary  taxation, 
and  never  became  so  until  the  reign  of  Charles  II.  But 
while  the  parliament  taxed  the  laity,  the  clergy,  taxing 
themselves,  were  the  most  heavily-taxed  portion  of  the 
community.  Not  only  were  they  compelled,  when  the 
king  was  either  despotic  or  weak,  to  contribute  more 
than  their  quota  to  the  expenses  of  the  court,  the  army, 
and  the  country,  but  they  had  also  to  submit  to  various 

*  WaLsingham,  186. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  237 

exactions  on  the  part  of  the  papal  court.     Eepeatedly     CHAP. 
had  they  petitioned  the  government  to  protect  them  from  v  XIV' 
the  pope,  but  scarcely  ever  did  they  obtain  redress,  until    winttie 
the  laity  as  well  as  the  clergy  became  objects  of  papal  ex-    ul^H 
tortion  ;  or  until  the  country,  impoverished  by  the  money 
which  passed  from  this  country  into  the  papal  coffers,  was 
made  practically  to  understand  that  what  affected  one 
portion  of  the  community  could  not  fail,  after  a  time,  to 
have  an  influence  upon  the  whole  body. 

Depressed  and  feeble  as  he  was,  Whittlesey  felt  deeply 
the  state  of  public  affairs,  and  the  treatment  which  the 
clergy  experienced,  at  this  time,  from  the  parliament.  He 
deplored  his  own  impotence;  and  in  1373,  when  another 
subsidy  was  demanded  of  the  clergy,  he  determined  to 
leave  his  sick-room,  and,  at  the  risk  of  his  life,  to  make  a 
public  protest,  if  he  could  do  nothing  more,  against  pro 
ceedings  which,  if  he  could  not  prevent,  he  could  at  least 
condemn.  He  was  a  man  of  acknowledged  eloquence  ; 
and  he  determined  to  open  the  convocation  with  a  ser 
mon  which  would  enable  him  to  address  not  the  clergy 
only,  but  the  people  in  general.  It  did  not  require  much 
skill  to  convert  a  "  concio  ad  clerum"  into  a  general 
declaration,  when  the  congregation  consisted  of  all  classes 
of  the  citizens  of  London. 

The  convocation  met  at  St.  Paul's.  The  great  west 
door  was  thrown  open  to  receive  the  metropolitan,  at 
tended  by  the  diocesan.  The  whole  staff  of  the  cathedral 
presented  themselves,  arrayed  in  their  most  splendid  copes. 
All  were  eager  to  look  upon  the  archbishop,  who  had 
been  so  long  confined  to  his  house  and  his  room.  His 
form  was  bent ;  he  could  hardly  walk,  though  supported 
by  his  chaplains  ;  his  gorgeous  apparel  seemed  to  sit  so 
heavily  upon  him  as  almost  to  extinguish  him.  Yet  there 
was  fire  in  his  eye.  His  face,  usually  so  pale,  was  now 
flushed.  The  excitement  of  his  mind  made  itself  visible 


238  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  in  every  feature  of  his  countenance  and  every  movement 
,_-  of  his  body.  The  Bishop  of  London  attended  the 
whittle^  metropolitan  to  the  stall  which  had  heen  prepared  for 
1368-74  him,  anc^  ^ien  went  to  his  throne.  Instead  of  preaching 
from  his  stall,  the  archbishop,  with  tottering  steps,  ascended 
the  pulpit  that  he  might  be  the  better  heard.*  There  was 
a  solemn  silence,  for  it  seemed  as  if  the  aged  prelate  were 
about  to  utter  his  last  words.  He  took  for  his  text 
John  viii.  32,  "  Ye  shall  all  know  the  truth,  and  the  truth 
shall  make  you  free."  He  preached  in  Latin.  The  deep 
tones  of  his  well-managed  voice  were  heard  through  the 
aisles.  He  proceeded  to  argue,  from  these  words,  that  it 
is  the  duty  of  the  clergy  to  propagate  and  maintain  the 
truth  ;  and  that,  for  their  works'  sake,  they  were  free  from 
ah1  taxation,  except  that  which  was  self-imposed. f  He 
had  scarcely  stated  his  argument  and  the  plan  of  his  ser 
mon,  when  his  voice  sank  into  a  whisper.  His  nerves 
gave  way,  his  strength  failed.  He  sank  into  the  arms  of 
the  chaplain,  who  held  his  cross  ;  and,  through  a  congre 
gation  both  terrified  and  sympathising,  he  was  borne  out 
of  the  church,  was  placed  in  his  barge,  arid  was  rowed  up 
to  Lambeth. 

The  Bishop  of  London,  Simon  Sudbury,  immediately 
waited  upon  the  archbishop,  and  received  the  proper  in 
struments  to  constitute  him  president  of  the  convocation. 
The  proceedings  of  the  convocation,  under  the  direction 
of  Courtenay,  Bishop  of  Hereford,  were  conducted  with 
moderation  and  decorum.  There  was  no  attempt  to  dweU 
upon  the  privileges  of  the  clergy,  theoretically — a  course 
which  the  archbishop,  not  a  very  practical  man,  had  evi 
dently  intended  to  pursue  ;  a  course  which  could  only 
have  the  effect  of  exasperating  enemies,  without  earning 
friends.  Complaint  was  made,  and  in  the  complaint  the 
whole  nation  concurred,  of  the  prodigal  expenditure  of  the 

*  Parker  says,  as  if  to  mark  an  unusual  fact,  suggestum  ascendens. 
f  Parker,  380.     Wilkins,  iii.  97.     Fuller's  Worthies,  ii.  100. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  239 

court  and  the  royal  family.  It  was  stated  that,  while  all  CHAP. 
the  people  were  aggrieved  by  the  heavy  taxation  conse-  . — -^  ' 
quent  thereupon,  the  clergy  had  a  double  burden  to  bear.*  wMtTiT 
They  were  required  to  tax  themselves  to  meet  the  require-  13gg^'74 
ments  of  the  pope  as  well  as  the  demands  of  the  king. 
Eemove  from  our  necks,  it  was  said,  the  papal  burden,  and 
we  shall  not  only  be  able  to  give  more  to  the  king,  but 
we  shall  give  it  with  hearty  goodwill.  When  the  discus 
sion  had  assumed  this  shape,  and  the  members  of  the  con 
vocation  were  sufficiently  prepared,  the  Bishop  of  Hereford 
rose  under  considerable  excitement  from  his  seat,  and  so 
lemnly  declared,  that  neither  he  nor  the  clergy  of  his  diocese 
would  contribute  a  fraction  of  their  property  to  the  king, 
until  the  king  applied  a  remedy  to  the  calamities  which, 
through  the  exactions  of  the  pope,  the  Church  of  England 
had  so  long  endured.  This  was  an  indirect  attack  upon 
the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  who,  in  his  opposition  to  the  clergy 
of  the  Church  of  England,  was  prepared  to  encourage  the 
pope  in  his  exactions  ;  permitting  him,  in  the  treaty  of 
Bruges,  to  demand  of  them  a  contribution  of  100,000 
florins. 

In  this  spirit  negotiations  were  entered  into  with  the 
government,  still  in  the  hands  of  the  Duke  and  of  Alice 
Ferrers. 

To  the  Duke's  party  Sudbury,  the  Bishop  of  London 
now  president  of  the  convocation,  belonged  ;  and  between 
him  and  Courtenay  it  was  at  length  arranged  that  the 
convocation  should  grant  a  tenth,  on  condition  that  the 
government  would  unite  with  the  clergy  in  laying  a 
statement  of  their  grievances  before  the  pope,  and  in 
demanding  immediate  redress. 

*  Parker,  380.  "  Clerus  se  jam  paucis  annis  regiis  sumptibus 
exhaustum  penitus  et  enervatum  conqueritur,  eoque  magis,  quod  non 
minus  a  rege,  quam  a  papa,  singulis  pa?ne  annis  interpellarentur,  cujus 
intolerabile  jugum  si  a  suis  cervicibus  depelli  possit,  sub  venire  se  posse 
commodius  regiis  necessitatibus." 


240  LIVES   OF    THE 

CHAP.  An  embassy  was  sent,  but,  as  might  be  anticipated,  with 
^J^Il^  little  result.  The  Bishop  of  Bangor,  John  Gilbert,  to  repre- 
wiiittie-  sent  the  secular  clergy  ;  Ughtred  Bolton,  a  monk  of  Dun- 
1368^74.  holm,  to  represent  the  religious  orders  ;  William  of  Benton 
and  John  of  Shepeye,  to  represent  the  laity, were  appointed 
commissioners  to  lay  the  grievances  of  the  Church  of 
England  before  the  pope  at  Avignon.  The  archbishop, 
evidently  distrusting  them,  gave  a  separate  commission 
to  Hugh  of  Arbany,  Eichard  Brayton,  and  Eobert  Brade- 
gate,  to  act,  conjointly  or  individually,  as  his  proctors.* 
These  persons  were  commissioned,  in  the  name  of  the  king 
and  his  lieges,  to  demand  that  the  pope  should  pledge 
himself  no  longer,  contrary  to  law,  to  make  reservations 
or  provisions  of  benefices ;  that  the  cathedral  and  colle 
giate  churches  should  exercise  their  right  of  electing  their 
bishops  with  plenary  authority ;  and  that  the  metropolitan 
should,  as  was  the  ancient  custom,  possess  the  sole  right  of 
confirmation.  They  were  to  warn  the  pope  that  he  would 
find  himself  disappointed  if  he  expected  to  reduce  the 
patronage  of  the  Church  of  England  to  a  matter  of  mere 
name  and  sufferance.  They  were  willing  to  permit  the 
right  of  confirmation  in  the  appointment  of  a,  metropoli 
tan  to  devolve  upon  the  pope  ;  but  in  all  that  related  to 
suffragans  and  beneficiaries  of  inferior  dignity,  they  were 
to  affirm  that  "  the  authorities  of  our  nation  must  be 
sufficient,  and  must  not  be  disturbed  by  the  coming  in  of 
authority  from  the  papal  court,  the  same  thing  being 
contrary  to  justice  and  ancient  custom." 

When    the    deputation    waited    upon    the    pope    at 

Avignon,  Gregory  XI.  candidly  admitted  that  the  Church 

of  England  and  her  king  had  some  grounds  of  complaint. 

He  did  not  deny  that  the  papal  agents  had  been  sonie- 

*  Wilkins,  iii.  94.     In  this  document  there  is  allusion  made  to  the 
number  of  forged  bulls  which  came  to  England. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  241 

times    injudicious,    and    that    their    conduct   had   been     CHAP. 
irregular. 

The  state  of  affairs  in  England  was,  however,  no  secret 
in  Avignon,  where  the  terrors  that  were  once  attached 
to  the  name  of  Edward  and  his  heroic  son  had  begun 
to  subside.  The  difficulties  under  which  the  English 
clergy  laboured  were  well  known  :  the  policy  of  humour 
ing  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  was  perfectly  understood.  All, 
therefore,  that  the  ambassadors,  not  perhaps  sincere  when 
executing  their  commission,  could  obtain  was,  the  promise 
of  the  pope  to  send  representatives  to  a  congress  to  be 
held  hereafter  at  some  place  to  be  named  by  the  king. 
Of  this  congress  we  shall  have  occasion  to  speak  in  the 
life  of  Sudbury.  We  shall  then  refer  also  to  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  Good  Parliament  in  behalf  of  the  clergy  of 
the  Church  of  England  and  against  the  pope. 

Although  Whittlesey  was  unable  to  take  an  active  part 
in  public  affairs,  he  succeeded  in  effecting  one  important 
object.  We  have  had  occasion  to  mention  the  controver 
sies,  which  frequently  arose  between  the  University  of 
Oxford  and  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  in  whose  diocese  the 
University  of  Oxford  at  that  time  was.  To  Whittlesey 
belongs  the  merit  of  having  put  an  end  to  these  disputes 
by  obtaining  a  bull  from  Urban  V.,  which  conceded  to 
the  university  the  right  of  electing  its  chancellor,  without 
any  reference  to  the  bishop.  This  either  implied,  or 
led  as  a  necessary  consequence  to,  the  privilege  of  self- 
government. 

Of  the  archiepiscopal  residence  at  Otford,  called  by  later 
writers  the  palace,*  a  tower  and  the  cloistered  side  of  the 
outer  court  are  the  only  portions  that  now  remain.  These 

*  Strictly  speaking,  the  Palace  was  the  house  which  a  bishop  occu 
pied  in  his  cathedral  town  ;  his  other  residences  were  styled  manors. 
The  Archbishops  of  Canterbury,  in  the  middle  ages,  had  1C  manors, 
most  of  them  in  Kent  or  Sussex. 
VOL.  IV.  R 


242  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  are  of  a  date  later  than  the  time  of  Whittlesey.  But 
^_x^'_^  when  the  traveller  wandering  by  the  Darent  looks  up  to 
WhiS  the  cnalk  hills  at  the  foot  of  which  the  castle  stood,  with 
1368-74  *ts  Par^s  an(^  wo°ds  adjoining,  he  is  able  to  understand 
why  so  many  of  the  primates  chose  this  as  their  place; 
of  abode,  when  fatigue,  disease,  or  old  age  induced  them 
to  seek  retirement.  But  Whittlesey  had  another  reason 
for  fixing  his  abode  here.  The  waters  are  pure  as  those 
of  Malvern,  and  were — indeed  still  are — regarded  as  medi 
cinal.  A  peculiar  efficacy  attached  to  these  in  the  opinion 
of  Archbishop  Whittlesey  and  his  contemporaries.  The 
bath  which  his  attendants  prepared  for  him  was  the  bath 
which  was  said  to  be  used — (if  after  his  consecration  he 
ever  did  use  a  bath) — by  St.  Thomas  the  Martyr ;  it  was 
supplied  by  water  from  St.  Thomas's  well,  and  this 
well  was  fed  from  a  spring  which  owed  its  existence,  as 
well  as  its  merits,  to  St.  Thomas's  staff.  Thomas  a  Beckek 
when  he  first  determined  to  reside  occasionally  upon  his 
manor  at  Otford,  was  informed  that,  for  want  of  water,  it 
would  be  useless  to  erect  a  mansion  on  the  spot :  upon 
hearing  this  St.  Thomas  struck  his  staff  into  the  ground, 
and  forthwith  issued  the  stream  at  which,  to  the  present 
hour,  the  inhabitants  of  Otford  imbibe  refreshment  and 
health. 

But  the  cold  water  was  no  cure  for  Archbishop  Whittle 
sey.  We  have  seen  how  the  spirit,  more  vigorous  than 
the  flesh,  impelled  him  to  attend  the  convocation  of  1373. 
He  was  carried  to  his  manorhouse  at  Lambeth.  From 
Lambeth  he  was  never  well  enough  to  be  removed ;  but 
to  the  last  he  retained  his  faculties.  Feeling  himself 
growing  weaker  and  weaker,  he  dictated  his  will,  on  the 
5th  of  June,  1374.  He  appointed  John  of  Woodhall, 
Walter  Dancy,  and  John  of  Susthorn  his  executors.  He 
directed  them  to  expend  such  a  sum  of  money  as  they 
might  think  expedient  for  his  soul's  health.  His  library, 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  243 

including  the  books  he  inherited  from  a  kinsman,  William,     CHAP. 
he  bequeathed  to  Peter  House,  Cambridge.     His  attach-  ..  XIV*  _ 
ment  to  his  family  was,  like  that  of  his  uncle  Islip,  one  of   ^^i 
the  amiable  traits  of  his  character.     He  desired,  therefore,    13gey* 
that  the  residue  of  his  property  should  be  divided  among 
his  poor  relations  ;  and  bequeathed  to  his  kinsman,  Ealph, 
whom  he  had  appointed  to  be  his  chamberlain,  one  hun 
dred  marks.     To  his  chapel  at  Whittlesea  he  bequeathed, 
"vestimentum  meum  integrant  de  Scaloppis."* 

He  died  the  next  day.  He  was  buried  at  Canterbury 
under  a  fair  marble  tomb  inlaid  with  brass,  over  against 
his  uncle,  Simon  Islip,  between  two  pillars  on  the  south 
side  of  the  body  of  the  church.f 

*  Ex  Registro  Ecclesiae  Cant, 
f  Somner,  pt.  i.  p.  134. 


B  2 


244  LIVES   OF   THE 


CHAPTEE    XV. 


SIMOX   SUDBURY.* 


Family  name  Theobald,  or  Tybald. — Born  at  Sudbury. — Educated 
abroad. — Graduated  at  Paris. — Patronised  by  Innocent  VI. — Audi 
tor  of  the  Rota. — Chaplain  to  the  pope. — Chancellor  of  Salisbury. — 
Consecrated  Bishop  of  London.  — A  benefactor  of  Sudbury. — Pur 
chased  the  living. — His  unpopularity. — Instance  of  his  bad  manners 
— His  condemnation  of  pilgrimages. —  Acquainted  with  Wiclif. — 
Goes  on  an  embassy  to  Bruges. — Failure  of  the  embassy. — Unpopu 
larity  of  John  of  Gaunt's  party. — Sudbury  translated  to  Canterbury. 
Overthrow  of  the  Lancaster  ministry. — Anti-papal  proceedings 
of  the  Good  Parliament. — Splendid  enthronization  of  Sudbury. 
. — Sudbury's  munificence  to  the  cathedral. — Injunctions  to  the 
convent. — Another  change  of  ministry. — Party  spirit  displayed 
by  Sudbury. — Convocation  compels  him  to  summon  the  Bishop  of 
Winchester,  William  of  Wykeham,  to  that  synod. — Sudbury  officiates 
at  the  coronation  of  Richard  II. — Opens  parliament  with  a  speech. — 
Excluded  from  the  Council  of  Regency. — State  of  parties. — Proceed 
ings  against  Wiclif. — Unwillingness  of  the  English  prelates  to  prose 
cute. — Papal  bulls. — Proceedings  at  Lambeth. — Visitation. — Exempt 
monasteries. — Controversy  with  St.  Augustine's. — Parliament  at 
Gloucester. — Violation  of  sanctuary  by  the  partisans  of  John  of 
Gaunt.  —  Rights  of  sanctuary.  —  A  convocation.  —  Constitutions 
enacted. — Laws  concerning  confession. — The  archbishop  settles  a 
dispute  between  the  minor  canons  and  chapter  of  St.  Paul's. — Dress 

*  Authorities: — Walsingham  ;  Thorn;  "  Vita  Simonis  Sudbury  ex 
Speculo  Parvulorum,  v.  27  "  ;  Ang.  Sac.  i.  49  ;  Political  Songs  ;  Versus 
de  tempore  Johannis  Straw ;  Knyghton,  Lib.  v.  The  Fifth  Book  of 
Knyghton,  which  treats  largely  of  the  events  of  this  period,  is  attributed 
to  another  writer,  evidently  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster's  party.  Fasciculi 
Zizaniorum. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  245 

and  allowances  of  minor  canons. — Urban  VI.  pope. — Dissenting 
cardinals. — Urban  acknowledged  in  England. — Change  of  ministry. 
Causes  of  discontent — Villeinage. — Villeins  in  gross  emancipated. — 
Discontented  clergy. — Duke  of  Lancaster  again  in  the  ascendant. — 
His  policy  changed. — Sudbury  chancellor. — Opens  the  parliament  at 
Northampton. — Capitation  tax. — Popular  excitement. — Insurrec 
tionary  movements. — Sudbury  goes  with  the  king  to  the  Tower  of 
London. — Wat  Tyler.  — Rioters  reach  London. — Their  excesses. — 
Destruction  of  the  Savoy  Palace. — They  attack  the  Tower. — Murder 
of  the  archbishop. 

SIMON,  the  son  of  Nigel  and  Sarah  Theobald,  or  Tybald,*  C|AP. 
was  born  at  Sudbury,  in  Suffolk,  in  the  parish  of  St.  v-  *  '— 
Gregory.  Although  proper  names  had  now  become  Sudbury. 
common,  it  was  still  usual  for  a  man  of  humble  origin, 
when  he  rose  to  a  high  position  in  society,  to  designate 
himself  by  the  name  of  the  place  in  which  he  was  born, 
or  to  which  he  had  been  by  circumstances  attached. 
It  was  an  assumed  title,  which  gradually  became  the 
proper  name  of  the  family.  It  is  still  the  custom  with 
plebeians  when  they  are  raised  to  the  peerage,  to  adopt  a 
title  from  some  favoured  locality.  What  is  now  peculiar 
to  the  upper  classes  of  society,  with  the  consent  of  the 
sovereign,  was,  in  the  fourteenth  century,  without  the  lordly 
prefix,  a  prevalent  custom  in  a  humble  sphere  of  life. 
The  de  or  of  was,  after  a  time,  omitted.  Simon  of 
Langham,  William  of  Whittlesey,  Simon  of  Sudbury, 
became  Simon  Langham,  William  Whittlesey,  Simon  Sud 
bury  ;  and  although  the  historical  name  of  William  of 
Wykeham  remains  unaltered,  it  was  only  as  Wykeham 
or  Wickham  that  the  other  descendants  of  John  Longe, 
his  father,  were  known,  when  they  exchanged  their 
patronymic  for  one  the  most  illustrious  of  the  names 
whicli  occur  in  English  History. 

*  The  name  is  written  by  Mr.  Foss  Thebaud  or  Tibbald.  It  is  also 
spelt  Thepold  :  "  Orate  pro  domino  Simone  Thepold."  L/l  Neve,  292. 
We  should  now  write  it  Theobald. 


246  LIVES   OF  THE 

CHAP.  The  parents  of  the  future  archbishop,  though  belonging 
_XV'  -  to  the  middle  class  of  society,  were  in  circumstances 
Sudbury  sufficiently  opulent  to  enable  them  to  become  benefactors 
1375-81.  to  their  parish  church,  and  to  defray  the  expenses  of 
their  son's  education  in  foreign  parts.* 

Simon,  though  he  studied  in  the  English  universities, 
did  not  remain  there  long.  His  parents  intended  that 
he  should  be  a  lawyer,  and  sent  him  to  study  canon 
law  in  the  French  and  Italian  universities.  For  his 
legal  acquirements  he  was,  through  life,  a  distin 
guished  man.  He  took  his  degree  as  a  Doctor  of 
Canon  Law  in  the  University  of  Paris.  The  papal 
chair  was  occupied  by  Innocent  VI.,  who,  as  Stephen 
Aubert,  had  been  himself  eminent  as  a  canon  lawyer, 
and  was  a  patron  of  rising  excellence  wherever  it  was 
found.  If  we  can  forgive  the  fearful  perjury  of  which 
he  was  guilty  to  secure  his  election  to  the  papacy,  we 
may  describe  Innocent  VI.  as  a  man  of  unblemished 
moral  reputation,  simple  in  manners,  and  so  affectionate  to 
his  family  and  friends  that  he  was  accused  of  the  venial 
offence  of  nepotism.  To  have  obtained  the  notice  of  such 
a  discriminating  patron  reflects  credit  upon  the  early 
career  of  Simon.  He  became  an  auditor  of  the  Eota  in 
the  papal  court,f  and  after  his  ordination  lie  was  made 
chaplain  to  the  pope  himself.  It  is  said  that  about  this 
time  he  visited  Kome ;  J  if  he  did  so,  he  must  have 
formed  one  of  the  suite  of  Cardinal  Albornoz,  and  he 

*  Nigellus  Thebaud  et  Sara,  parentes  ejus,  atque  benefactores 
Ecclesice  S.  Gregorii  in  Sudbcry.  Mon.  Angl.  vi.  1370. 

f  In  a  mandate  of  Edward  III.,  Fcedera,  iii.  482,  he  is  designated 
"  Maistre  Symonde  Sudbury,  auditeur  de  palays  de  pape,  being  a  man 
of  great  wisdom,  learning,  and  eloquence."  Walsingham  speaks  of 
him  as,  "  Vir  eloquentissimus  et  incomparabiliter  ultra  omnes  regni 
sapientes,  sapiens." 

J  Foss,  iv.  97.  He  does  not  give  his  authority,  and  perhaps  meant 
Avignon  when  he  wrote  Kome. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  247 

may  have  witnessed  the  death  of  the  illustrious  though     CHAP. 
infatuated  Eienzi.     He  little  thought  that  he  should  him-  -_5J_ - 
self  be,  like  the  Eoman  senator,  a  victim  of  popular  insur-    gudbury. 
rection  ;  but  he  may  have  determined,  if  such  were  to  be    1375-si. 
his  fate,  to  meet  that  death  with  moral  courage  and  with 
greater  magnanimity. 

Sudbury  was,  at  an  early  period  of  his  life,  connected 
with  the  party  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  and  on  his 
occasional  visits  to  England  met,  at  that  prince's  court, 
Chaucer  and  John  Wiclif. 

Although  his  education  and  early  connexions  were  not 
what,  under  the  circumstances  of  the  country,  we  should 
have  desired  in  an  Englishman,  yet  lie  sustained  so  high 
a  character,  that  no  one  could  object  when  the  pope 
proposed  him  for  preferment  in  the  English  Church. 
Edward  III.  having  just  erected  the  duchy  of  Guienne 
into  the  principality  of  Aquitaine,  with  which  he  had 
invested  the  Prince  of  Wales,  the  object  of  Innocent 
would  be,  as  indeed  it  always  was,  to  conciliate  the 
English  Government;  and,  though  devoted  to  French 
interests,  to  rely  not  merely  upon  the  fortifications  he  had 
erected  at  Avignon,  but  upon  his  moral  influence,  for 
protection  against  a  powerful,  if  not  a  dangerous,  neigh 
bour.  We  may  feel  certain,  therefore,  that  it  was  with 
the  full  consent  of  the  English  Government  that  Sudbury 
was  appointed,  in  13GO,  to  the  chancellorship  of  Salisbury  ; 
and,  two  years  afterwards,  to  the  see  of  London. 

It  will  be  recollected  that,  in  1351,  the  Statute  of 
Provisors  enacted,  that  all  persons  receiving  papal  provi 
sions  should  be  liable  to  imprisonment,  and  that  all 
preferments  to  which  the  pope  nominated  should  be 
forfeited,  for  that  turn,  to  the  king.  But  we  have  often 
had  occasion  to  remark  that,  at  this  period,  a  law  was 
only  put  in  force  when  it  involved  a  present  or  urgent 
inconvenience.  If  all  parties  were  satisfied,  no  one  cared 


248  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     whether  the  law  was  transgressed  or  not.     The  order  of 

-_^J—  proceeding  in  the  appointment  of  Sudbury  to  the  see 

Sudbury.    OI*  London  was  as  follows  :    The  pope  proposed  him  ;  the 

1375-si.    kmg  consented ;  the  chapter  went  through  the  form  of 

electing  ;  the  pope  issued  a  bull  claiming  the  appointment 

by  provision.      No   inquiries   were   made.      The   papal 

party  said  he  was  appointed  by  provision,  the  chapter 

by  election,  the  lawyers  by  the  royal  nomination.     In 

the  absence  of  controversy,  all  parties  were  satisfied. 

Innocent  saw  the  advantage  of  having  a  man,  who  had 
become  almost  naturalised  in  France,  at  the  head  of  the 
third  see  in  England  ;  the  king  found  the  advantage  of 
having  a  counsellor,  whose  acquaintance  with  foreign 
politics  made  him  peculiarly  useful  in  the  arrange 
ment  of  truces  and  treaties  of  peace.  The  diplomatic 
talents  and  the  legal  acquirements  of  Sudbury  were 
called  frequently  into  requisition  throughout  Edward's 
reign. 

Sudbury,  aware  that  his  long  residence  abroad  was 
calculated  to  raise  a  prejudice  against  him,  came  to  England 
for  his  consecration,  which  took  place  on  the  20th  of 
March,  1 362,  at  St.  Paul's  Cathedral.  William  of  Wykeham, 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  officiated  on  this  occasion.  Two 
other  bishops  were  consecrated  at  the  same  time :  one  of 
them,  Simon  Langham,  was  destined,  like  Sudbury,  to  be 
come  Archbishop  of  Canterbury ;  and  hence,  if  we  include 
the  consecration  of  William  Whittlesey  to  the  see  ot 
Eochester  in  the  preceding  month,  three  bishops  were 
consecrated  in  the  year  1362,  each  of  whom  became 
primates  of  All  England — two  of  them  with  the  Christian 
name  of  Simon,  which  was  also  the  name  of  the  prelate 
who  at  this  time  occupied  the  primatial  see. 

The  Bishop  of  London  evinced  an  amiable  disposition, 
by  remembering  the  place  of  his  nativity,  and  by  becom 
ing  a  benefactor  to  Sudbury  as  soon  as  he  possessed  the 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  249 

means.     He  rebuilt  the  west  end  of  the  Church  of  St.     CHAP. 
Gregory ;  and  he  endowed  a  college  of  secular  priests  on  > — -^-1— 
the  site  of  his  father's  house.    The  church  was  purchased    su<u>ury. 
by  himself  and  his  brother  John.*     He  brought  his  legal    1375~81- 
knowledge  to  bear  upon  the  interests  of  his  diocese,  of 
which  we  find   an   example   in  Newcourt's  account   of 
St.  Bartholomew's  Hospital ;   in  a  dispute  between  the 
master  and  brethren  of  the  house  the  bishop  acted  as 
arbitrator,  f 

But,  though  nothing  could  be  laid  to  his  charge,  Sud- 
bury  was  always  an  unpopular  man.  We  can  account,  in 
some  measure,  for  his  not  being  popular  as  Bishop  of 
London,  from  his  being  frequently  employed  in  foreign 
embassies ;  and  a  non-resident  bishop  was  an  insult  and 
an  injury  to  which  Londoners  would  not  easily  submit. 
Then,  again,  although  he  was  an  Englishman,  he  had  been 
educated  and  chiefly  resident  abroad ;  and  it  was  not  to 
be  expected  that  the  nominee  of  an  Avignonese  pope 
would  be  regarded  with  favour  in  a  country  where  hatred 
to  the  French  had  become  a  fanaticism.  He  was  distin 
guished  as  a  lawyer  ;  and,  among  the  middle  and  lower 
classes,  the  dislike  of  lawyers  was,  at  this  time,  only 
surpassed  by  their  dislike  of  a  Frenchman.  The  Duke  of 
Lancaster's  party  was  not,  when  Sudbury  was  first  ap 
pointed  to  the  see  of  London,  the  unpopular  party  it  soon 
afterwards  became  ;  yet,  personally,  John  of  Gaunt  was 
never  liked,  and  to  that  prince  Sudbury  was  devoted. 
There  was  also  a  brusqueness  and  want  of  consideration 
of  others  in  Sudbury  himself,  which  is  always  offensive 
when  exhibited  by  a  superior  to  persons  placed  in  an 
inferior  position  of  society. 

Of  Sudbury's  manners  we  have  an  instance  in  a  story 
which  was  told  of  him  in  the  year  1370.  In  that  year  not 

*  Tanner,  Notitia,  Suffolk. 

f  Newcourt,  Ilepertorium,  i.  32G. 


250  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.  Kent  alone  but  all  England  was  in  a  state  of  excitement  at 

. ^J — -  the  recurrence  of  a  jubilee  (the  fourth)  of  St.  Thomas  the 

Sudbury.  Martyr.  The  road  to  Canterbury  was  thronged  by  enthu- 
1375-si.  siastic  pilgrims,  prepared  to  offer  their  devotions  at  the, 
shrine  of  England's  illustrious  saint ;  by  invalids,  who  ex 
pected  some  miraculous  benefit ;  by  semi-penitent  sinners, 
who  desired  to  obtain  the  indulgences  conceded  to  a 
pilgrim, — to  wipe  off  old  scores,  and,  having  done  so,  to 
go  and  sin  again ;  by  hundreds,  who  sought  to  combine 
pleasure  with  some  undefined  feeling  of  religion, — the 
class  of  people  who  now  frequent  an  oratorio,  with  this 
difference,  that  ceremonial  had  then  the  charm  which  is 
now  the  effect  of  music. 

On  the  vigil  of  the  feast,  the  Bishop  of  London  crossed 
the  path  of  a  party  of  pilgrims.  The  procession  stopped. 
A  message  was  sent  to  the  bishop  that  the  pilgrims  were 
awaiting  his  episcopal  benediction,  and  that  they  were 
willing  to  receive  his  fatherly  instructions  and  advice. 

The  bishop  looked  on  the  miscellaneous  assembly,  and 
told  them  that  he  knew  their  object  in  undertaking  the 
pilgrimage  to  be,  that  they  might  have  their  share  in  the 
plenary  indulgences  which  had  been  granted  to  ah1  who, 
at  this  season,  should  visit  the  shrine  of  the  martyr.  He 
warned  them  that  these  plenary  indulgences,  except  on 
repentance,  were  valueless ;  that  they  were  wasting  their 
time  and  their  money  in  seeking  to  obtain  what  they 
would  find  hereafter  to  be  of  no  avail. 

These  words  gave  immense  offence  to  all,  but  especially 
to  those  who,  in  their  alternations  of  repenting  and 
sinning,  sinning  and  repenting,  kept  up,  as  it  were,  a 
"  debtor  "  and  "  creditor "  account  with  the  Almighty. 
They  were  going  into  a  kind  of  spiritual  insolvent  debtors' 
court,  and  expected  to  come  out  whitewashed.  Their 
anger  was  the  greater  because  their  consciences  con 
vinced  them,  that  there  was  more  of  truth  in  the  assertions 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  251 

of  the  bishop  than  they  were  willing  to  allow.  Their  CHAP. 
anger  soon  found  utterance.  Vengeance  was  imprecated  >  —  _r_ 
upon  the  head  of  him  who  dared  to  insult  the  memory  of 


the  glorious  martyr.  One  man,  Thomas  of  Andover,  a  1375~81- 
soldier,  bolder  than  the  rest,  went  up  to  Sudbury  and 
addressed  him  :  "  Why,  Lord  Bishop,  do  you  dare  to 
stir  up  the  people  against  St.  Thomas?  At  peril  of 
my  life,  I  foretell  that  thou  shalt  end  thy  days  by  a 
death  of  ignominy."  And  all  the  people  shouted,  "  Amen, 
amen  !  " 

To  this  prediction,  recorded  by  one  who,  though  he 
outlived  the  bishop,  may  be  regarded  as  his  contem 
porary,  the  reader  is  at  liberty  to  assign  the  probable 
date.  The  circumstance  is  here  mentioned  as  an  example 
of  want  of  judgment  and  tact  on  the  part  of  Sudbury. 
What  he  said  was  true,  and  to  assert  the  truth  was 
right  ;  but  a  truth  which  runs  counter  to  the  preju 
dices  of  the  people  should  be  introduced  in  the  tone 
of  friendly  admonition,  and  not  in  that  of  provocative 
declamation. 

The  story  is  important  in  another  point  of  view.  The 
sentiments  of  Sudbury  on  this  point  were  in  advance  of 
his  age;  and  it  is  clear  that  he  had  profited  by  the 
various  conversations  and  discussions  he  must  have  fre 
quently  had,  in  the  palace  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  with 
Dr.  John  Wiclif.  Wiclif  was,  at  this  time,  in  high  favour. 
He  was  chaplain  to  the  king  ;  he  was  a  dignitary  of  the 
Church  ;  he  was  a  Doctor  of  Divinity.  Among  the  school 
men  he  ranked  with  the  most  erudite.  Although  some 
of  his  opinions  were  treated  as  eccentric,  yet  so  far  was  he 
from  being  regarded  with  suspicion,  that  Gregory  XL, 
in  confirming  the  appointments  of  Wiclif,  commended  his 
great  learning  and  his  spotless  life.  Sudbury  and  he  were 
united  by  party  ties  to  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  or,  as  lie 
was  at  this  time  styled  in  public  documents,  the  King  of 


252  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP.     Castile.*     They  were  both  of  them  determined  to  exert 

xv 
— ^--  themselves  with  a  view  to  correct  what  was  amiss  in  the 

Sudbury.  Church,  though  neither  of  them  had,  as  yet,  decided 
1375-81.  UpO11  £}ie  extent  of  the  evil  or  the  nature  of  the  remedy. 
Both  of  them  were  lawyers  ;  both  of  them  were  skilled 
in  the  arts  of  diplomacy.  In  the  character  of  lawyers, 
diplomatists,  and  divines  they  were  associated  in  the 
embassy  which  accompanied  John  of  Gaunt  to  Bruges, 
in  the  year  1374. 

In  the  life  of  Whittlesey  mention  has  been  made  of  a 
remonstrance  addressed  to  the  pope,  by  the  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  authorities  in  England,  on  the  subject  of  the 
wrongs  done  to  their  Church,  through  papal  reservations 
and  provisions.  The  result  of  this  was  an  offer  on  the 
part  of  the  pope,  to  hold  a  congress  on  the  subject,  in 
any  place  that  the  King  of  England  might  appoint. 

The  answer  of  the  pope  having  been  regarded  as  unsatis 
factory  and  evasive,  the  king  had  caused  an  exact  estimate 
to  be  made  of  the  number  and  value  of  English  benefices 
held  by  foreigners  ;  and  negotiations  having  been  opened 
through  the  mediation  of  the  pope,  for  an  armistice 
between  England  and  France,  it  was  thought  expedient, 
with  these  authenticated  facts  in  the  possession  of  the 
ambassadors,  to  come,  if  possible,  to  a  definite  under 
standing  with  the  papal  government. 

The  embassy  was  conducted  on  a  scale  of  great  mag 
nificence.  At  the  head  of  it  was  John  of  Gaunt,  styling 
himself  King  of  Castile,  called  by  the  people  "  My  Lord 
of  Spain,"  but  acting  now  as  Duke  of  Lancaster.  With 
him  were  associated,  among  others,  the  Earl  of  Salisbury, 
Simon  Lord  Bishop  of  London,  and  the  king's  chaplain, 
Dr.  John  Wiclif.  The  Dukes  of  Anjou  and  Burgundy 

*  Although  his  title  in  public  documents  at  this  time  was  King  of 
Castile,  I  shall  generally  speak  of  him  as  Duke  of  Lancaster,  or  John  of 
Gaunt,  the  titles  by  which  he  is  best  known  in  English  History. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  253 

represented   the   French   interest.      The   Archbishop   of    CHAP. 
Eavenna  and  the  Bishop  of  Carpentras  represented  the  * 
pope,  who  was  sincere  in  his  desire  to  effect  a  good  un-    sudbury. 
derstanding  between  England  and  France.     The  congress    13?5-81- 
was  to  be  held  at  Bruges,  an  emporium  connected  by  its 
woollen  manufactures  with  the  commerce  of  England. 

The  congress  opened  its  proceedings  in  the  August  of 
1374,  and  they  were  protracted  over  the  space  of  two 
years.  There  was  no  exception  to  the  fatality  which  has 
almost  invariably  attended  English  diplomacy.  What 
wisdom  and  valour  have  won,  faction  has  too  often  con 
ceded  to  the  enemy.  The  nation  has  had  to  suffer  that, 
in  the  domestic  warfare,  a  party  might  triumph.  The 
result  of  the  negotiations  was  so  unfavourable  to  England, 
however,  as  to  defeat  the  object  of  the  Duke  of  Lancas 
ter's  party,  which  was  overwhelmed  by  popular  indigna 
tion.  The  nation  may  be  said  to  have  risen  against  that 
party  en  masse,  and  it  was  dismissed  from  office.  In 
church  affairs  the  pope  triumphed  over  the  king.  The 
pope's  object  was  to  nullify,  if  possible,  the  Statute  of 
Provisors,  so  directly  opposed  to  the  papal  interests  and 
the  policy  of  the  Court  of  Avignon.  The  pope  undertook 
to  refrain  from  reservations,  but  the  king,  on  his  part, 
entered  into  an  engagement  not  to  make  any  more  ap 
pointments  by  writ  of  Quare  Impedit.*  Gregory  XI. 
revoked  the  reservations  of  Urban,  the  king  stipulating 
to  remit  the  penalties  contracted  under  the  Statute  of 
Provisors,  so  far  as  to  permit  the  aliens  at  that  time  in 
possession  of  English  benefices,  to  retain  them. 

That  in  these  disgraceful  proceedings  Sudbury  took, 
though  not  an  ostensible,  yet  an  active  part  we  may  at 
once  infer  from  his  reward.  On  the  death  of  Archbishop 
Whittlesey,  the  chapter  of  Canterbury  elected  and  pos- 

*  The  six  bulls  published  on  this  occasion  may  be  seen  in  the 
Food  era  ad.  an.  1375. 


254  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     tulated  Cardinal  Langham.     The  king,  under  the  Duke 
of  Lancaster's  influence,  determined  to  appoint  Sudbury  ; 


anc^  at  ^ie  same  determination  the  pope  had  himself 
1375-81.  arrived.  The  power  of  translation  still  remained  with  him, 
and  he  signified  his  readiness  to  translate  the  Bishop  of 
London  to  the  primatial  see.  The  chapter,  unsupported  by 
the  government,  could  not  resist.*  But  Sudbury  was  to  pay 
for  the  honours  he  obtained,  and  lie  was  himself  to  ob 
tain  that  payment  from  other  purses  than  his  own.  The 
pope,  under  various  pretences,  had  demanded  a  subsidy 
of  100,000  florins  of  the  English  clergy,  and  the  pay 
ment  of  this  subsidy  Sudbury  was  pledged  to  enforce. 
The  English  clergy  resisted  the  payment,  and  though  tho 
archbishop  threatened  the  recusants  with  excommunica 
tion,  the  parliament  came  to  their  rescue.f  It  was,  indeed, 
this  demand  that  caused  the  final  overthrow  of  Lancas 
ter's  ministry.  Simon,  to  his  astonishment,  received  a 
royal  brief  commanding  him,  "  if  any  letters,  bulls,  01 
other  writings  whatsoever,  prejudicial  to  the  king  or  his 
subjects,  should  be  brought  to  him,  immediately  on  the 
receipt  thereof  to  send  them  safely  and  securely  to  the 
Privy  Council.  "J  Another  brief  to  the  same  effect,  written 
in  Norman-French,  we  still  possess.  We  have  also  the 
archbishop's  answer  to  them,  promising  compliance.  § 
A  change  of  ministry  had,  in  fact,  taken  place.  To 

*  A  title  of  the  primate  at  this  time  may  be  observed  in  a  subsidy 
roll  given  in  Wilkins,  iii.  141,  where  he  is  described  as  "  Monseigneur 
Lercevesqtie  de  Canterbirs." 

f  In  March  1373  the  pope  wrote  from  Avignon  to  Wykeham,  im 
portuning  him  to  use  his  good  offices  in  this  matter.  He  offers  to  accept 
G0,000  florins,  on  the  proviso  that,  if  peace  were  established,  the  re 
maining  40,000  should  be  paid.  Walcot,  "William  of  Wykeham  and 
his  Colleagues,"  46.  The  importunity  shows  how  much  the  papal  court 
stood  in  need  of  money,  and  how  difficult  it  was  to  obtain  it. 

J  Wilkins,  iii.  107. 

§  Ibid.  iii.  108. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  255 

please  the  royal  mistress,  Alice  Ferrers,  the  Duke  of  CHAP. 
Lancaster  had  gone  too  far.  The  affairs  of  the  country 
could  not  be  carried  on  if  the  aged  and  experienced 
counsellors  of  the  king  were  to  be  excluded  from  office,  1375~81- 
merely  because  they  held  ecclesiastical  benefices  ;  and  all 
this  to  please  the  royal  mistress,  who,  though  a  lady  of  great 
talent  as  well  as  of  surpassing  beauty,  had  not  comported 
herself,  even  in  political  affairs,  with  sufficient  discretion. 
She  gave  offence  by  assuming  the  airs  and  authority  of  a 
queen-consort,  and  by  adding  to  the  expenses  of  a  court 
always  reckless  on  the  score  of  expenditure.  The  Prince 
of  Wales  had  returned  to  England,  and  suspecting,  was 
naturally  alarmed  at,  his  brother's  ambition.  He  deter 
mined,  therefore,  to  employ  his  influence  (which  was  still 
great)  with  the  king  to  break  up  the  party  of  the  Duke 
of  Lancaster.  He  called  to  his  councils  his  father's  wise 
old  friend,  William  of  Wykeham.  The  course  on  which 
he  determined  was  to  secure  a  parliament  subservient  to 
his  views,  and  to  obtain  the  dismissal  of  Alice  Ferrers. 
The  Bishop  of  St.  David's  was  appointed  Lord  High 
Chancellor,  the  Bishop  of  Worcester  Lord  High  Trea 
surer  ;  and  at  the  latter  end  of  April,  1376,  the  "Good 
Parliament "  sat  at  Westminster.  That  this  parliament 
deserved  the  title  of  "  good,"  which  was  given  to  it  by 
the  people,  any  one  may  be  convinced  who  will  take  the 
trouble  to  consult  the  Eolls  of  Parliament.*  To  guard 
against  the  undue  influence  of  the  king's  mistress,  the 
parliament,  under  the  advice  of  the  heir-apparent,  peti 
tioned  the  king  to  augment  his  council  to  the  number  of 
ten  or  twelve.  It  was  to  consist  of  certain  great  lords 
and  prelates,  who  were  to  be  continually  near  the  royal 
person  :  six  were  to  form  the  quorum,  without  whose 
advice  and  consent  no  business  was  to  be  transacted. 

*  Rot.  Parl.  50,  Edw.  III. 


256  LIVES    OF    THE 

Lord  Latimcr,  the  Duke  of  Lancaster's  chief  adviser  and 
agent,  was  imprisoned,  and  Alice  Ferrers  was  banished 
Sudbury.    the  court.    An  ordinance  was  made  which  implies  the  great 
1375-81.    offence  by  which  she  gave  umbrage  to  the  nation.     It 
enacted  that  no  woman,  especially  Alice  Ferrers,  should 
solicit  or  prosecute  business  in  the  king's  courts,  by  way 
of  maintenance,  on  pain  of  forfeiture  and  exile. 

The  party  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  which  had  ex 
cluded  the  clergy  from  the  government,  had  succumbed 
to  the  pope,  and,  to  win  his  support,  had  advised  a  virtual 
repeal  of  the  Statute  of  Fro  visors  by  an  exercise  of  the 
royal  prerogative  ;  while  the  parliament  convened  by  the 
influence  of  the  clergy,  with  the  Bishop  of  St.  David's  it 
its  head,  in  its  petition  for  redress  of  grievances  to  the 
crown,  used  stronger  language  and  proposed  stronger 
measures  against  the  pope,  than  had  been  employed  or 
suggested  by  any  preceding  parliament,  or  by  any  govern 
ment,  however  hostile  to  foreign  interference.  Allowing 
for  the  exaggerations  incident  to  a  party  statement,  anc 
remembering  that  the  object  of  the  clergy  was  to  prevail 
on  the  civil  government  to  defend  them  from  the  aggres 
sions  upon  their  property  by  the  pope,  the  document  is 
valuable,  as  showing  the  sad  condition  of  the  Church  at 
this  period.  The  remonstrance  affirms — 

That  the  tax  paid  to  the  Pope  of  Kome  for  ecclesiastical  dignities 
doth  amount  to  fivefold  as  much  as  the  tax  of  all  the  profits  as 
appertain  to  the  king,  by  the  year,  of  this  whole  realm  ;  and  for 
some  one  bishopric,  or  other  dignity,  the  pope,  by  way  of  trans 
lation  and  death,  hath  three,  four,  or  five  several  taxes :  that 
the  brokers  of  that  sinful  city,  for  money,  promote  many  caitiffs, 
being  altogether  unlearned  and  unworthy,  to  a  thousand  marcs 
living  yearly,  whereas  the  learned  and  worthy  can  hardly  obtain 
twenty  marcs ;  whereby  learning  decayeth.  That  aliens,  ene 
mies  to  this  land,  who  never  saw  nor  care  to  see  their  parish 
ioners,  have  those  livings ;  whereby  they  despise  (rod's  service, 
and  convey  away  the  treasure  of  the  realm,  and  are  worse  than 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  257 

Jews  or  Saracens.      It  is  therefore,  say  they,  to  be  considered      CHAP, 
that  the  law  of  the  Church  would  have  such  livings  bestowed  for  ,    XV' 
charity  only,  without  praying  or  paying :  that  reason  would  that      Simon 
livings  given  of  devotion  should  be  bestowed  in  hospitality ;     1375-81. 
that  Grod  hath  given  His  sheep  to  the  pope  to  be  pastured,  and 
not  shorn  or  shaven :  that  lay-patrons,  perceiving  this  simony 
and  covetousness  of  the  pope,   do  thereby  learn  to  sell  their 
benefices  to  beasts,  no  otherwise  than  Christ  was  sold  to  the 
Jews  :  that  there  is  none  so  rich  a  prince  in  Christendom,  who 
hath  the  fourth  part  of  so  much  treasure  as  the  pope  hath  out 
of  this  realm,  for  churches,  most  sinfully.     They  further  re 
monstrated  that  the  pope's  collector,  and  other  strangers,  the 
king's  enemies,  and  only  leiger  spies  for  English  dignities,  and 
disclosing  the  secrets  of  the  realm,  ought  to  be  discharged :  that 
the  same   collector,  being  also  receiver  of  the   pope's   pence, 
keepeth  an  house  in  London,  with  clerks  and  officers  thereunto 
belonging,  as  if  it  were  one  of  the  king's  solemn  courts,  trans 
porting  yearly  to  the  pope  twenty  thousand  marcs,  and  most 
commonly  more :  that  cardinals  and  other  aliens  remaining  at 
the  Court  of  Rome,  whereof  one  cardinal  is  a  Dean  of  York, 
another  of  Salisbury,  another  of  Lincoln,  another  Archdeacon  of 
Canterbury,  another  Archdeacon  of  Durham,  another  Archdea 
con  of  Suffolk,  and  another  Archdeacon  of  York ;  another  Pre 
bendary  of  Thame  and  Nassington,  another  Prebendary  of  York, 
in  the  diocese  of  York,  have  divers  other  the  best  dignities  in 
England,  and  have  sent  over  yearly  unto  them  twenty  thousand 
marcs,  over  and  above  that  which  English  brokers  lying  here 
have:  that  the  pope,  to  ransom  Frenchmen,  the  king's  enemies, 
who  defend  Lombardy  for  him,  doth   always,  at  his  pleasure, 
levy  a  subsidy  of  the  whole  clergy  of  England :  that  the  pope, 
for  more  gain,  maketh  sundry  translations  of  all  the  bishoprics 
and  other  dignities  within  the  realm  :    that  the  pope's  collector 
hath  this  year  taken  to  his  use  the  firstfruits  of  all  benefices : 
that  therefore  it  would  be  good  to  renew  all  the  statutes  against 
provisions  from  Rome,  since  the  pope  reserveth  all  the  benefices 
of  the  world  for  his  own  proper  gift,  and  hath  within  this  year 
created  twelve  new   cardinals ;  so  that  now  there  are   thirty, 
whereas  there  were  wont  to  be  but  twelve  in  all,    and  all  the 
said  thirty  cardinals,  except  two  or  three,  are  the  king's  enemies. 
VOL.  TV.  S 


258  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.         It  inferred  that  the  pontiffs,  unless  a  timely  check  were 
_xv-  ,  provided,  would  soon  assume  a  right  to  confer  upon  their 
Sudbur      creatures   not    ecclesiastical   preferments   only,   but   the 
1375-81.    estates  of  the  landed  gentry.     This  insinuation  or  attempt 
to  alarm  the  gentry  is  sufficient  to  show  the  clerical  origin 
of  the  petition.     It  went  on  to  aver  that,  for  the  protec 
tion  of  the  realm  against  these  practices  which  threatened 
to  render  its  present  embarrassments  perpetual,  the  pro 
visions  of  the  pope  should  be  strenuously  resisted ;  that  no 
papal  collector  or  proctor  should  be  permitted  to  remain 
in  England,  upon  pain  of  life  and  limb ;   and  that  no 
Englishman,  under  like  penalty,  should  become  such  col 
lector,  or  remain  at  the  Court  of  Borne.* 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when  Sudbury  arrived  in 
England.     He  had  remained  in  Flanders  until  the  am 
bassadors  were  recalled  ;  but  he  had  ordered  extensive 
preparations  to  be  made  for  his  enthronization.     Under 
the   wise  economy  of  Archbishop  Islip,  and   the   long 
illness  and,  in  consequence,  the  retired  life  of  Archbishop 
Whittlesey,   the  estates  of  the  archbishopric   had   been 
nursed,  and  they  were  now  in  a  flourishing  conditioi . 
Archbishop  Sudbury,  knowing  his  unpopularity  as  a  mini'  - 
ter  of  state,  determined,  by  a  generous  expenditure  of  his 
money,    to   purchase,  if  possible,    the   goodwill   of  tha 
people  :    he  spared  no  expense.     When  all  things  wera 
ready  for  his  reception  he  set  sail,  and  landed  at  Sand 
wich  on  the   1st  of   March,   1376.       On  the  following 
Sunday,  being  Palm  Sunday,  the  6th  of  April,  he  was 
enthroned  at  Canterbury.     It  sounds  strange  to  modern 
ears  to  hear  that,  at  such  a  season,  the  enthronization  wa:* 
conducted   with    a   splendour   and    magnificence   which 
reminded  the  older  inhabitants  of  Canterbury  of  former 
times,  and  which  made  up  for  the  curtailments  to  whicl 

*  Cotton's  Abridgment. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  259 

the  enthronization  of  his  immediate  predecessors  had  been  CHAP. 
subjected*  The  sacredness  of  the  season  did  not  interfere 
with  the  hilarity  of  the  guests ;  it  only  called  into  play 
the  artistic  skill  of  cooks  and  confectioners.  Fish  only  1375-8i. 
was  to  be  eaten  :  but  the  variety  of  dishes  in  which  the 
various  kinds  of  fish  were  concocted,  and  the  gratification 
afforded  to  that  class  of  gourmands  who  in  modern 
advertisements  are  described  as  "  the  curious  in  fish 
sauce,"  left  the  guests,  unstinted  as  they  were  in  their  con 
sumption  of  wine,  no  cause  of  complaint.  The  Earl  of 
Stafford  was  the  archbishop's  high-steward.  The  great 
earl  scorned  not,  as  modern  sizars  or  servitors,  to  place 
the  first  dish  upon  the  high  table  ;  and  his  retainers,  riding 
round  the  hall,  by  their  skilful  horsemanship,  jokes,  and 
repartees,  increased  the  merriment  while  they  preserved 
the  order  of  the  feast,  and  acted  as  a  police. 

The  age  was  one  in  which  Gothic  architecture  was 
brought  to  its  perfection,  and  everyone  was  interested  in 
the  erection  of  public  works.  Of  the  munificence  of  a 
predecessor  of  Sudbury,  Archbishop  Langham,  the  monks 
of  Westminster  were  still  speaking  with  admiration  and 
gratitude.  William  of  Wykeham  was  almost  rebuilding 
Winchester ;  and  Simon  of  Sudbury  determined  that  lie 
would  make  Canterbury  Cathedral  his  monument  cere 
perennius.  He  consulted  the  monks  ;  he  had  plans  drawn 
up  ;  he  offered  a  large  contribution  from  his  own  re 
sources  ;  and  in  1378,  he  issued  a  mandate  to  all  eccle 
siastical  persons  in  his  diocese  to  obtain  subscriptions 
towards  the  rebuilding  of  the  nave.f  According  to 
Battely  and  other  Canterbury  archaeologists,  he  built  the 
transepts,  but  this  is  probably  a  mistake.  He  erected  the 
west  gate  of  the  city,  together  with  the  greatest  part  of 

*  Palm  Sunday  was,  of  course,  a  festival,  but  the  festivities  were 
prolonged  into  the  week. 

t  Ex.  Reg.  Sudbury,  fol.  52. 

s  2 


260  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     the  wall  between  it  and  Northgate,  commonly  called  Long 

._ xv'  _.-  Wall.     It  was  a  costly  work,  in  remembrance  ^f  which 

Sudbury.    tne  maj°r  and  aldermen,  down  to  the  time  of  the  Be- 

1375-81.    formation,  were  accustomed  annually  to  visit  his  tomb, 

there  to  pray  for  the  repose  of  his  soul.* 

He  not  only  attended  to  the  external  works  of  the 
cathedral ;  he  commenced  his  visitation,  on  the  2nd  of 
January  1376,  by  visiting  the  prior  and  convent.  Some 
of  the  orders  which  he  gave  throw  light  upon  conventual 
life  ;  and  I  present  the  reader  with  an  abstract.  "  He 
decreed  and  ordained  that  the  Feast  of  the  Epiphany 
should  be  a  principal  feast  in  the  Church.  To  this  the 
prior  and  chapter  consented.  Also  that  officials  should 
come  to  matins,  and  that  the  lessons  should  be  studied 
beforehand.  Also  he  decreed  and  ordained,  that  the 
infirmary  be  repaired ;  and  that  each  sick  person  should 
have  daily,  in  addition  to  the  common  necessaries  of  life, 
one  large  allowance ;  and  that  the  sick  should  have  a 
warden  and  be  provided  with  medicines  and  remedies. 
He  charged  the  prior  that  the  convent  be  better 
provided  in  the  office  of  chamberlain  ;f  that  it  be  pro- 

*  See  Battely  and  Hasted;  Professor  "Willis  has  the  following 
remarks  : — "  In  the  life  of  Simon  Sudbury,  which  Wharton  has  ex 
tracted  from  the  '  Speculum  Parvulorum,'  and  which  he  tells  us  is  the 
work  of  William  Chartham,  a  monk  of  Canterbury  in  1448  (Ang.  Sac. 
i.  pp.  xx.  and  49),  it  is  related  that  Sudbury  built '  two  aisles  in  the 
posterior  '  (i.e.  western)  *  part  of  the  church,'  duas  alas  enim  in  parte 
posteriori  ejusdem  Ecclesia3.  Necnon  Portam  Occidentalem  Civitatis  a 
fundament's  et  muros  ejusdem  tune  quasi  prsecipites  erexit,  et  fieri  fecit 
surnptibus  propriis  et  expensis.'  These  must  be  the  aisles  of  the  nave, 
which  were  probably  begun  before  the  death  of  Sudbury,  and  perhaps 
carried  on  afterwards  from  his  funds.  However  the  Obituary,  which 
minutely  records  the  works  of  other  archbishops,  is  silent  with  respect 
to  Sudbury's."— Willis,  Architectural  Hist,  of  Cant.  Cath.  121. 

•f  The  duties  of  the  camerarius  were  very  extensive.  Vide  Ducange, 
Gloss,  sub  voce.  Lanfranc,  in  the  Rules  for  the  Order  of  St.  Benedict, 
thus  defines  them  :— "  Camerarii  est  procurare  omnia  vestimenta  et  cal- 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBUKY,  261 

vided  in  the  offices  of  "  bercenarius "  and  "garwent-  CHAP. 
arius ;"  that  the  former  fraud  with  respect  to  measures  — ^ 
be  abolished  in  them.  He  charged  the  prior  that  the  Sudbury. 
chambers  newly  discovered  be  removed ;  that  the  cellarer  1375-81. 
should  more  diligently  provide,  by  himself  and  his  servitors, 
for  the  victuals  of  the  convent.  He  charged  him  to 
whom  it  pertains,  that  women  should  not  come  into  the- 
kitchen,  or  other  offices,  seeking  alms  ;  that  it  should  be 
provided  that  the  due  allowances  of  a  dead  monk  be  not 
withdrawn  during  the  year  after  his  decease  ;  that  the 
monks  should  not  have  horses  of  their  own  ;  that  measures 
should  be  taken  for  better  restoring  the  manorhouses. 
He  ordered  that  the  common  seal  should  be  better  kept, 
and  that  all  important  muniments  passing  under  the  seal 
should  be  registered.  He  directed  that  the  keepers  of 
the  shrine  of  St.  Thomas  should  not  be  too  frequently 
changed,  that  the  offerings  due  to  the  monks  by  the 
doorkeepers  be  not  withdrawn,  and  that  better  custody 
be  provided  for  the  image  of  the  Blessed  Mary,  under  le 
croft.  He  commanded  that  no  monk  should  cause  his 
vestments  to  be  made  in  a  country  house,  or  take  his 
meals  there,  but  when  the  parents  of  monks  visited  them 
they  should  be  suitably  received  in  the  monastery.  He 
gave  directions  that  the  precentor  shall  cause  the  books 
pertaining  to  his  office  to  be  repaired.  He  charged  the 
prior  that  he  should  cause  the  kitchen  and  the  dormitory 
to  be  repaired.  He  advised  that  the  prior  and  convent 
should  consult  among  themselves  how  they  might  be  able 
to  live  within  their  income,  so  that  the  offerings  made  in 
the  church  might  be  divided  for  the  liquidation  of  their 

ceamenta,  et  lectos,  et  stramenta  lectorum  .  .  .  rasoria  et  forfices,  ter- 
soria  ad  radendum  .  .  .  dat  ferra,  quibus  ferrantur  equi  Abbatis  et 
Prioris,  omnium  hospitium,  &c."  But  in  the  Book  of  the  Order  of  St. 
Victor  this  officer  is  described  as  having  also  the  care  of  the  monastic 
revenues,  lands,  and  cattle. 


262  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     debts,  amounting  to  £1500,  and  for  the  formation  of  a 
- — r-l— *  fabric  fund.     He  enjoined  them- that  they  should  abstain 
Sudbury.    from  quarrels  and  detractations,   and  that  they  should 
1370-81.    rather  affect  the  common  than  individual  good  ;  that  they 
should  aim  not  at  increase  of  power,  but  to  become  useful. 
These  articles  being  thus  made,  recited,  agreed  on,  and 
enjoined  by  our  lord,  he  reserved  what  was  not  com 
pleted  by  his  said  visitation  until   his   next  return  to 
Canterbury.     And  so  he  blessed  the  monks,  and  departed 
from  the  chapter-house  aforesaid."  * 

On  the  death  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  on  the  8th  of 
June  1376,  another  change  of  ministry  took  place.  Alice 
Ferrers  having  regained  her  ascendency  at  court,  the 
Duke  of  Lancaster  was  restored  to  power.  Immediately, 
the  persons  who  had  been  prominent  in  the  "  Good 
Parliament"  were  attacked  and  impeached  ;  and  foremost 
among  them  was  William  of  Wykeham,  to  whose  advice 
the  imbecile  king,  through  habit,  deferred  if  Alice  Perrers 
was  not  present  to  counteract  his  influence,  f  The  con 
duct  of  Sudbury  at  this  trying  crisis  was  firm  and 
judicious.  He  did  not  take  an  active  part  in  public 
affairs,  and  he  wished  to  confine  himself  to  his  spiritual 
duties.  Nevertheless,  when  he  summoned  a  convocation, 
to  meet  in  February  1377,  he  betrayed  his  party  bias 
and  injustice  by  not  issuing  a  summons  to  the  Bishop  of 
Winchester.  The  convocation  therefore  met  under  feel 
ings  of  indignation  and  excitement  against  the  primate 
and  the  government.  Headed  by  Courtenay,  Bishop  of 

*  Ex.  Reg.  Sudbury,  fol.  32  a.      Wilkins,  iii.  111. 

f  The  imbecility  of  Edward  III.  towards  the  close  of  his  reign  must 
have  been  greater  than  is  generally  supposed.  He  seems  to  have  been 
a  mere  puppet,  moved  as  they  chose  by  those  who  were  in  attendance 
upon  him.  William  of  Wykeham's  personal  influence  with  his  royal 
master  was  great :  hence  the  direct  object  with  either  party  was,  on  the 
one  side  to  remove  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  and  on  the  other  Alice 
Ferrers,  from  the  court. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  263 

London,  they  refused  to  vote  a  subsidy  until  the  Bishop     CHAP, 
of  Winchester  was  among  them.     How  could  they  deal  < — 1^-1— 
with   the   property   of    the   Church   when   so    large   a    sudbury. 
proprietor   was   absent  ?      In   a   pointed   manner   they    13?5-8L 
informed  the  archbishop   that  they  regarded  the  treat 
ment  of  the  Bishop  of  Winchester  as  an  insult  to  the 
clergy,  and  an  attack  upon  the  liberties  of  the  Church. 
This  they  required  their  president  to  state  to  the  king, 
and  to  represent  the  grievances  to  which  the  illustrious 
prelate   was   subjected.      Amidst    the    manors    attached 
to  his  church  he  had  not,  it  was  said,  where  to  lay  his 
head  ;  and  he  was  forbidden,  as  by  the  command  of  our 
lord  the  king,  to  make  his  abode  in  any  of  the  monasteries, 
priories,  or  other  places  of  his   diocese,  foundation,  and 
patronage.      The  jurisdiction   of   the   Church  was  thus 
infringed,  and  the  execution  of  the  pastoral  office  of  the 
bishop  interrupted. 

This  was  so  direct  an  attack  upon  the  government  that 
the  primate  hesitated  to  act.  But  the  convocation  was 
unanimous  and  urgent ;  and  Sudbury  at  last  managed 
things  so  skilfully,  that,  having  encouraged  the  state 
ment  of  other  grievances,  he  yielded  at  length  to  lay 
them  all  before  the  king,  the  case  of  the  Bishop  "of 
Winchester  being  only  one  of  the  many  things  complained 
of.  Every  other  petition  was  granted,  and  to  that  alone 
which  related  to  the  Bishop  of  Winchester  no  answer 
was  returned. 

The  archbishop,  however,  had  time  to  consult  his 
friends  ;  and,  finding  that  no  subsidy  would  be  obtained, 
unless  the  Bishop  of  Winchester  were  present,  it  was  at 
length  agreed  that  he  should  receive  a  summons. 
William  of  Wykeham  had  been  accustomed  to  attend 
parliament  and  convocation  with  the  splendid  retinue, 
which  became  his  high  rank  ;  but,  with  the  good  taste  and 
tact  which  he  always  displayed,  he  arrived  at  South wark  on 


264  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,    this  occasion  with  but  few  followers.     He  needed  not,  in- 

._X7'_.  deed,  a  large   attendance,   since  the  enthusiasm  of   the 

Sudbury.   clergy  and  laity,  when  he  first  made    his    appearance, 

1375-81.    attested  the  respect  in  which  he  was  universally  held,*  and 

was  in  itself  sufficient  to  account  for  the  desire  of  his 

opponents  to  keep  him  in  the  background. 

The  archbishop  was  present  at  another  convocation, 
when  the  Bishop  of  London,  for  party  purposes,  and 
not  on  religious  grounds,  accused  Dr.  Wiclif  of  heresy. 
The  extreme  violence  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  when 
his  partisan  was  assailed,  the  rising  of  the  Londoners  tc 
defend  their  bishop,  and  the  dangers  to  which  all  were 
exposed  who  ventured  to  side  with  the  unpopular  "  Prince 
of  Spain," — these  things  will  be  more  fully  narrated  in 
the  life  of  Courtenay.  We  have  only  here  to  remark 
that  Archbishop  Sudbury  looked  on  in  silence,  and 
learned  wisdom  from  experience. 

Evil  reports  and  surmises  of  the  designs  of  the  Duke  of 
Lancaster  upon  the  crown,  rendered  his  party  yet  more 
unpopular  ;  and  if  he  ever  entertained  the  design  of  setting 
aside  the  son  of  the  Black  Prince,  he  was  certainly  not 
strong  enough,  on  the  death  of  Edward  III.,  to  attempt 
it.f  It  was  felt,  under  these  circumstances,  to  be  politic 

*  Rot.  Parl.  51.  Edw.  III.  ii.  373.  Wilkins,  iii.  104.  Regist.  Wyke- 
ham,  pt.  3,  fol.  6.  "  He  came  to  London  with  a  small  number  of  ser- 
vaunts,  who  beforetyme  was  thought  to  excell  all  others  in  the  multitude 
of  ser vaunts.  He  was  joyfully  receaved  by  hys  fellow  bishops,  and,  as 
became  such  a  person,  greatly  honoured."  MS.  Harleian,No.  6,217,  c.21. 

f  Of  these  reports  the  duke  complained  in  the  first  parliament  of 
Richard  IT.  Rot,  Parl.  i.  Ric.  2,  tit.  14.  But  the  report  circulated 
not  only,  as  he  said,  among  the  commons  of  England,  but  in  France. 
Mon.  Evesham,  in  Vit.  Ric.  II.  Hearn.  In  MS.  Harleian,  No.  6,217, 
it  is  said  that  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  proposed  to  the  parliament  of  the 
fifty-first  of  Edward  III.  to  deliberate  as  to  the  succession  to  the  crown 
after  the  late  Prince  of  Wales' s  son,  and  as  to  the  propriety  of  excluding 
women.  See  also  Parker.  There  may  have  been  no  truth  in  the  report ; 
or  the  report  may  have  been  raised  to  see  how  it  would  be  taken. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  265 

to  conduct  the  coronation  of  the  young  king  on  a  scale     CHAP. 
of  more  than  usual  magnificence  ;  the    duke  hoped,  by  > — -^-l 
the  zeal  he  then  displayed  in  doing  honour  to  his  nephew,    gudbur 
to  dissipate  all  suspicion.     The  description  of  the  cere-    1375-8i 
monial  in  Walsingham,  and  in  the  "  Liber  Custumaruni,"  is 
so  minute,  that  the  coronation  ceremonies  of  Richard  IE. 
have  formed  a  precedent  which  is  still  observed.*     No 
time  was  lost.     King  Edward  III.  died  on  the  21st  of 
June  1377,  and  the  coronation  of  Richard  II.,  then  in 
the  twelfth  year  of  his  age,  took  place  on  the  16th  of 
the  following  July. 

The  archbishop  went  to  the  palace  at  Westminster  to 
be  prepared  to  receive  him.  The  procession  from  the 
Tower  had  taken  place  on  the  day  preceding.  After 
having  fortified  themselves  with  a  public  breakfast,  or 
dinner, — post  prandium, — the  mayor  and  the  civic  au 
thorities,  attended  by  a  splendid  cavalcade,  appeared  be 
fore  the  gates  of  the  Tower.  The  gates  were  thrown  open, 
and  surrounded  by  the  magnates  of  the  realm,  escorted 
by  a  large  bodyguard  of  armed  men  and  servants  in 
livery,  preceded  by  heralds-at-arms  in  their  embroidered 
coats,  the  royal  youth  came  forth,  arrayed  in  a  robe  of 
white  satin,  and  seated  on  a  magnificent  charger,  the 
bridle  of  which  was  held  by  Sir  Nicolas  Bond.*j*  The 

*  In  the  custody  of  the  Dean  of  Westminster  there  is  a  valuable 
volume,  called  the  "Liber  Regalis,"  with  illuminations.  It  contains  the 
offices  (i.)  of  a  king  crowned ;  (ii.)  of  a  king  and  queen  crowned 
together  ;  (iii.)  of  a  queen  crowned  alone  ;  (iv.)  of  a  king  lying  in  state. 
A  facsimile  with  a  description  of  the  book  is  given  by  Mr.  Westwood 
in  his  "  Palaeographia  Sacra ; "  and,  according  to  Mr.  Maskell,  the  date 
of  the  manuscript  cannot  be  later  than  the  reign  of  Richard  II.,  for 
whose  coronation  it  is  supposed  to  have  been  written. 

j"  In  the  Issue  Rolls,  206,  we  find  the  following  entry,  under  the  first 
year  of  Richard  II. :— "  5th  April.—  To  Sir  Alured  de  Veer,  Knight,  by 
two  tallies  raised  this  day,  containing  £100,  paid  to  the  said  Alured  in 
discharge  of  £200  which  the  Lord  the  King  commanded  to  be  paid  him 


266  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     trumpets  sounded,  and  the  bands  played — cum  tubis  et 

>~   r  '-^   universis  aliis  modis  rnodulationum — he  passed  through 

Sudbury.    Cheapside  and  Fleet  Street — "  per  publicos  vicos  Lon- 

8L    doniarum  usque  stratum  nobile  vocatum,  '  le  Chepe '  cle 

Londoniis    et   abinde   usque  Flete    Strete ;"    and   when 

he  arrived  at  the  palace  of  Westminster,  he  entered  the 

hah1,  and,  going  up  to  the  marble  table,  he  called  for  wine?. 

He  drank  merrily  and  freely  with  his  thirsty  nobles,  and 

retired,  fatigued,  to  his  private  apartments. 

Early  in  the  morning  the  archbishop's  procession  was 
formed.  His  cross  was  borne  before  him,  and  he  was 
attended  by  his  suffragans  and  other  prelates,  mitred  and 
carrying  their  pastoral  staves.  An  immense  concourse  of 
people  were  gathered  round  Westminster  Hall ;  and,  as 
the  prelates  approached,  they  bent  the  knee,  and  the 
primate,  making  the  sign  of  the  cross,  waved  his  bene 
diction  upon  the  kneeling  throng.  The  king  had  already 
left  the  Whitehall,  and  having  entered  Westminster  Hall, 
preceded  by  the  great  officers  of  state  and  the  peers,  had 
taken  his  seat  upon  the  marble  chair  or  king's  bench,  at 

of  his  gift  for  a  charger  which  the  same  Lord  King  had  of  the  gift  of 
the  said  Alured,  and  upon  which  charger  the  same  Lord  the  King  rode 
from  the  City  of  London  to  Westminster  at  his  coronation.  By  writ  of 
Privy  Seal,  among  the  mandates  of  this  time — £100."  Thus  early  did 
Richard  display  his  taste  for  costly  and  high-bred  horses,  of  which,  with 
reference  to  his  celebrated  horse  Barbary,  Shakspeare  makes  such 
affecting  use  when  Richard  became  the  prisoner  of  Bolingbroke : — 

King  Rich. — Rode  he  on  Barbary  ?     Tell  me,  gentle  friend, 
How  went  he  with  him  ? 

Groom. — So  proudly  as  if  he  disdained  the  ground. 

King  Rich. — So  proud  that  Bolingbroke  was  on  his  back  ! 
The  jade  hath  eat  bread  of  my  royal  hand  ; 
This  hand  hath  made  him  proud  with  clapping  him. 
Would  he  not  stumble  ?     Would  he  not  fall  down, 
Since  Pride  must  have  a  fall,  and  break  the  neck 
Of  that  proud  man  that  did  usurp  his  back  ? 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  267 

that  time  covered  with  cloth  of  gold.*     When  the  prelates  CHAP. 

and  clergy  appeared,  his  attendants  rose,  and  formed  a  >  —  -^-L— 
procession,  in  which  the  king  walked  last,  in  his  royal 


robes.  The  causeway  was  covered  with  scarlet  cloth,  13?o-8i. 
and  over  the  king,  by  the  barons  of  the  Cinque  Ports,'}* 
was  held  a  canopy  of  blue  silk,  tinkling  with  silver  bells, 
and  glittering  with  burnished  spearheads  of  the  same 
precious  metal.  The  antiphonal  chant  was  resumed. 
The  reader  who  has  the  curosity  to  compare  the  account 
given  of  this  coronation  in  the  two  works  just  mentioned 
with  "  The  Office  for  the  Coronation,"  as  it  was  used  for 
George  IV.,  William  IV.,  and  Queen  Victoria,  will  be  inte 
rested  to  observe  that  the  same  solemn  form  of  accepting, 
anointing,  and  crowning  the  Sovereigns  of  England  has 
at  all  times  prevailed,  those  changes  only  taking  place 
which  an  alteration  of  circumstances,  in  every  reign,  may 
have  rendered  necessary.  J 

Of  the  feast  which  succeeded  the  coronation  the  de 
scription  is  also  given  ;  and  of  a  medieval  festivity  those 
who  were  present  at  Westminster  Hall  when  George  IV. 
feasted  his  nobles  may  be  able  to  form  some  idea,  even  to 

*  "  At  the  upper  end  of  this  hall,"  says  Stow,  "  is  a  long  marble 
stone,  of  twelve  feet  in  length  and  three  feet  in  breadth.  And  there 
also  is  a  marble  chair,  where  the  kings  of  England  formerly  sate  at  their 
coronation  dinners  ;  and  at  other  solemn  times,  'the  lord  chancellor  ; 
but  now  not  to  be  seen,  being  built  over  by  the  two  courts  of  chancery 
and  king's  bench."  —  STOW,  "  Survey  of  London." 

f  According  to  Knighton,  col.  2424,  the  privileges  of  the  Cinque 
Ports  were  first  granted  to  them  by  King  John,  on  condition  of  their 
being  always  ready  to  provide  him  with  ships  to  pass  over  to  the  Con 
tinent  :  "  Causa  cujus  dotation!.*  adhuc  clamant  liberiores  esse  prae 
casteris  portubus  regni  Anglias." 

J  The  Order  of  the  Coronation  of  King  Ethelred,  A.D.  978,  is  pre 
served  in  the  British  Museum.  Cotton  MS.  Claudius  A.  iii.  In  the  same 
volume  is  the  Order  of  the  Coronation  of  Henry  I.  In  the  Bodleian 
MS.  Rawl.  c.  425,  is  the  Order  of  the  Coronation  of  Edward  II.  A 
comparison  of  the  various  offices  is  to  be  found  in  Maskell. 


268  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,    the  scramble  which  took  place,  when  all  was  over,  for 
-,  '-^  every  fragment  of  food  or  furniture  which  was  left,  in 
Sudbury.    which  he  who  writes  these  lines  took  part. 


1375-81.  Qn  ^e  13^  of  October  parliament  met.  It  was 
opened  by  the  archbishop  with  a  speech  founded  upon 
the  text,  Matt.  xxi.  5,  "  Behold,  thy  king  cometh  unto 
thee  !  "  He  divided  his  subject  into  three  heads,  even  as 
there  are  three  reasons  why  a  friend  should  come.  He 
may  come  to  rejoice  and  make  merry,  and  to  receive  the 
congratulations  of  his  host  on  the  occurrence  of  some 
unexpected  blessing,  as  was  the  case  with  the  Virgin 
Mary  when  she  visited  Elizabeth,  and  exultavit  infans 
in  uter  o  ejus  :  or  else  one  friend  may  come  to  con 
dole  with  another,  in  the  season  of  affliction,  as  did  the 
friends  of  Job  :  or  he  may  come  to  make  proof  of  01  r 
friendship,  as  saitli  the  Scripture,  "  in  necessitate  probe  - 
bitur  amicus"  So  now,  for  all  of  these  reasons,  the  kin^, 
our  undoubted  liege  lord,  has  come  to  meet  his  parlia 
ment.  He  comes,  first,  to  rejoice  with  you  for  that,  bv 
the  grace  of  God,  he  ascends  the  throne  as  its  direct  heir, 
and  to  thank  you  for  the  goodwill  towards  him  which 
you  have  expressed.  Secondly,  he  comes  to  condole  with 
you,  not  only  on  the  death  of  the  noble  king  his  grand 
father,  but  also  on  account  of  the  depredations  committee 
by  the  enemy  upon  the  English  coasts,  and  of  the  losses 
sustained  elsewhere.  He  comes  to  proffer  his  assistance. 
and,  at  the  same  time,  to  confirm  all  the  liberties  of  his 
people,  to  maintain  the  laws  and  peace  of  the  kingdom, 
and  to  redress  any  wrongs  that  may  have  been  com 
mitted.  Thirdly,  he  comes  to  put  your  loyalty  to  the 
proof  :  he  requires  your  counsel  and  advice  for  the  sup 
pression  of  the  enemy,  and  he  asks  your  pecuniary  aid 
to  enable  him  to  accomplish  what  he  designs  against  the 
enemy. 

By  this  parliament  we  may  say  that  the  party  of  the 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  269 

Duke  of  Lancaster  was,  for  a  season  at  least,  annihilated.  CHAP. 
He  himself  had  gone  into  retirement.  A  council  of  nine  - — ~^- 
persons  was  chosen  to  conduct  the  government,  and  these  sudbiuy 
were  the  Bishop  of  London  (Courtenay),  the  Bishop  1375~8L 
of  Carlisle  (Appleby),  and  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury 
(Erghum),  the  Earls  of  March  and  of  Stafford,  Sir  John 
Stafford,  Sir  Henry  Scrope,  Sir  John  Devereux,  and  Sir 
Hugh  Segrave.  The  exclusion  of  the  Archbishop  of  Can 
terbury  was  something  very  like  an  insult.  The  present 
parliament  consisted  chiefly  of  the  members  of  the  Good 
Parliament,  who  had  been  re-elected,  and  re-enacted  many 
of  the  laws  which  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  had  caused  to 
be  neglected  or  repealed.  It  is  necessary  to  remind  the 
reader  that  the  party  now  in  power  was  that  which  sided 
with  the  prelates  and  clergy  of  the  Church  of  England, 
but  was  opposed  to  the  papacy ;  by  which  it  was  con 
tended  that  the  bishops  and  clergy  were  robbed  and 
wronged,  not  only  to  the  detriment  of  the  clergy,  but 
to  the  damage  also  of  the  country  at  large.  The  Duke 
of  Lancaster's  party  was  opposed  to  the  clergy  and  the 
prelates  of  England,  and  he  himself,  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  a  triumph  over  the  English  hierarchy,  would 
have  yielded  much  to  the  pope.  Sudbury's  position  was 
a  difficult  one.  He  was  prepared  to  support  the  pope, 
but  still  he  had  a  desire  to  conciliate  his  own  suffragans 
and  clergy,  by  endeavouring  to  convince  them  that  they 
must  make  common  cause  against  the  new  reformers,  who 
were  assailing  both. 

When  Sudbury  and  Wiclif  parted  at  Bruges,  they 
parted  never  again  to  meet  as  friends.  During  the  two 
years  of  their  residence  in  Elanders,  Sudbury,  whatever 
may  have  been  his  opinions  in  former  times,  had  ad 
vanced  in  what  we  may  call  the  conservative  direction— 
Wiclif  in  the  direction  of  a  reformer.  Until  he  went  to 
Bruges,  Wiclif  had  experienced  the  toleration  extended 


270  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  generally  to  schoolmen,  who  were  permitted  to  indulge  in 
— <^—^  freedom  of  speech  so  long  as  they  were  supposed  to  be 
Sudbury.  loyal  to  the  Church.  He  had  been  regarded  as  eccentric 
1375-81.  ratner  than  hereticail — as  troublesome  rather  than  dan 
gerous  ;  but  from  this  time,  he  was  pursued  with  such 
persevering  malignity  by  the  papal  party,  that  we  con 
clude  that,  indignant  at  what  he  had  witnessed  in  his 
intercourse  with  the  papal  authorities,  he  had  denounced 
what  he  condemned,  in  his  usual  impetuous,  honest, 
outspoken  style,  and  so  had  made  himself  especially 
obnoxious.  In  England,  however,  he  continued  to  be 
popular,  in  spite  of  his  connexion  with  the  Duke  of  Lancas 
ter,  as  persons  opposed  to  constituted  authorities,  good  or 
bad,  generally  are.  On  the  other  hand,  his  connexion 
with  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  rendered  the  archbishop 
unwilling  to  take  any  measures  against  him,  although 
repeatedly  urged  to  do  so.  The  cry  raised  against  the 
English  bishops  by  the  monks  and  the  mendicants  was,  that 
they  were  lukewarm  and  negligent  of  their  duty.  Tha 
truth  is,  that  they  were,  many  of  them,  too  much  engaged 
in  politics  to  concern  themselves  much  about  religious 
doctrine;  and,  being  indifferent,  they  only  desired  peace 
until,  by  opposition,  their  passions  were  excited.* 

By  the  men  of  learning,  especially  in  the  University  o:' 
Oxford,  Wiclif  was,  at  this  time,  very  generally  supported ; 
and  although,  on  the  one  side,  a  religious  party  was 
clamouring  for  episcopal  interference,  the  archbishop  was 
well  aware  that  if,  in  obedience  to  this  demand,  he  were 
to  take  any  steps  against  his  old  acquaintance,  he  would 
excite  a  painful  opposition. 

*  The  reader  lias  only  to  consult  the  pages  of  Walsingham  to  see  how 
indignantly  a  large  class  of  thoughtful  Christians  accused  the  bishops  of 
lukewarmness  for  not  proceeding  against  Wiclif.  For  this  neglect 
Walsingham  considers,  that  Sudbury  brought  down  upon  his  devoted 
head  the  wrath  of  Heaven.  See  Walsingham,  ii.  11,  12.  Ed.  Eiley. 
He  also  brings  the  same  charges  against  the  universities.  Ibid.  i.  345. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  271 

He  determined  to  let  things  take  their  chance,  until  the 
arrival,  in  the  spring  of  1377,  of  three  bulls  from  the  gimon 
Pope  of  Avignon.  They  were  dated  the  llth  May,  and  Sudbury. 
were  addressed  to  Simon,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and 
to  William,  Bishop  of  London.  Complaint  is  made,  in 
these  bulls,  of  the  laxity  of  the  English  prelates,  the 
more  to  be  noticed  from  the  contrast  they  presented  to 
the  conduct  of  their  forefathers,  when  among  the  English 
clergy  were  to  be  found  men  enriched  with  a  pure 
knowledge  of  the  Bible,  holy  and  devout  men,  champions 
of  orthodoxy  ; — watchmen  ever  careful  against  any 
approach  of  errors  damaging  to  their  flocks, — who 
when  tares  were  sown  were  the  first  to  pluck  them 
out.  But  now — proh  dolor — in  this  very  kingdom,  the 
watchmen,  negligent  and  slothful,  instead  of  keeping 
watch  and  ward  in  the  city,  have  permitted  the  enemy  to 
enter,  and  to  make  devastation  of  the  souls  of  men. 
This  was  the  more  to  be  remarked,  for  that,  while  the 
evil  remained  unopposed  in  England,  the  secret  approaches 
of  the  enemy  and  his  open  attacks  were  first  perceived 
at  Borne,  distant  as  that  city  is.*  The  pope,  having  thus 
reproached  the  bishops  of  the  Church  of  England  for  that 
lukewarmness  of  which  zealots  were  accusing  them  in 
their  own  country,  proceeds  to  say  that  information  had 
reached  him,  from  several  persons  worthy  of  credit,  that 
John  Wiclif,  Eector  of  Lutterworth,  in  the  diocese  of  Lin 
coln,  and  professor  of  the  sacred  page — (it  were  well  if  he 
were  not  master  of  errors),f — had  been  insane  enough 

*  This  reproach  of  the  pope  confirms  the  statements  in  Walsingham, 
and  the  fact  (to  which  the  reader's  attention  has  been  called)  that,  at  the 
early  period  of  Wiclif 's  career,  the  bishops  of  the  Church  of  England 
had  no  intention  whatever  of  persecuting  him  :  pressure  from  without 
was  brought  to  bear  upon  them. 

f  "  Johannes  Wiclif,  Rector  ecclesia?  de  Lutterworth,  Lincolniensis 
dicec.  sacrse  paging  professor — utinam  non  magister  errorum."  This 
little  joke  seems  out  of  place  in  so  grave  a  document. 


272  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     to  assert,  to  dogmatize  upon,  and  publicly  to  preach  cer- 

1^—  -  tain  propositions  and  conclusions  adverse  to  the  truth, 

Sudbury.    &nd  utterly  subversive  of  the  Church.    They  savoured,  lie 


1375-si.  gajj^  of  tjie  perversity  -and  ignorance  of  Marcellus  of  Padua 
and  John  of  Ganduno,  of  accursed  memory,  both  of  them 
having  been  anathematized  by  John  XXII.  He  again 
adverted  to  the  remissness  of  the  English  bishops  in  not 
noticing  these  things.  "  So  far  as  we  know,"  he  continues, 
"  not  a  single  effort  has  been  made  for  the  extirpation  of 
these  evils.  They  have  been  passed  over,  tolerated,  winked 
at:  —  yes,  you  and  the  other  prelates  of  the  Church  of 
England,  you  who  ought  to  be  pillars  of  the  Church, 
defenders  of  the  faith,  you  have  winked  at  them  I  You 
ought  to  be  covered  with  shame  and  blushing,  you  ouglt 
to  be  conscience-stricken,  for  thus  passing  over  these 
iniquities  /"  *  He  enclosed  a  schedule,  consisting  of  ;i 
catena  of  the  errors  and  heresies  of  Wiclif  ;  and  as  the 
English  bishops  would  not  act  for  themselves,  he  com 
missions  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  the  Bishop  o  ' 
London  to  act  in  his  name,  and  as  his  delegates  privatdj 
to  inform  themselves  as  to  the  truth  of  the  charges 
brought  against  Wiclif.  If  they  found  the  case  to  be  as 
was  stated,  they  were,  in  the  pope's  name  and  by  his 
authority,  to  arrest  John  Wiclif.  They  were  to  receive 

*  Walsingham,  i.  351.  Edit.  Riley.  The  passage  is  important  as 
confirming  the  statements  made  in  the  text.  The  biographers  of 
Wiclif  omit  it  in  the  abstracts  they  give  of  the  bulls,  and  are  perplexed 
to  understand  the  conduct  of  the  bishops.  They  are  eloquent  in  their 
vituperations  against  the  bulls  and  the  two  prelates  who  were  commis 
sioned  to  act  on  their  provisions.  A  writer  is  intelligible  when  he 
contends  that  no  one  has  a  right  to  sit  in  judgment  on  the  opinions  of 
another,  even  though  he  preach  atheism.  But  admitting,  as  all  did  at 
that  time,  that  the  pope  was  called  upon  to  interpose,  we  do  not  see 
how  he  could  have  done  less  than  he  did  on  this  occasion.  The  bulls 
do  not  deserve  that  eloquence  of  vituperation  which  we  find  in  their 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  273 

his  confession,  and  to  transmit  both  that  and  his  explana-     CHAP. 

"VV 

tions  to  the  pope,  sealed  with  their  seals,  and  to  be  conveyed  - — -^-l 
through  a  trusty  messenger.     The  said  John  himself  they    sudbury. 
were  to  detain,  until  they  had  received  further  instruction.    1375-8i. 

Although  the  pope  was  at  Borne,  1376-1378,  and  the 
bull  was  dated  there,  yet  Gregory  XI.  was  really  an 
Avignese  pope,  and  he  was  aware  that  it  was  questionable 
how  a  bull  emanating  from  him  would  be  received  in  Eng 
land.  He  was  desirous,  therefore,  of  alarming  the  king's 
government ;  and  the  archbishop  and  the  bishop  were 
directed  to  warn  the  king  and  nobles  of  England,  that  the 
principles  of  Wiclif  were  subversive  of  all  civil  govern 
ments,  as  well  as  ecclesiastical, — and  would,  if  unchecked, 
prove  the  utter  destruction  of  polity  or  government.  A 
third  bull,  having  the  same  date,  directed  the  archbishop 
and  the  bishop,  if  they  could  not  apprehend  John  Wiclif, 
to  fix  a  citation  in  all  public  places,  requiring  him  to 
appear  personally  before  the  pope,  within  three  months, 
to  be  reckoned  from  the  day  of  the  date  of  the  citation. 

At  the  same  time,  the  pope  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
king,  Edward  III.,  repeating,  in  part,  what  he  had  said 
against  Wiclif  in  the  letter  addressed  to  the  archbishop  ; 
informing  the  king  that  the  pope  had  issued  a  commission 
to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  the  Bishop  of  London, 
to  act  as  his  delegates,  and  to  enter  into  a  prosecution 
of  Wiclif  in  the  pope's  name,  and  strongly  urging  the 
king  to  extend  to  his  commissioners  his  royal  grace  and 
protection. 

The  pope  sent,  at  the  same  time,  by  the  hands  of  a 
special  messenger,  Edmund  Stafford,  a  bull  to  the  University 
of  Oxford.  He  expressed  his  astonishment  and  grief, 
that,  notwithstanding  the  privileges  granted  to  them  by 
the  apostolic  see,  they  had,  through  sloth  and  negligence, 
permitted  tares  to  spring  up  among  the  pure  wheat  sown 
in  that  glorious  field,  their  University ;  that  they  had 

VOL.  IV.  T 


274  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  even,  without  an  attempt  to  eradicate  them,  suffered  them 
._  xrJ_ ,  to  ripen  ;  that,  to  his  yet  deeper  affliction,  these  tares  had 
Sudbury.  been  discovered  at  Borne,  before  they  were  even  noticed 
1375-si.  jn  England,  where  they  ought,  long  since,  to  have  been 
extirpated.  He  then  repeats  what  he  had  said  to  the 
archbishop,  that  the  doctrines  of  Wiclif  tended  to  tie 
subversion  of  both  church  and  state ;  and  he  threatened 
to  deprive  the  university  of  all  graces,  indulgences,  and 
privileges  hitherto  granted  to  them,  if  they  continued  to 
permit  the  teaching  of  such  doctrines.  He  required  them 
to  cause  the  person  of  Wiclif  to  be  committed  to  the 
custody  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  or  the  Bishop 
of  London  ;  and  should  others,  defiled  by  his  errors, 
attempt  a  resistance  to  this  mandate,  it  was  required  that, 
with  respect  to  them,  the  same  summary  methods  should 
be  adopted. 

The  enclosed  schedule  was  a  catena  of  Wiclif 's  error;*, 
drawn  up  by  the  mendicants  : 

1.  The  whole  race  of  men  concurring,  without  Christ,  have 
not  the  power  of  simply  ordaining  that  Peter  and  all  his  follow 
ers  should  rule  over  the  world  politically  for  ever. 

2.  God  cannot  give  civil  dominion  to  a  man  for  himself  and 
his  heirs  in  perpetuum. 

3.  Charters   of  human  invention,  concerning  perpetual  in 
heritance  in  times  past,  are  impossible. 

4.  Every  one  being  in  grace,  justifying  finally,  not  only  hatl 
a  right  unto,  but  in  fact  hath,  all  the  things  of  Grod. 

5.  A  man  can  only  ministerially  give  to  a  natural  son,  or  to 
a  son  of  imitation,  in  Christ's  school,  either  temporal  dominion 
or  eternal. 

6.  If  Grod  be,  temporal  lords  can  lawfully  and  meritoriously/ 
take  away  the  goods  of  fortune  from  a  delinquent  church. 

7.  Whether  the  church  be  in  such  a  state  or  not  does  not 
pertain  to   me  to  discuss,  but  belongs  to  temporal   lords  to 
examine;  and  if  they  find  it  in  such  condition,  to  act  confidently, 
and,  on  pain  of  eternal  damnation,  to  take  away  its  temporalities. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  275 

8.  We  know  that  it  is  not  possible  that  the  vicar  of  Christ, 
merely  by  his  bulls,  or  by  them  together  with  his  own  will  and 
consent,  and  that  of  his  college,  can  qualify  or  disqualify  any      Simon 
man.  1375-81. 

9.  It  is  not  possible  that  a  man  should  be  excommunicated, 
unless  first  and  principally  he  be  excommunicated  by  himself. 

10.  Nobody  is  excommunicated  to  his  damage,  suspended,  or 
punished  with  other  censures,  unless  in  the  cause  of  God. 

11.  Cursing   or   excommunication    doth    not    bind    simply, 
unless  in  so  far  as  it  is  used  against  an  adversary  of  the  law  of 
Christ. 

12.  There  is  no  -power  authorised  by  Christ,  or  his  disciples, 
of  excommunicating  subjects  chiefly  for  refusing  temporalities, 
but  the  contrary. 

13.  The  disciples  of  Christ  have  no  power  coactively  to  exact 
temporalities  by  censures. 

14.  It  is  not  possible,  by  the  absolute  power  of  (rod,  that,  if 
the  pope  or  any  other  pretend  that  he  bind  or  loose  in  any  way, 
he  doth  therefore  bind  or  loose. 

15.  We  ought  to  believe  that  then  only  he  doth  bind  or  loose, 
when  he  conformeth  himself  to  the  law  of  Christ. 

16.  This  ought  to  be  universally  believed,  that  every  priest 
rightly  ordained  hath  power  sufficiently  of  administering  any  of 
the  sacraments,  and,  by  consequence,  of  absolving  any  contrite 
person  from  any  sin. 

17.  It  is  lawful  for  kings  to  take  away  temporalities  from 
ecclesiastics  who  habitually  misuse  them. 

18.  If  temporal  lords,  or  holy  popes,  or  holy  persons,  or  Peter, 
or  the  Head  of  the  Church,  who  is  Christ,  shall  have  endowed  the 
Church  with  the  goods  of  fortune  or  of  grace,  and  shall  have 
excommunicated  those  who  take  away  its  temporalities,  yet  it  is 
lawful,  through  the  condition  implied,  to  deprive  it  of  its  tem 
poralities  for  a  proportionable  offence. 

19.  An  ecclesiastic,   even  the  Roman   pontiff  himself,   may 
lawfully  be  rebuked  by  subjects  and  laics,  and  even  impleaded.* 

The  arrival  of  these  bulls  was  the  cause  of  much  ex- 


*  Ex.  Reg.  Sudbury,  fol.  46.  Wilkins,  iii.  123.  Walsingham,  i.  353. 

T  2 


276  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,     citement  and  difficulty.     The  king,  Edward  III.,  was  on 

. *-^—~>  his  death-bed ;  but  the  parliament  and  the   council  of 

Sudbury.  regency  appointed  when  his  death  had  taken  place, 
1375-81.  though  opposed  to  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  and  supporting 
the  clergy  of  the  Church  of  England,  were  more  hostile 
to  papal  interference  than  the  duke  himself  had  ever 
been,  and  had  even  obtained  the  opinion  of  Dr.  Wiclif 
on  certain  ecclesiastical  affairs.  The  Londoners,  who  had 
sided  with  the  opponents  of  Wiclif,  when  the  Duke  cf 
Lancaster  had  insulted  their  bishop,  had  now  been  re 
conciled  to  the  duke,  and  were  in  a  state  of  considerable 
indignation  when  they  heard  of  the  arrival  of  a  bull, 
which,  addressed  to  the  king,  raised  the  suspicion  that  the 
pope  was  again  interfering  in  political  affairs.  Tha: 
the  pope  should  dare  to  commission  any  one  to  apprehend 
and  imprison  an  Englishman  on  his  own  authority,  was 
an  intolerable  aggression  upon  the  constitution.  The 
archbishop  and  the  bishop  were  perplexed  how  to  act. 

In  the  University  of  Oxford  the  question  was  raised, 
whether  a  bull  from  the  pope,  assuming  powers  so  adverse 
to  the  constitution,  should  be  received.  In  the  midst  oi 
the  debates  which  arose  on  the  subject,  a  letter  arrived 
from  the  primate  announcing  his  intention  to  act  himself 
on  the  papal  rescript,  so  far  as  an  inquiry  into  the 
teaching  of  Wiclif  was  concerned ;  and  requiring  the 
University  to  provide  him  with  some  doctors  of  divinity, 
to  act  as  his  assessors.  If  they  knew  of  any  heresies  pro 
pounded  by  Wiclif  they  were  required  to  make  them 
known.  When  it  was  understood  that  the  archbishop 
would  not  violate  the  law  or  lay  violent  hands  on  Wiclif, 
but  that  only  an  inquiry  was  intended,  the  University 
consented  to  co-operate  with  the  primate.* 

The  archbishop  and  the  Bishop  of  London  were  acting 

*  Reg.  Sud.  fol.  46. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  277 

in  this  matter,  not  as  English  prelates,  but  simply  as  dele-     CHAP. 
gates  or  commissioners  of  inquiry  appointed  by  the  pope.   - 
The  other  bishops  stood  aloof.    The  papal  delegates  were    Sudbuiy. 
cautious  in  their  mode  of  proceeding.     They  suffered  a    1375~81- 
year  to  elapse  before  they  opened  the  commission.    They 
supplied  Wiclif  with  a  list  of  the  erroneous  doctrines,  for 
holding  which  he  was  accused  of  heresy.     They  wished 
to  conduct  the  affair  as  privately  and  as  unostentatiously 
as  possible.     They  did  not  venture  to  convene  Wiclif 
before  a  synod  at  St.  Paul's ;  they  sat  in  the  archbishop's 
chapel  at  Lambeth.    They  acted  as  men  under  constraint, 
and  quite  aware  that  they  would  be  held  responsible  for 
the  slightest  infraction  of  the  constitution.     It  had  been 
cunningly  devised,  that  the  delegates  should  represent  the 
two  great  parties  in  the  state ;  but  the  popularity  of  the 
Bishop  of  London  could  not  protect  him  when  he  was 
acting  unconstitutionally.     The  fact  that  the  demand  for 
the  payment  of  the  tribute  to  Home  had  not  long  before 
been  made  and  indignantly  rejected,  rendered  the  govern 
ment  and  the  people  the  more  suspicious  and  watchful  of 
the  conduct  of  the  delegates.     They,  on  their  part,  acted 
with  fairness.     Wiclif  was  summoned  to  attend  at  the 
chapel,  but  he  did  not  attend  as  a  prisoner.     There  can 
be  no  doubt  that  Wiclif,  also  alarmed,  explained  away 
some  of  the  most  objectionable  of  his  statements  :  he  did 
what  has  been  done  by  certain  persons,  who,  whether  on 
the  Eucharist,  or  on  the  subject  of  eternal  punishment,  of 
late  years  have  been  accused  of  heresy.     He  required 
that  the  most  favourable  construction  should  be  placed 
upon  his  words,  and  that,  where  they  were  capable  of 
bearing  two  meanings,  they  should  be  understood  in  the 
orthodox  sense.     The  delegates,  anxious  to  escape  from 
their  difficulties,  were  prepared  to  dismiss  him,  with  an 
injunction,  that  he  should  never  more  advocate,  from  the 
pulpit   or    from  the   professorial   chair,  the    obnoxious 


278  LIVES   OF   THE 

doctrines,  or  the  doctrines  which,  by  being   misunder 
stood,  had  led  him  into  his  present  difficulties. 

Meantime,  it  was  rumoured  that  the  papal  delegates, 
contrary  to  law,  were  sitting  in  judgment  upon  Wiclif,  in 
the  archi episcopal  chapel  at  Lambeth.  The  Londoners 
were  roused  to  a  fury  of  indignation,  and  attacked  the 
archiepiscopal  residence.  The  council  of  regency  were 
equally  indignant,  and  a  message  arrived  from  the  prin 
cess  dowager,  desiring  a  suspension  of  all  further  pro 
ceedings  in  the  case.* 

As  no  further  steps  were  taken  in  this  affair  by  Sud- 
bury,  we  may  conclude  that  he  was  not  unwilling  to  obey 
orders. 

Archbishop  Sudbury  renewed  his  visitation  in  the  year 
1378,  and  was  involved  in  a  controversy  with  the  regulars. 
He  seems  to  have  attempted  to  make  a  distinction  be 
tween  his  powers  as  archbishop,  and  his  authority  as 
legatus  natus.  An  exempt  monastery  was,  as  it  were, 
a  dissenting  establishment  in  a  diocese.  It  set  at  nought 
the  jurisdiction  as  the  bishop,  and  was  placed  under 
authority  of  the  pope,  and  of  him  only.  Archbishop 
Sudbury  did  not  attempt  to  visit  an  exempt  monastery  as 
primate,  but  he  maintained  his  right  to  visit  as  legate. 
Hence  two  questions  arose :  first,  whether  this  power  of 
visitation  in  any  way  pertained  to  a  legatus  natus ;  and 
secondly,  whether,  if  so,  the  visitor  might  enter  the  mo 
nastery  with  his  cross  erect,  and  with  the  insignia  of  the 
primacy.  The  first  monastery  Sudbury  attacked  was  the 
abbey  of  St.  Augustine's,  Canterbury ;  and  by  that 
wealthy  convent  an  appeal  was  made  to  Eome. 

The  unsettled  state  of  affairs  at  Eome,  rendered  a  speedy 
termination  of  the  dispute,  by  a  decision  in  that  quarter, 
uncertain  ;  and  the  archbishop  well  knew  his  own  power 

*  Walsingham,  i.  349-356.  Wilkins,  iii.  115-117.  Reg.  Sudbury, 
45,  46. 


.      ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  279 

with  the  home  government.     The  archbishop  one  day  in     CHAP. 
a  jeering  strain  said,  "  My  lord  abbot,  the  time  is  coining,  ._xv' 
when,  by  the  favour  of  God,  thy  house  I  shall  enter ;  in    g^jjj^y. 
thy  church  I  shall  worship  ;  and  thy  doors  shall  open  at    1375-si. 
my  command."     The  abbot  replied,  "  Eeverend  father,  I 
put  my  trust  in  the  Lord,  and  feel  assured  that,  in  this 
matter,  from  Him  assistance  thou  shalt  not  have,  neither 
will  He  aid  thee  to  obtain  entrance  here.     The  more 
vehemently  thou  dost  stir  up  the  mind  of  God  to  do  this 
injustice  towards  His  servants,  so  much  the  more  speedily 
do  I  trust  that  assistance  will  come  to  us  from  on  high." 
Thorn  thinks  that  the  abbot  spoke  prophetically.* 

The  parliament  assembled,  this  year,  at  Gloucester. 
Again  there  arose  disputes  between  the  laity  and  the 
clergy.  The  commons  complained,  that  many  of  the 
clergy,  under  the  pretence  of  silva  ccedua,  took  tithes  of 
timber.  The  commons  petitioned,  that  the  time  for  com 
puting  the  growth  of  silva  ccedua  might  be  shortened 
from  twenty  to  ten  years ;  and  that  all  underwood  of 
more  than  ten  years'  growth,  might  be  discharged  from 
paying  tithes.  The  king  was  advised  to  refuse  his  con 
sent.  It  is  true,  that  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  was  regain 
ing  his  influence  in  the  royal  councils  ;  and  a  few  years 
before  he  could  have  counselled  the  king  to  pursue  a  dif 
ferent  course  :  but,  defeated  in  his  schemes  of  ambition, 
it  was  now  his  policy  to  conciliate  the  clergy.  He  had, 
not  long  before  this,  shocked  public  opinion  by  his  viola 
tion  of  the  established  rights  of  the  church.  He  had 
offended  the  Londoners,  with  whom  the  influence  of  the 
Bishop  of  London  was  great ;  and  the  very  fact  of  holding 
this  parliament  at  Gloucester,  instead  of  Westminster,  is 
attributable  to  a  fear  that  the  presence  of  Lancaster  in 
London  would  cause  a  riot. 

The   Duke  of  Lancaster,  for  the  furtherance  of  his 
*  X  Script.  2155. 


280  LIVES   OF   THE 

claim  to  the  crown  of  Castile,  desired  to  obtain  possession 
of  the  person  of  the  son  of  the  Count  de  Denia,  a  relative 
of  the  reigning  family.  The  Count  de  Denia  had  been 
taken  prisoner  by  two  esquires,  Schakel  and  Haule.  With 
these  esquires  he  left  his  son  a  hostage,  until  he  should 
be  able  to  pay  the  ransom  they  demanded.  A  sum  of 
money,  equivalent  to  the  ransom,  the  duke  offered  himself 
to  pay,  on  condition  that  the  young  man  should  be  made 
over  to  his  custody.  The  offer  was,  very  properly,  refused. 
After  several  attempts  to  secure  the  young  count's  person, 
the  duke,  by  putting  forward  some  supposititious  claims 
of  the  crown  of  Castile,  obtained  an  act  of  parliament 
in  1377,  for  the  committal  of  Schakel  and  Haule  to  the 
Tower,  unless  the  prisoner  was  produced  on  a  certain 
day.  From  the  Tower  Schakel  and  Haule  made  their 
escape,  taking  sanctuary  at  Westminster.  They  were  pur 
sued  to  the  precincts  of  Westminster  by  soldiers  of  the 
duke,  who  surprised  Schakel  and  carried  him  back  to  his 
prison.  Haule  had  entered  the  abbey  itself,  and  was 
engaged  in  his  devotions,  w^hile  high  mass  was  celebrated. 
He  was,  nevertheless,  seized  by  the  duke's  people.  A 
scuffle  ensued.  Haule  drew  a  short  sword  and  attempted 
to  defend  himself.  His  opponents  were  too  many  for 
him,  and,  to  evade  their  grasp,  he  fled  towards  the  altar. 
Seeking  for  an  outlet,  he  ran  twice  round  the  altar.  But 
he  was  at  last  penned  into  a  corner  by  his  pursuers.  He 
called  upon  them  not  to  violate  the  sanctuary,  but,  while 
he  was  speaking,  his  skull  was  cleft  in  twain ;  his  brains 
were  scattered  on  the  pavement ;  another  ruffian  stabbed 
him  from  behind. 

The  outrage  was  enough  to  provoke  the  populace  and 
every  lover  of  justice.  The  Duke  of  Lancaster  himself 
felt  no  little  annoyance  at  the  indiscreet  zeal  of  his  par 
tisans,  who  had  exceeded  their  commission,  and  had  been 
provoked  to  the  murder  by  the  opposition  of  Haule. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  281 

The  Bishop  of  London,  Courtenay,  the  vehement  oppo-     CHAP. 
nent  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  was  not  slow  in  making  > — -^_ 
political  capital  out  of  the  event.     He  excited  the  Lon-    sudbmy. 
doners,  with  whom  he  was  extremely  popular,  against  the    1375-si. 
unpopular  duke.     He  demanded  the  excommunication  of 
the  offenders.     But  the  archbishop,  a   partisan  of  the 
duke,  was  slow  to  act.      There   was,  nevertheless,   the 
indisputable   fact,   that   the  sanctuary  was  violated,  the 
church  insulted,  and  the  feelings  of  the  pious  outraged. 
The   archbishop   was   obliged  at   length — tandem,   says 
Walsingham,  quamvis  tarde — to  excommunicate  all  who 
were  concerned  in  the  nefarious  transaction.     But  he  ex 
pressly  excepted  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  from  the  anathema. 
He  excepted  the  king  and  his  mother,  and  not  all  the 
royal  uncles,  but  only — avunculum  Ducem  Lancastrice. 

Out  of  alarm  lest  a  mob  of  the  Londoners  might  inter 
fere  with  the  proceedings  of  the  parliament,  the  parlia 
ment  of  1378,  as  has  been  said,  was  appointed  to  meet  at 
Gloucester,  and  everything  was  done  to  conciliate  the 
clergy.  Although  the  duke,  to  a  certain  extent,  was  suc 
cessful,  yet  complaint  was  formally  made  of  the  late  inva 
sion  of  the  franchises  of  the  church,  by  the  violation  of  the 
privileges  of  sanctuary.  It  was  scarcely  possible  to  avoid 
bringing  the  matter  before  parliament ;  and  the  primate 
could  not  refuse  to  be  the  spokesman* of  his  order.  But 
the  partisans  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  diverted  attention 
from  the  particular  case  before  the  parliament,  by  making 
a  counter- complaint,  to  the  effect  that  the  privileges  of 
sanctuary  had  been  abused.  It  was  extended,  they 
averred,  continually  to  the  protection  of  debtors,  and  it 
was  insinuated  that  Haule  had  sought  privilege  in  that 
character. 

They  adduced  the  opinion  of  many  doctors,  learned  in 
both  canon  and  civil  law,  to  prove,  that  the  protection 
of  sanctuary  was  only  legally  extended  to  those  who  were 


282  LIVES   OF  THE 

CHAP,  prosecuted  to  the  loss  of  life  and  limb.  They  added,  that 
neither  pope  nor  lay  prince  had  power  to  extend  the  pri 
vilege  of  the  church  to  debtors  ;  and  that,  if  the  donation 
of  such  a  privilege  were  offered,  the  church  could  not,  in 
principle  and  conscience,  accept  it. 

The  attack  was  regarded  as  a  mere  diversion,  and  the 
bishops,  though  they  demurred  to  the  accuracy  of  the 
statute,  or  to  the  force  of  the  argument,  agreed  to  let  the 
matter  drop.* 

On  the  16th  of  November,  the  archbishop  availed  him 
self  of  the  attendance  of  a  large  number  of  the  clergy  at 
the  parliament,  to  hold  a  convocation.  It  assembled  in  a 
certain  chamber,  within  the  verge  of  the  monastery  of 
Peter  and  Paul  at  Gloucester,  in  the  diocese  of  Worcester. 
In  this  convocation  certain  constitutions  were  ordained  and 
enacted,  being  published  by  the  archbishop's  authority 
and  in  his  name.f  An  amendment  was  made  to  Arch 
bishop  Islip's  regulations  in  regard  to  chaplains  celebrating 
annals,  without  cure  of  souls.  They  were  to  receive  a 
salary  of  seven  marks  ;  or,  '  with  diet,'  three  marks.  If 
they  accepted  the  cure  of  souls,  then  the  salary  was  to  be 
eight  marks,  or,  with  diet,  four  marks. 

It  is  a  sign  of  the  lax  state  of  morals,  that  the  clergy 
were  enjoined  to  remind  the  people  that  fornication  is  a 
mortal  sin ;  J  a  fact  which  had  been  forgotten,  or,  rather, 
kept  out  of  sight. 

*  Rot.  Parl.  xxxv.  35,  et  seq.  Walsingham,  Edit.  Riley,  i.  375,  et  seq. 

•f  Lyndwood,  240.  Spelman,  ii.  626.  Lyndwood,  Append.  58. 
Wilkins,  iii.  135.  The  documents  are  printed  in  part  by  Spelman 
and  Wilkins,  from  the  "  Statutum  super  salariis  Presbyterorum  factum 
per  Simonem  Sudbury,  Cantuar.  Archiepisc.  6  Cal.  Dec.  anno  domini 
1378.  Ex  Reg.  Sudb.  fol.  51.  What  Spelman  and  Wilkins  omit  is 
given  in  Lyndwood. 

|  It  was,  indeed,  asserted  to  be  such  by  the  canon  law :  "  et  sic 
fornicatio  simplex,  quse  est  soluti  cum  soluta,  est  mortale  peccatum. 
Provinciale,  343. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  283 

Lent  was  the  usual  time  for  confessions,  and  during     CHAP. 
that  season  a  veil  was  hung  before  the  chancel.     It  was  ^  »  '-• 
therefore  enacted,  '  that  no  confessions  should  be  made  by    sudbury. 
a  woman  within  the  veil.'     Confessions  were  to  be  made    1375~81- 
in  an  open  place,  so  that  the  penitent,  though  not  heard, 
might  be  seen. 

It  was  customary  for  some  priests  to  enjoin  the  peni 
tent  for  some  things,  to  pay  for  saying  a  certain  number 
of  masses  in  the  penitent's  behoof.  A  priest,  however,  it 
was  suspected,  might  do  this,  to  secure  for  himself  or  for 
a  clerical  brother  the  money  paid  on  this  account.  It 
was  therefore  enacted,  that  no  priest  should  enjoin 
masses  as  a  whole  or  part  of  a  penance ;  though  they 
might  advise  them. 

In  the  diocese  of  London,  the  archbishop  was  fortunate 
enough  to  settle  amicably  a  dispute  submitted  to  his 
arbitration  between  the  minor  canons  of  St.  Paul's  and 
the  chapter.  He  permitted  the  minor  canons  to  be 
vested  in  the  choir,  in  white  surplices  and  with  almuces 
or  hoods*  of  black  stuff,  lined  with  skins  of  various  small 
animals,  and  turned  up  with  line  linen  or  silk.  They 
were  to  wear  black  open  capes.  They  were  to  have  houses 
near  the  church,  and  a  common  table.  They  were  to 
receive  fivepence  a  week,  and  a  penny  on  every  double 
feast.  They  were  to  have  seven  white  loaves  every  week, 

*  The  hood — in  Latin,  caputium,  almucium,  and  amicia,  &c. — was 
intended  originally  not  merely  for  ornament,  but  also  for  use.  It  was 
fastened  to  the  back  of  the  cope,  casula,  or  other  vesture,  and  in  case  of 
rain  was  drawn  over  the  head.  It  was  not  confined  to  the  clergy  or  to 
monks.  In  the  universities,  by  varying  the  colours  and  materials,  the 
hoods  were  made  to  signify  the  various  degrees  of  graduates.  In 
cathedral  and  collegiate  churches,  the  hoods  of  canons  and  prebendaries 
were  lined  with  fur  or  wool.  The  dispute  was  whether  this  luxury, 
which  was  also  a  mark  of  dignity,  might  be  worn  by  the  minor  or 
petty  canons.  Ducange^  sub  vocibus  Caputium  and  Almucium.  Palmer, 
Grig.  Lit.  ii.  320. 


284  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     each  of  the  weight  of  eight  marks  sterling  ;  and  three 

~_X7'_.  black  loaves,  called  trencher  bread,  or,  in  hen  of  them, 

SudbSy    one  Penny   sterling;    there  were  also  allotted  to  them 

1375-81.    twelve  bowls  (bollas)  of  best  ale,  called  "  welkyn,"  or  one 

penny  sterling,  and  three  bowls  of  weaker  ale.     Two  of 

the  minor  canons  were  called   cardinals,  who  were  to 

receive  an  allowance,  twice  as   much  as  that  accorded 

to  the  other  minor  canons.     The  chief  business  of  these 

cardinals  was,  besides  officiating  on  great  occasions,  to 

administer  the  sacraments  of  the  church  to  the  sick.* 

We  find  from  "  Sudbury's  Eegister  "  that  several  other 
regulations  were  made  by  him  in  matters  of  minor  import 
ance.  .  The  festival,  for  instance,  of  St.  Augustine,  was 
made  a  double ;  and  a  vigil  was  added  to  the  nativity  of 
the  Virgin  Mary.  In  May,  1378,  the  archbishop  received 
a  letter  from  Bartholomew  Prignano,  Archbishop  of  Bari, 
announcing  his  election  to  the  papacy,  under  the  title  of 
Urban  VI.,  on  the  9th  of  the  preceding  April,  and  solici 
ting  the  prayers  of  the  Church  of  England. 

In  August  following,  the  archbishop  received  another 
letter.  It  was  from  certain  of  the  cardinals,  who  repu 
diated  the  election  of  Urban  ;  declaring  that  it  took  place 
under  circumstances  of  intimidation.  A  multitude  of 
people,  for  the  most  part  armed,  had  surrounded  the 
conclave,  demanding  the  election  of  a  Eoman,  at  least 
of  an  Italian.  They  threatened  death  to  the  cardinals  if 
they  refused.  The  cardinals,  under  the  fear  of  death, 
elected  Bartholomew,  Archbishop  of  Bari ;  expecting  that 
he  would  have  the  modesty  to  refuse  a  place  for  which 
the  electors  declared  him  to  be  unfit.  They,  therefore, 
warned  the  faithful  since,  instead  of  declining  the  honour, 
he  had  been  crowned  and  enthroned,  to  withhold  their 
allegiance  to  that  wicked  man,  and  in  no  way  to  obey  his 
mandates,  monitions,  acts,  or  words. f 

*  Wilkins,  iii.  134.     f  The  document  may  be  seen  inWilkins,  iii.  129. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  285 

The  document,  too  long  for  transcription  or  translation,  CHAP. 
is  sufficiently  vituperative  ;  and  it  is  only  just  to  state, 
that  whether  Bartholomew  Prignano,  Archbishop  of  Bari, 
was  elected  through  intimidation  or  not,  the  sixteen  car-  1375-81- 
dinals  who  were  at  Eome,  and  who  had  formed  the  majo 
rity  of  the  sacred  college,  attended  his  coronation,  and 
tendered  to  him  the  homage  they  now  called  upon  the 
faithful  to  withhold  ;  that  on  the  19th  of  April,  eleven 
days  after  the  election  of  Urban  VI. ,  they  informed 
their  colleagues  remaining  at  Avignon  of  all  that  had 
taken  place  ;  that  they  positively  asserted  the  freedom 
and  unanimity  reigning  among  them  ;  that  their  private 
letters  correspond  with  their  public  testimonies ;  that,  on 
this  account,  Urban  was  recognised  as  pope  by  their  col 
leagues  at  Avignon  ;  that  for  six  months  they  administered 
the  affairs  of  the  church  under  Urban ;  that  they  had 
assisted  him  in  the  sacred  functions,  and  that  they  had  ob 
tained  from  him  favours  and  indulgences  for  themselves 
and  their  friends.* 

The  great  schism  in  the  Eoman  church  had  now  com 
menced.  As  Dollinger  expresses  it,  now  at  length  burst 
the  ulcer,  of  which  the  germ  was  laid  in  the  body  of  the 
church  by  the  transfer  of  the  Roman  see  to  Avignon. 
The  rebel  cardinals,  having  been  excommunicated  by 
Urban,  assembled  at  Fondi.  Here,  under  the  protection 
of  the  Queen  of  Naples,  they  elected  Cardinal  Robert  of 
Geneva,  who  assumed  the  name  of  Clement  VII.  f 

There  were  now  two  popes.  Pope  Clement  was,  of 
course,  acknowledged  by  France,  and  France  was  fol- 

*  See  Dollinger,  iv.  130.  The  facts  are  so  notorious  and  undisputed, 
that  it  is  unnecessary  to  give  particular  references.  I  generally  follow 
Dollinger  in  what  relates  to  the  papacy.  Although  his  bias  leads  him 
sometimes  to  conclusions  which  we  cannot  admit,  yet  he  is  fair  in  his 
statement  of  facts. 

t  Dollinger,  iv.  133. 


286  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     lowed  by  Scotland,  Cyprus,  and  Savoy  ;  by  the  kings  of 

— r-Y-^— '  Castile  and  Aragon ;  by  the  Duke  of  Austria  and  some 

Sudbury.    of  the  German  princes.     Urban  was  received  as  the  legi- 

1375-81.   timate   pope  by   England,  by  the   greater   part  of  the 

Empire,  by  Bohemia  and  Hungary.* 

Urban's  proclamation  against  the  rebel  cardinals  was 
received  in  England  in  the  year  1379,  and  no  one  dispu 
ting  its  authority,  Archbishop  Sudbury  ordered  its  procla 
mation  in  every  diocese. 

In  1379,  a  change  in  the  ministry  unexpectedly  took 
place.  The  financial  difficulties  of  the  country  were  so 
great,  that  it  was  impossible  for  any  ministry  to  give  satis 
faction;  and  there  were  other  causes  at  work  which 
excited  a  great  feeling  of  dissatisfaction  and  discontent. 
In  the  reign  of  Edward  the  people  were  highly  taxed,  and 
sometimes  they  complained  ;  but  they  were  repaid  by  that 
glory  which  was  not  an  empty  boast.  It  was  a  substantial 
benefit,  as  it  fostered  a  national  feeling,  while  it  asserted 
our  independence,  and  raised  us  to  the  foremost  rank 
among  the  nations  of  Europe.  But  now  we  had  lost  our 
foreign  possessions  ;  our  arms  were  disgraced  ;  depreda 
tions  were  committed  upon  the  coast ;  our  harbours  had 
been,  many  of  them,  entered  by  French  cruisers  and 
burnt ;  the  taxes  were  as  heavy  as  before  ;  there  had  been 
no  reduction  of  expenditure ;  fresh  demands  were  made 
for  the  public  service ;  the  treasury  was  exhausted  ;  the 
crown  was  in  debt. 

But  this  was  not  all  or  the  worst.     A  spirit  of  insubor- 

*  Urban  was  a  man  much  to  be  praised.  He  was  devout,  humble, 
just,  and  generous.  He  had  cultivated  a  powerful  mind  by  assiduous 
study,  and  was  the  patron  of  learned  men  ;  but  his  temper  was  im 
petuous,  harsh,  and  obstinate.  He  despised  the  French  cardinals,  as  men 
who  had  been  elevated  to  high  place  without  learning,  talent,  or  virtue. 
He  accused  them  of  neglect  of  duty,  and  gave  notice  of  sweeping  reforms. 
Hence  his  deposition. 


ARCHBISHOPS  OF   CANTERBURY.  287 

dination  prevailed  throughout  the  country,  and  was 
organised  to  an  extent  unknown  to  the  government,  and 
which  the  rulers  of  the  state  were  unprepared  to  meet, 
To  the  system  of  villeinage  the  reader's  attention  has  been  13?5-si. 
called  more  than  once.  From  that  system  the  country 
was  passing  ;  and  all  transitional  states  of  society  are 
times  of  suffering  on  the  one  side,  and  of  perplexity  on 
the  other.  Villeinage  may  be  described  as  that  condition 
of  the  lower  classes  of  society  under  which  the  labourer 
is  obliged  to  the  performance  of  certain  works  for  his 
superior,  without  further  compensation  than  that  which  is 
implied  in  permission  to  find  a  domicile  and  maintenance 
on  his  estate,  and  to  be  protected  from  robbery  and 
wrong,  either  by  sword  against  a  foreign  enemy,  or  by 
litigation  at  home.  He  had  land  as  well  as  house,  and 
only  differed  from  a  paid  servant  by  his  not  having  wages. 
It  was  the  feudal  system  carried  from  the  field  of  battle 
into  the  province  of  labour.  The  villein  was  admitted  to 
the  oath  of  fealty,  which  implied  right  of  protection  :  it 
was  a  mutual  relation  of  protection  and  service. 

The  real  grievance,  consisting  as  it  did  in  the  uncer 
tainty  to  the  villein,  as  to  the  time  and  the  quantity  of  the 
work  to  be  demanded  of  him,  was  not  felt,  to  any  great 
extent,  at  the  earlier  period  of  our  history.  There  was  no 
more  degradation  in  a  labouring  man  having  to  hedge  and 
ditch  his  lord's  demesnes,  and  to  discharge  similar  ser 
vices,  than  there  was  to  his  lord  in  having  to  arm  and 
fight  at  the  king's  command,  to  place,  witli  bended  knee, 
his  dish  upon  the  table,  or  to  discharge  other  services  now 
called  menial. 

So  long  as  barons  lived  on  their  estates ;  so  long  as 
they  employed  their  villeins  in  their  sports  as  well  as  in 
what  related  to  labour  ;  so  long  as  there  was  feasting  in 
the  hall,  accompanied  by  those  pleasures  which  the 
attendants  upon  a  great  lord  were  sure  to  find  ;  so  long  as 


288  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     every  villein  knew  that  he  was  certain  of  protection,  and 
• — V-l— -  that,  if  the  baron  oppressed  him,  the  same  baron  would 
Sudbury.    protect  his  villein  from  the  oppression  of  any  one  else,  whe- 
1375-81.    j-jier  prmce,  peer,  or  prelate  ;  so  long  as  they  remained 
in  this  position  ; — there  was  little  or  no  complaint  against 
the  system.     An  estate  might  be  cursed  by  a  bad  baron 
or  earl,  even  as  the  country  might  be  cursed  by  a  bad 
king.     Villeins  on  an  estate,  like  the  barons  themselves, 
on  a  larger  sphere  of  action,  might  rebel  against  an  op 
pressor,  or  get  rid  of  him  as  best  they  could ;  but  this  was 
only  regarded  as  an  unfortunate  incident.  It  did  not  militate 
against  either  kingly  or  baronial  rule  in  the  abstract. 

Throughout  the  insurrectionary  movements  of  the  four 
teenth  century,  although  unpopular  individuals  among  the 
aristocracy  were  attacked,  yet  no  general  assault  was 
made  upon  the  baronial  system  in  general.  To  the  king 
and  the  nobles  the  instinct  of  the  populace  led  them  to 
look  for  protection.  They  would  rob  the  clergy  to  enrich 
the  barons ;  and  yet  to  the  clergy  themselves  they  were 
not  opposed,  but  only  to  the  clergy  who  held  legal  offices. 
But  the  system  of  villeinage  became  intolerable  when 
land  began  to  pass  into  the  hands  of  the  citizen  or  the 
burgess.  The  commercial  man  purchased  landed  property 
as  an  investment  of  money.  He  paid  his  money,  and 
would  have  his  money's  worth.  He  purchased  an  estate 
with  the  villeins  attached  to  it.  Out  of  the  villeins  he  was 
to  get  as  much  work  as  he  possibly  could ;  and  he  gave 
nothing  in  return.  The  right  which  the  villein  formerly 
claimed,  in  return  for  labour  paid,  of  residing  on  the 
estate,  became  an  oppression.  The  villein  said,  "  If  I 
cannot  obtain  protection — if  the  old  hall  is  no  longer  open 
to  me — if  the  mutual  offices  of  kindness  between  superior 
and  inferior  no  longer  exist — I  will  go  and  obtain  better 
remuneration  elsewhere."  He  received  for  answer,  "  No, 
you  are  my  property ;  I  have  purchased  you,  and  here 


ARCHBISHOFS   OF   CANTERBURY.  289 

you  remain."     And  so  the  villein  felt  himself  a  slave,  and 
was  prepared  to  rebel. 

It  will  have  been  observed  that  the  House  of  Commons,    Su!ibury. 
while  at  this  time  fighting  for  and  achieving  the  rights  of  the    1375~81- 
middle  classes — the  commercial  men,  and  those  who  had, 
through  successful  commerce,  become  landed  proprietors 
— was  as  vehement  in  its  determination  to  keep  down 
the  villeins,  and  to  make  them  work  ;  as  the  most  en 
thusiastic  republican  in  the   Southern  States  of  North 
America  is  now  for  the  institution  which  reduces  a  large 
portion  of  our  fellow-creatures  to  a  state  of  slavery.  * 

These  were  the  persons  who  were  employing  the  law 
yers,  and  almost  created  the  profession  of  an  attorney. 
They  required  lawyers  out  of  court  to  make  good  their 
title-deeds,  and  among  their  chattels  to  take  account  of 
the  villeins  of  the  estates  they  purchased.*}1  Hence  it  is  that 

*  Parliament  was  at  this  time  vehemently  opposed  to  the  rights  of  the 
lower  orders  and  the  villeins.  To  benefit  them  was  to  injure  the  middle 
classes,  who  purchased  the  villeins  regardant,  when  they  purchased  an 
estate.  When  Richard  II.  (who  before  he  was  corrupted  by  luxury 
was  a  youth  of  generous  impulses)  suggested  to  parliament  the  wisdom 
of  abolishing  a  state  of  bondage,  the  very  proposal  was  regarded  as  an 
unconstitutional  invasion  of  the  liberties  of  the  subject,  and  he  was 
compelled  by  parliament  to  revoke  the  charters  of  emancipation  which 
'the  villeins  had  previously  compelled  him  to  grant.  The  dictum  of 
parliament  was  that  no  man  could  deprive  them  of  the  services  of  their 
villeins  without  their  consent.  In  the  parliament  of  1381,  it  was 
unanimously  determined  that  all  grants  of  liberties  and  manumissions 
to  the  said  villeins  and  bond-tenants  obtained  by  force,  were  in  dis- 
inherison  of  them — the  lords  and  commons— and  destructive  of  the 
realm,  and  therefore  null  and  void.  Parl.  Hist.  i.  364.  Insurrection  is 
always  attended  by  misery  ;  but  we  may  presume  that  there  is  no  reader 
who  would  not,  if  he  had  been  in  the  situation  of  a  villein,  have  joined 
in  this  insurrection. 

f  To  the  circumstances  stated  above  we  must  add  that  it  was  at  this 
period  of  our  history  that  the  equitable  jurisdiction  of  the  Court  of 
Chancery  was  completely  established.  It  was  long  and  often  opposed, 
owing  to  the  obnoxious  character  of  the  writ  of  subpcena  which  was 

VOL.  IV.  U 


290  LIVES   OF   THE 

we  account  for  what  is  perplexing  very  frequently  to  the 
reader  of  this  portion  of  English  History — the  hostility  of 
the  insurgents  to  the  lawyers,  and  their  violence  in  seeking 
^e  destruction  of  all  muniments  and  public  documents. 
This  at  length  became  a  fanaticism,  and  the  very  ability  i:o 
draw  up  an  obnoxious  document,  by  being  able  to  read 
and  write,  became  treason  to  the  people.* 

The  villeins  in  gross  had  been  already  emancipated. 
They  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  existed  when  the  slave 
trade  had  ceased  ;  unless  we  regard  as  such  the  servants 
011  an  estate,  who  were  attached  not  to  the  property  but 
to  the  person  of  the  lord.  Many  villeins  regardant  had 
also  become  freemen  by  following  their  lords  to  the  ware. 
Of  these  some  returned  home,  the  victors  of  Cressy  and 
Poictiers,  covered  with  honour.  Eemaining  among  the 
retainers  of  their  lords,  these  formed  that  strong  body  op 
armed  men,  that  military  force  which  enabled  the  crowr 
and  the  aristocracy  to  defend  their  own  against  the  insur- 

now  introduced.  The  chancellor  was  passing  from  the  character  of  the 
first  adviser  of  the  crown  into  a  judge,  who  might  or  might  not,  accord 
ing  to  circumstances,  become  the  chief  minister  of  state.  See  Hardy's 
Introduction  to  Close  Rolls,  xxx. 

*  We  must  distinguish  between  the  just  rising  of  the  people  against 
oppression  and  wrong,  and  the  subsequent  excesses  and  follies  and 
crimes  into  which,  for  want  of  wise  leaders,  the  injured  people  fell.  We 
must  even  distinguish  between  Wat  Tyler,  goaded  to  insurrection  by 
wrongs,  and  acting  at  first  with  discretion,  and  the  same  man  intoxicated 
by  success  and  maddened,  it  is  to  be  feared  or  hoped,  by  drink.  All  the 
people  wanted  at  first  was  to  place  the  king  at  their  head,  and  to  compel 
parliament  to  find  a  remedy  for  their  grievances.  There  are  certain 
documents  now  in  the  Public  Record  Office,  forming  No.  202  of  the 
miscellaneous  records  formerly  kept  in  the  Chapter  House  at  Westmin 
ster,  entitled  "  Praesentationes  de  Malefactoribus  qui  surrexerunt  contra 
Dominum  Regem,  4  et  5  Ric.  II.",  which  it  is  to  be  hoped  will  soon  be 
published.  Extracts  from  these  are  given  in  a  luminous  and  interesting 
paper  published  in  the  "  Archasologia  Cantiana,"  by  Mr.  Flaherty.  They 
show,  as  he  justly  observes,  that  the  commotion  had  a  more  adequate 
cause  and  a  longer  duration  than  is  generally  supposed. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  291 

rectionists,  and  to  extend  their  protection  to  the  middle  CHAP. 
classes.  But  those  who  formed  the  military  force  of  - — ~^- 
the  country  were  attached  chiefly  to  the  more  powerful  sulibury. 
earls  and  barons,  who  still  reigned,  like  kings,  in  their  1375-81- 
respective  localities.  By  these  the  lesser  barons  would 
have  been  overpowered  if  the  lesser  barons  had  not  been 
brought  into  association  by  the  wars.  These  barons  had 
become  aware  that  it  was  only  by  combination  they  could 
maintain  their  own  against  the  aggressions  of  the  greater 
nobles  on  the  one  side,  and  the  rising  middle  class  on  the 
other.  They  formed  themselves  into  an  aristocracy  ;  they 
studied  law  and  statecraft.  They  formed  the  class  which 
contended  that  barons,  who  had  private  resources  to 
assist  them  in  maintaining  their  dignity,  were  better  quali 
fied  to  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  nation  than  lawyers  and 
statesmen  who  fell  back  upon  their  ecclesiastical  prefer 
ments.  But  they  required  rents  to  be  paid  in  money,  and 
of  their  property  they  determined  to  make  the  most. 
They  sympathised  with  the  citizens.  Instead,  therefore, 
of  maintaining  their  old  baronial  grandeur,  they  confided 
the  management  of  their  estates  to  agents.  The  estates  of 
these  barons  were  in  a  condition  similar  to  those  possessed 
by  the  commercial  aristocracy. 

But  another  evil  resulted  from  this  state  of  things.  The 
lesser  barons  no  longer  retained  a  princely  retinue  at  their 
castles ;  and  the  gallant  men  who  had  fought  by  their  side 
in  foreign  parts,  now  dismissed  from  their  service,  were 
turned  loose  upon  society.  They  felt  it  no  dishonour  to 
compel  the  country,  the  battles  of  which  they  had  fought, 
to  requite  their  services.  If  the  king  neglected  to  remu 
nerate  them  from  his  treasury,  the  king's  highway  was  no 
longer  to  be  regarded  as  a  place  of  security  for  the  tra 
veller,  upon  whom  they  levied  black  mail. 

These  men,  acquainted  with  the  importance  of  disci 
pline,  were  prepared  not  only  to  assist  the  insurgents  in 

u  2 


292  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     asserting  their  rights  but  also  in  organising  their  forces. 

—  XV'  -,  The  masses  were  also  joined  by  a  large  portion  of  the 

Smibury    clergy.     The  lower  class  of  clergy  made  common  cause 

1375-81.    witli  the  villeins.     Sons  of  villeins  themselves,  they  were 

emancipated  when  they  were  admitted  into  holy  orders ; 

but  incapable,  or  too  indolent,  though  schools  were  opened 

to  them,  to  raise  themselves  by  intellectual  culture  and 

moral  conduct  to  a  high  position,  they  filled  the  lowest 

offices  in  cathedral  and  collegiate  churches ;  where,  to  the 

superior  clergy,  they  were  in  a  position  similar  to  that 

occupied  by  their  brethren  with  reference  to  the  lords  ;>f 

the  manor.     We  have  no  class  of  clergy  in  modern  tiniBs 

so  low  as  these.     They  were  filled  with  envy,  hatred,  ar  d 

malice  against  their  superiors,  many  of  whom  had  started 

in  life  with  no  greater  advantages. 

To  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  and  his  party  the  people 
were  decidedly  opposed,  because  he  had  attached  himself 
to  that  middle  class  which  was,  at  this  time,  regardel 
by  the  villeins  as  their  deadly  enemies.  He  supported  tha 
inferior  nobles  against  the  clerical  occupiers  of  office  ;  and 
sided  with  the  commons  when  maintaining  their  rights 
over  the  villeins  regardant,  whom  they  were  treating 
not  as  men  earning  protection  by  labour  but  as  mere  serfs. 

Through  the  influence  of  the  clergy,  whom  he  had  thm 
offended,  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  was  deprived  of  power  av, 
the  commencement  of  King  Eichard's  reign ;  but  he  hac 
now  obtained  a  parliament  which,  discontented  witL 
the  existing  state  of  public  affairs,  was  determined  to  give 
him  their  support. 

The  eluke's  party  was  once  more  in  the  ascendant ;  but 
his  policy  was  changed.  He  found  that  he  could  not  form 
an  efficient  ministry  without  employing  the  clergy,  and  he 
was  prepared  to  give  proof  of  his  sincerity  by  discarding 
his  former  adviser  Wiclif.  He  had  already  taken  the  com 
mand  of  the  army,  and  was  constituted  Lieutenant  of 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  293 

the  Marches   of  Scotland.      He  appointed   Archbishop     CHAP. 
Sudbury,  to  the  surprise  and  discontent  of  his  former  - — r<— 
supporters,  Lord  Chancellor.  Sudbmy. 

Such  was  the  state  of  public  feeling  in  the  country 
when,  on  the  4th  of  July  1379,  the  archbishop  received 
the  Great  Seal.*  The  Lancaster  party  did  not  venture  to 
summon  the  parliament  to  meet  in  London,  where  the 
opponents  of  the  duke  were  still  violent  and  strong,  and 
under  the  influence  of  his  great  opponent,  the  Bishop  of 
London.  Northampton  was  selected  as  a  central  spot.*)* 
Here  the  parliament,  after  some  adjournments,  met 
in  a  chamber  belonging  to  the  Priory  of  St.  Andrew. 
The  archbishop,  as  chancellor,  declared  the  object  of 
the  meeting.  The  expenditure  of  the  country  had  ex 
ceeded  the  income.  The  war  in  France,  conducted  by 
the  Earl  of  Buckingham,  the  expedition  in  Scotland,  the 
defence  of  Guienne,  and  the  various  expenses  incurred  by 
the  government  in  Ireland,  had  reduced  the  king  to  such 
straits  that  he  had  been  obliged  to  pawn  the  crown- 
jewels.  Owing  to  the  disturbances  in  Flanders,  the  late 
subsidy  on  wool  had  realised  little.  The  government  was 
in  arrears  with  the  armies  in  the  marches  of  Calais,  at 
Brest,  and  at  Cherbourg  :  it  was  feared  that  the  soldiers 
would  desert  if  payment  were  long  delayed.  J 

The  parliament  was  required  to  advise  the  king  how  he 
was  to  fulfil  his  engagements  and  meet  the  expenses  neces 
sary  for  the  protection  of  the  coast.  The  House  of  Commons 

*  Rot.  Glaus.  3,  Ric.  II.  m.  22. 

f  Northampton  was  a  common  place  for  holding  great  Councils, 
especially  under  Henry  II.  and  Richard  I.  Later  on,  they  were  held 
in  Shropshire,  Warwickshire  (Kenilworth),  Oxford,  Leicester,  &c.  The 
great  monastic  houses  in  Northampton  provided  accommodation  for 
strangers.  It  was  now  evidently  selected  as  being  at  an  easy  distance 
to  those  lords  who  were  serving  on  the  Scottish  border  under  the  Duke 
of  Lancaster. 

\  Rot.  Parl. 


294  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     required  that  an  account  of  the  expenses  should  be  sub- 
_xv',^  mitted  to  their  inspection,  and  called  upon  the  government 
Sudbray.    to  state  w^at  was  n'^ely  to  be  tlie  sum  required.     This 
1375-81.    was  a  great  constitutional  step  on  the  part  of  the  House 
of  Commons.   The  government  replied  that  a  sum  not  less 
than  one  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  pounds  would  be 
necessary  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  the  country.     This 
was  considered  an  exorbitant  demand  ;  and  the  prelates 
and  lords  were  requested  to  form  themselves  into  a  com 
mittee,  to  devise  the  ways  and  means.    This  committee  of 
the  House  of  Lords  received,  of  course,  the  proposals  of 
the  chancellor  representing  the  government ;  and  Sudbury 
must  fairly  be  rendered  accountable  for  the  measures  now 
adopted. 

Here  it  is  necessary  to  refer  to  the  government  which 
that  of  Sudbury  had  superseded.  That  government  had 
determined  to  resort  to  a  measure  of  direct  taxation,  and 
it  went  upon  the  principle  of  sparing  the  poor  and  o? 
levying  payment  on  the  rich.  A  capitation-tax,  toge 
ther  with  a  duty  on  the  sale  of  merchandise,  or  the 
imposition  of  a  tenth  or  fifteenth,  had  been  deter 
mined  upon  in  the  parliament  of  1378.  The  capita 
tion  was  to  be  graduated  according  to  each  person's 
rank  and  estate  : — 

The  Dukes  of  Lancaster  and  Bretagne,*  each  10  marks. 

Every  earl,  £4. 

Every  baron,  banneret,  and  knight,  having  an  estate  as  good 
as  a  baron's,  40s. 

Every  baroness,  being  a  widow,  as  a  baron,  and  every  ban- 
neress  as  a  banneret,  40s. 

Every  knight  bachelor,  or  esquire,  who,  by  his  estate,  ought 
to  be  made  a  knight,  20s. 

Every  widow  of  such  knight  bachelor,  or  esquire,  20s. 

*  The  Duke  of  Bretagne,  John  de  Montford,  had  certain  lands  and 
possessions  in  England. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  295 

Every  esquire  of  estate,  4s.  7d.  CHAP. 

Every  esquire  without  land,  but  bearing  arms,  3s.  3c?.  .    x V' 

Priors  of  the  Hospital  of  St.  John,  each  as  a  baron,  40s.  Simon 

Sudbury. 

Every  commander  of  the  order,  20s.  1375-81. 

Every  knight  of  the  order,  1 3s.  4d. 

Every  brother  of  the  order,  3s.  4d. 

Every  justice,  as  well  of  one  bench  as  of  the  other,  and  the 
chief  baron  of  the  exchequer,  each  100s. 

Every  serjeant  and  great  apprentice  of  the  law,  40s. 

Other  apprentices  which  follow  the  law,  20s. 

All  other  apprentices  of  less  estate,  and  attorneys,  each 
6s.  Sd, 

The  mayor  of  London  shall  pay  as  an  earl,  £4. 

The  aldermen  of  London,  each  as  a  baron,  40s. 

All  other  mayors  of  great  towns  in  England,  each  as  a  baron, 
40s. 

Other  mayors  of  smaller  towns,  according  to  the  value  of 
their  estates,  20s.,  10s.,  or  6s.  Sd. 

And  all  jurats  of  good  towns,  and  great  merchants  of  the 
realm,  shall  pay  as  bachelors,  each  20s. 

Other  sufficient  merchants,  8s.  4d. 

All  lesser  merchants,  and  artificers,  husbandmen,  or  who  live 
upon  tillage,  according  to  the  value  of  their  estate,  4s.  8cZ., 
3s.  4d,  2s.,  12(7.,  or  6d. 

Every  serjeant  and  freeman  of  the  country,  according  to  their 
estate,  6s.  Sd.,  or  40(7. 

The  farmers  of  manors,  parsonages,  and  granges,  merchants  of 
beasts,  and  other  buyers  and  sellers,  according  to  their  estates, 
6s.  8d,  40d,  2s.,  or  I2d. 

All  advocates,  notaries,  and  proctors  who  are  married  shall 
pay  as  Serjeants  of  the  law ;  and  apprentices  of  the  law  and 
attorneys,  each  according  to  their  estate,  40s.,  20s.,  or  6s.  8d. 

Apparitors  that  are  married,  according  to  their  estates, 
3s.  4d,  2s.,  or  I2d. 

All  innkeepers  that  have  not  the  estate  of  a  merchant  shall 
pay,  each  according  to  his  estate,  40cZ.,  2s.,  or  I2d. 

Every  married  man,  for  himself  and  his  wife,  that  have  not 
the  estates  abovenamed,  and  above  the  age  of  16,  except  very 
beggars,  4cZ. 


296  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.          And  every  man  and  woman  unmarried,  of  such  an  estate,  and 

x v-  above  the  age  aforesaid,  4cZ. 

Simon          Also  every  strange  merchant,  of  what  condition  soever,  shall 

137 5-8 1!  PaJ>  according  to  his  ability,  as  other  denizens.* 

The  clergy  in  convocation  accepted  the  principle  of 
direct  taxation.  The  following  scale  is  taken  from  Sud 
bury' s  Registrum  c. : — 

£    s.   d. 

The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  .  .  .  .  6  13  4 
Bishops  and  mitred  abbots,  being  peers  of  the  realm  4  0  <) 
Abbots,  deans  of  cathedrals,  and  priors  of  convents 

not  peers     .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .300 

All  who  possessed  benefices  above  the  yearly  value  of 

£200 2     0     (' 

From  £100  to  £200 1   10     0 

From  £66  13s.  4d.  to  £100 100 

From  £40  to  £66  13s.  4d 0134 

From  £20  to  £40 0  10     0 

From  £10  to  £20 050 

All  other  clerks 020 

Monks  and  nuns  were  to  pay  each  according  to  the 
value  of  the  houses  to  which  they  belonged,  40<rZ.,  20rf., 
one  shilling,  or  a  groat.  When  we  multiply  these 
sums  by  20  or  25  we  find  this  to  be  a  high  rate  of 
taxation. 

It  would  have  have  been  weh1  for  Sudbury,  if  he  had 
abided  by  this  wise  regulation.  But  the  tax  had  not 
been  properly  collected,  and  the  collectors  had  probably 
found  it  difficult  to  compel  the  powerful  to  pay  their 
quota.  The  parliament  of  1380,  therefore,  over  which 
Sudbury  presided  as  chancellor,  granted  a  poll-tax,  under 
its  most  unjust  and  oppressive  form, — a  groat  to  be  paid 
by  every  subject  above  the  age  of  fifteen  years. 

•>. 

*  Parl.  Hist,  i.  347. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  297 

The  excitement  in  the  country  was  immediate,  and 
soon  became  alarming.*  Information  was  received  in 
London  of  the  seditious  preaching  of  John  Balle.  He 
used  the  ordinary  language  of  unprincipled  demagogues, 
but  was  evidently  a  cleverer  man  than  his  opponents  were 
willing  to  admit.  He  asserted  that  things  would  never 
prosper  in  England,  until  ah1  distinctions  should  be  levelled, 
and  vassal  and  lord  should  become  words  without  mean 
ing.  We  are  all  descended  from  a  common  ancestor  :  and 
why  were  some  to  be  clothed  in  velvet  and  rich  stuffs, 
ornamented  with  ermine  and  other  expensive  furs,  while 
others  were  obliged  to  wear  coarse  cloth  ?  Why  were 
some  to  have  wine,  spices,  and  fine  bread,  and  others  to 
have  only  water  for  drink  and  rye-bread  for  their  food  ? 
Why  must  some  take  their  ease  in  their  mansions  and 
manors,  and  we  be  exposed  to  wind  and  heat,  labouring 
for  their  service,  and  reviled  as  slaves  if  we  neglect  to 
minister  to  their  pomp  ?  We  have  now,  too,  no  sovereign 
to  whom  we  can  complain — no  king  to  hear  our  petitions, 
and  to  grant  us  redress.  To  the  king,  however,  young 
as  he  is,  let  us  go  :  let  us  remonstrate  with  him  on  our 
servitude,  and  tell  him  that  redress  he  must  grant  us,  or 
else  that  we  shall  take  it  ourselves. 

He  did  more,  however,  by  putting  two  lines  into  the 
mouths  of  men  than  he  could  have  done  by  all  of  his 
harangues : — 

When  Adam  dalve  and  Eve  span, 
Where  was  then  the  gentleman  ? 

It  is  thus  that  a  demagogue  damages  a  good  cause. 
The  lower  orders  were  wronged  ;  they  deserved  what  they 
demanded, — a  redress  of  their  grievances.  But  men 

*  I  have  given  the  narrative  of  the  insurrection,  so  far  as  it  concerns 
Sudbuiy,  by  a  comparison  of  the  statements  of  Walsingham,  Knighton, 
and  Frcissart. 


298  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  like  Dalle,  by  appealing  to  their  lower  passions,  inflamed 
their  envy,  hatred,  and  malice  ;  and  instead  of  rousing 
them  to  patriotism,  rendered  them  rebels  against  that 
constituted  order  of  things,  which  must  exist  so  long  as 
man  remains  as  lie  is ;  or,  as  the  Christian  would  say, 
until  perfect  equality  among  the  elect  is  established  by  the 
second  advent  of  our  Lord  and  Master  Jesus  Christ.* 

Measures  were  adopted,  which  were  calculated  to  exas 
perate  but  not  to  intimidate  the  rioters,  and  to  inflame 
their  passions,  more  especially  against  the  chancellor, 
who  was  supposed  to  have  originated  the  poll-tax.  Cer 
tain  persons  were  incarcerated,  as  Balle  had  been,  only  to 
give  the  mob  a  triumph  by  their  liberation,  f  Commis 
sioners  to  collect  the  poll-tax  and  judges  were  sent  down 
into  the  disturbed  districts,  but  were  frequently  met  by 
an  armed  mob  and  driven  back  to  the  metropolis.  The 
Chief  Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas  was  sent  into  Essex  to 
try  the  offenders  :  he  was  quickly  put  to  flight.  The 
jurors  and  clerks  of  the  commission  were  beheaded,  and 

*  An  account  of  John  Balle  is  to  be  found  in  Knyghton,  col.  2634  ; 
and  in  Froissart,  i.  653.  All  the  writers  of  his  age,  of  course,  speak 
against  him.  Froissart  calls  him  "  a  crazy  priest,"  who,  for  his  absurd 
preaching,  had  been  thrice  incarcerated  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canter 
bury.  In  the  "  Lollard  Proceedings  "  he  is  spoken  of  as  "  Sacerdos 
Dominus  Johannes  Ball,  qui  incarceratus  est  per  Simonem  Cantuarien- 
seni  Archiepiscopum  et  Willellmum  Londoniensem  Episcopum,  propter 
heereses  quas  pra3dicavit."  Fasc.  Zizan.  273.  Knyghton  speaks  of  him 
as  "  Johannes  Ball,  capellanus,  qui  pradicator  famosissimus  habebatur 
apud  laicos."  Accordingly  Neander,  ix.  215,  speaks  of  him  as  chap 
lain  to  the  archbishop.  But  this  is  certainly  a  mistake,  as  in  the  arch 
bishop's  mandate  he  is  described  as  "  Presbyterum  se  praetendentem." 
Wilkins,  iii.  152.  According  to  Froissart,  he  was  imprisoned  for  three 
months  and  then  set  at  liberty  ;  but  all  other  authorities  state  that  he 
was  released  from  prison  by  the  mob,  whom  he  then  urged  to  kill  the 
archbishop. 

•f  See  Fcedera,  iii.  880,  where  a  licence  is  given  to  the  archbishop  to 
imprison  Nicolas  de  Drayton. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  299 

their  heads,  stuck  upon  poles,  were  paraded  through  the 
villages.  Sudbury  was  with  the  king  at  Windsor  when 
the  disturbances  commenced,  and  with  the  other  officers  Sudbury. 
of  state  attended  the  king,  when  he  was  removed  to  1375-81- 
the  Tower,  as  a  place  of  greater  security.  The  reports 
from  the  country  became  more  and  more  alarming  ;  and 
there  were  no  means  of  resisting  the  rioters  if  they  should 
come  to  London.  The  king's  army  was  on  the  borders 
of  Scotland.  Whatever  troops  not  in  the  army  the 
barons  could  have  mustered,  they  required  for  the  defence 
of  their  manors  and  castles.  The  mass  of  the  people  in 
London  sympathised  with  the  movement,  and  no  depend 
ence  could  be  placed  even  upon  the  garrison  in  the  Tower. 

All  that  the  rioters  desiderated  was  a  leader.  If  they 
could  have  secured  a  man  of  genius  to  lead  them,  the 
insurrection  would  have  terminated  in  a  revolution  in 
which  philanthropists  would  have  rejoiced.  But  when 
the  leader  did  come  he  was  a  man  not  adequate  to  the 
crisis,  and  who  was  stultified  by  success. 

A  brutal  collector  of  the  poll-tax  gave  the  insurgents 
what  they  wanted.  The  history  of  Wat  Tyler  is  too  well 
known  to  be  repeated  here.  lie  did  what  any  father 
would  have  done,  and  ought  to  do  :  he  felled  to  the  earth 
a  ruffian  who  had  offered  an  insult  to  his  daughter.  His 
country  denied  him  justice,  and  he  placed  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  revolt.  At  first  he  conducted  himself  with  an 
amount  of  discretion  and  courage  which,  if  persevered  in, 
would  have  raised  him  to  eminence.  But  he  became 
intoxicated  by  a  partial  success,  and  the  man  who  might 
have  been  a  hero  became  a  vulgar  rioter. 

The  news  now  came  to  London  that  Kent  was  con 
vulsed  from  one  end  to  the  other — from  Eomney  Marsh 
to  Thanet,  from  Dartford  to  Whitstable.  The  rioters  had 
entered  Canterbury,  where  they  pillaged  and  dismantled 
the  archbishop's  palace.  Sudbury  was  particularly 


300  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  obnoxious  to  the  men  of  Kent,  for  the  depreciatory 
— *—  -  observations  he  had  made  with  reference  to  pilgrimages 
Sadbray.  to  the  shrine  of  St.  Thomas  the  Martyr.  By  many  of  the 
m$-8i.  cj|.jzens  tne  insurgents  had  been  cordially  welcomed.  As 
the  rioters  took  possession  of  the  archbishop's  furniture, 
they  said  that  the  chancellor  had  obtained  it  at  the 
expense  of  the  public,  and  that  he  should  now  render  an 
account  of  all  the  money  spent  since  the  coronation  of 
the  king.  They  had  military  possession  of  Canterbury 
till  the  end  of  June — that  is,  till  the  death  of  Wat  Tyler. 
The  rioters  now  resolved  to  send  a  detachment  to  London. 
Confederations  of  the  lower  classes  had  been  formed  long 
since  in  various  districts,  only  waiting  for  the  time  of 
action.  Emissaries  were  therefore  sent  to  Essex,  Suffolk, 
Bedford,  and  other  counties  impatient  for  the  signal  to 
revolt,  to  urge,  on  their  part,  a  simultaneous  march  to 
London  for  the  purpose  of  surrounding  it. 

The  army  from  Canterbury  found  recruits  in  every  vil 
lage  ;  and,  as  Froissart  says,  swept  along  like  a  tempest, 
destroying  every  house  belonging  to  an  attorney,  or  the 
property  of  the  archbishop. 

The  party  in  the  Tower  were,  of  course,  greatly  alarmed, 
but  there  was  no  one  with  vigour  of  mind  adequate  to 
the  occasion,  or  capable  of  suggesting  a  method  of  resisting 
the  threatened  attack.  There  were  with  the  king,  besides 
the  archbishop  and  the  great  officers  of  state,  the  king's 
uterine  brothers,  the  Earl  of  Kent  and  Sir  John  Holland, 
the  Earls  of  Salisbury,  Warwick,  and  Suffolk,  with  a  few 
others.  The  king's  mother,  the  Princess  Dowager  of 
Wales,  had  gone  on  a  pilgrimage  to  visit  her  husband's 
tomb  at  Canterbury,  and  to  pay  her  devotions  at  the 
shrine  of  St.  Thomas  the  Martyr. 

The  princess,  however,  soon  presented  herself  at  court, 
having,  on  her  return,  encountered  the  rioters.  They  had 
treated  the  widow  of  the  Black  Prince  and  the  mother  of 


ARCHBISHOPS    OP   CANTERBURY.  301 

the  king  with  rough  gallantry.     One  or  two  demanded  a     CHAP. 
kiss  of  the  fair  rnaid  of  Kent,  and  she  had  good-huniouredly  « — r-^- 
paid  the  ransom  required.     She  was  the  adviser  of  con-    sudbury, 
ciliatory  measures,  to  which  Sudbury  was  opposed.     The    1375-8L 
first  object  of  the  insurgents  was  to  obtain  possession  of 
the  young  king's  person.     With  him  at  their  head,  and  in 
his  name,  they  thought  to  make  war  upon  their  oppressors.* 
They  expected,  from  their  treatment  of  the  princess  his 
mother,  that  she  would  have  persuaded  the  king  that  if 
he  would  only  trust  in  them  he  would  be  treated  loyally  ; 
and,  in  their  disappointment,  they  became  bitterly  hostile 
to  her.      Yet  she  evidently  did  her  best  in  their  cause, 
generously  if  not  wisely. 

On  the  12th  of  June,  intelligence  reached  the  Tower, 
that  the  insurgents  were  encamped  at  Blackheath.  On  the 
day  following  it  was  announced,  that  no  less  a  personage 
than  Sir  John  Newton  claimed  an  audience  with  the  kin"1. 

c 

He  came  as  an  emissary  from  the  Commons  of  England, 
as  the  insurgents  now  desired  to  be  styled. 

Sir  John  Newton  had  been  governor  of  Eochester, 
under  the  title  of  constable  and  captain,  when  the  citizens 
threw  open  the  gates  of  that  city,  to  give  the  insurgents 
a  hearty  welcome.  Under  the  threat  of  death  he  was 
compelled  to  join  them.  They  were  at  first  acting  with 
wisdom  and  caution  ;  and  as  detachments  passed  from 
the  counties  of  Essex,  Suffolk,  Cambridge,  Bedford,  Staf 
ford,  and  Lincoln  to  join  the  forces  before  London, 
their  policy  was,  when  they  obtained  an  advantage  over 

*  The  reader  who  is  astonished  at  the  easy  manner  in  which  Richard 
was  able  to  put  down  this  rebellion  must  bear  this  fact  in  mind.  The 
mass  of  the  people  had  been  led  to  think  that  this  was  the  one  object  to 
be  had  in  view.  When  Richard  appeared  among  them  they  were 
nearly  satisfied  ;  when  he  said,  "  I  am  your  leader,"  they  were  com 
pletely  so.  What  was  to  be  the  next  step  ?  Wat  Tyler  was  dead. 
No  one  could  answer  the  question,  and,  not  knowing  what  to  do,  they 
dispersed. 


302  LIVES    OF   THE 

CITAP.     lords  and  knights,  to  spare  their  lives,  if  they  would  enlist 

-^—  >  in  the  service  of  the  Commons.     Among  these  were  the 

Sudbury.    Lord  Mauley,  Sir  Stephen  Hales,  and  Sir  Thomas  Cassington. 


o]3jecj-  was  to  give  £O  the  insurrection  the  appearances 
of  a  national  movement.  These  lords  and  knights  were 
prisoners  in  fact,  but  when  placed  in  the  van,  glittering 
in  armour,  they  might  be  mistaken  for  leaders. 

Steady  in  their  object  of  obtaining  the  person  of  the 
king,  that  he  also  might  appear  as  their  leader,  they  now 
despatched  Sir  John  Newton  to  the  court.  He  was  com 
missioned  to  inform  the  young  king,  that  what  the  insur 
gents  had  done  was  done  for  his  service  ;  that  the  com 
mons  had  been,  for  some  years,  miserably  governed,  to  the 
dishonour  of  the  realm,  and  the  oppression  of  the  lower 
ranks  of  the  people.  He  was  to  lay  the  blame  on  the 
king's  uncles,  and  more  particularly  on  the  lord  chancel 
lor,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  whom  they  were 
determined  to  bring  to  an  account. 

Sir  John  Newton  performed  his  office,  if  not  with  much 
dignity,  yet  not  unfaithfully.  Proceeding  along  the  Surrey 
side  of  the  river,  until  he  came  opposite  to  the  Tower,  he 
there  took  boat  and  crossed  over.  He  was  immediately 
admitted  into  the  presence  of  the  king,  and  threw  himself 
at  his  feet.  "  My  much  redoubted  lord,"  he  said,  "  be 
not  offended  with  me  for  the  message  which  I  am 
about  to  deliver  ;  for  I  am  constrained  by  force  to  come." 
The  king  assured  him  that  he  would  take  no  offence,  and 
told  him  to  proceed.  The  knight  then  went  on  to  say  :  — 
"  My  very  redoubted  lord,  I  am  sent  by  the  Commons  of 
your  realm,  to  entreat  you  to  grant  them  an  interview  at 
Blackheath.  They  desire  that  you  should  be  unattended  ; 
and,  for  your  personal  safety,  you  need  have  no  fear  :  they 
will  not  do  you  the  slightest  injury,  for  they  have  always 
respected,  and  will  continue  to  respect,  you  as  their  king. 
But  they  have  many  things  to  tell  you  which,  they  say, 
it  is  expedient  for  you  to  hear,  but  the  purport  of  which 


AECHBISIIOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  303 

they  have  not  confided  to  me."    He  added, — "  Dear  lord,     CHAP. 

1  beseech  you  to  return  me  an  answer  such  as  will  give ,_ 

them  satisfaction,  and  convince  them,  that  I  have  really    Sudbury. 
been  admitted  to  an  interview  ;  for  they  have  my  children    13?o-8i. 
as  hostages,  whom,  if  I  do  not  return  to  them,  they  will 
assuredly  put  to  death." 

The  king  promised  an  answer  as  soon  as  possible,  and 
a  council  was  immediately  summoned :  the  attendance  of 
the  Lord  Mayor  and  the  principal  citizens  of  London  was 
required.  At  that  council  it  was  resolved,  that  the  king 
should  accede  to  the  wishes  of  the  people  ;  and,  to  secure 
for  him  a  better  reception,  Sudbury  resigned  the  chancel 
lorship,  though  he  agreed  to  retain  the  Great  Seal  until 
his  successor  was  appointed. 

Sir  John  Newton  stated  the  insurgents  to  be  sixty  thou 
sand  strong ;  and  he  was  dismissed  with  an  assurance  that, 
if  the  leaders  of  the  Commons  would  assemble  on  the 
banks  of  the  Thames  on  the  morrow,  the  king  would  meet 
them.* 

On  the  morning  of  the  27th  the  king,  with  his  whole 
court,  attended  service  in  the  chapel  of  the  Tower  ;  and 
he  then  entered  his  barge.  The  Earls  of  Salisbury,  War 
wick,  and  Suffolk,  with  a  few  knights,  escorted  him.  He 
rowed  down  the  Thames  to  Botherhithe.  Here  an  im 
mense  crowd  was  assembled,  upwards  of  ten  thousand 
persons,  from  the  camp  at  Blackheath,  eager  to  see  the 
young  king.  They  received  him  with  shouts  of  joy,  and 

*  Froissart,  who  is  our  chief  authority  for  the  statements  given  above, 
informs  us  that  "  this  answer  gave  great  pleasure.  They  passed  the 
night  as  well  as  they  could ;  but  you  must  know  that  one-fourth  of 
them  fasted  for  want  of  provisions,  as  they  had  not  brought  any  with 
them,  at  which  they  were  much  vexed,  as  may  be  supposed."  This 
quaint  passage  is  valuable.  It  shows  the  honesty  of  purpose  with  which 
this  justifiable  insurrection  was  first  organised.  It  shows  also  the 
extreme  mismanagement  which  at  last  made  the  rioters  ungovernable, 
and,  leading  them  into  crime,  made  them  easy  victims  of  their 
oppressors. 


304  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     were  the  more  excited  as  they  had  been  inclined  to  doubt 

• — ^—  the  sincerity  of  Sir  John  Newton,  when  he  promised  that 

Sucibury.    the  king  would  come. 

1375-81.  rpjie  courtiers  were,  however,  alarmed  ;  they  knew  not 
which  way  to  interpret  the  shouts.  They  would  not  per 
mit  the  king  to  land,  but  rowed  him  up  and  down,  eo 
that  all  might  see  him.  The  boat  at  one  period  stopped, 
and  the  king  bravely  said : — "  Hither  have  I  come,  ac 
cording  to  your  wish,  and  now  what  have  you  to  say?" 
The  people  replied,  that  they  wished  him  to  land,  and 
then,  at  their  leisure,  they  could  make  known  to  him  their 
wrongs  and  requirements.  The  Earl  of  Salisbury,  with 
sarcastic  insolence,  interposed.  "  Gentlemen,"  he  sail , 
"  you  are  not  properly  dressed  for  an  interview  with 
the  king,  nor  in  a  condition  to  receive  him  properly.'' 
He  ordered  the  barge  to  be  swung  round  and  rowed 
back  to  the  Tower,  where  the  archbishop  and  other  mem 
bers  of  the  council  were  anxiously  awaiting  to  hear  the 
result. 

The  court  could  not  be  surprised  at  hearing  that,  wher 
the  proceedings  at  Eotherhithe  were  reported  to  the  camp 
at  Blackheath,  a  feeling  of  indignation  was  excited ;  but 
they  were  not  prepared  to  hear  of  the  almost  immediate 
arrival  of  the  insurgents  at  the  gate  upon  London  Bridge. 
The  insurgents  had  marched  to  the  city  in  a  state  oi 
wild  excitement,  having  destroyed  en  route  the  houses 
of  every  lawyer  and  courtier  which  came  in  their  way, 
together  with  the  monasteries,  and  now  they  demanded  an 
entrance  into  the  city.  They  threatened,  if  they  were  not 
immediately  admitted,  to  cross  the  river  and,  having 
first  destroyed  the  beautiful  and  extensive  suburbs  by 
which  London  was  surrounded,  to  take  the  city  by 
storm. 

They  had  a  strong  party  within  the  walls,  who  demanded 
that  the  gates  should  be  opened  "  to  these  honest  men, 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  305 

their  friends,  who  were  doing  what  they  did  for  the  pub-  CHAP. 
lie  good."  Among  the  magistrates  there  were  some  who  ^_ 5^ 
sympathised  with  "  the  Commons,"  and  the  gates  were 
thrown  open.  The  first  object  with  those  who  entered  was 
to  obtain  food.  A  commissariat  department  had  not  been 
thought  of  by  the  insurgents  ;  and  the  crowds  pressing 
into  the  city  were  nearly  famished.  There  was  a  rush  to 
the  provision  shops  ;  and  the  citizens  sought  to  propitiate 
their  invaders  by  presenting  them  with  all  manner  of  good 
cheer.  To  a  continuance  of  that  good  cheer  we  must  at 
tribute  the  failure  of  the  enterprise.  As  wine  and  beer 
were  imbibed  the  patriotic  spirit  evaporated.  What  was 
at  first  an  army  became  eventually  a  mob. 

The  archbishop  heard  that  the  insurgents  had  pro 
ceeded,  twenty  thousand  strong,  to  the  Duke  of  Lancaster's 
palace  of  the  Savoy,  which  they  deliberately  destroyed. 
This  was  a  warning  to  him ;  for  it  spoke,  in  intelligible 
language,  of  their  deadly  hatred  of  the  Duke  of  Lancas 
ter's  party.  They  next  attacked  the  Knights  Hospitalers, 
and  the  Flemish  merchants;  for  they  were  strong  pro 
tectionists.  The  houses  of  the  Lombards  were  ransacked, 
and  any  money  found  there  was  appropriated  to  the  public 
service.  But  the  wine  was  beginning  to  do  its  fatal 
work.  Blood  was  shed.  Richard  Lyon,  a  citizen,  to 
whom  Wat  Tyler  had  been  a  servant,  and  who  had  mal 
treated  him,  was  beheaded ;  and  his  head,  fixed  on  a  spike, 
was  paraded  through  the  streets  of  London.  The  public 
good  was  sacrificed  to  private  malignity. 

Within  the  Tower,  all  was  confusion  and  alarm.  The 
garrison  was  not  strong  enough  to  resist  a  vigorous 
assault ;  and  among  the  troops  some  were  in  league  with 
the  insurgents. 

Towards  Thursday  evening,  the  rioters,  in  great  num 
bers,  assembled  in  St.  Catherine's  Square,  in  front  of 
the  Tower.  They  declared,  that  thence  they  would  not 

VOL,  iv.  x 


306  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     depart,  until  they  had  obtained  from  the  king  a  redress 

XV'->  of  their  grievances  ;  and  until  the  Chancellor  of  England 

Sudbur.    was  brought  before  them,  to  account  for  his  prodigal  expen- 


1375-81.  diture  of  the  public  money.  If  the  accounts  should  prove 
unsatisfactory,  they  openly  declared  that  they  would  be 
satisfied  with  nothing  less  than  the  archbishop's  life. 

Sudbury  understood  his  danger,  and  prepared  to  face 
it  as  became  a  Christian.  It  was  now  that  the  best 
parts  of  his  character,  and  his  truly  religious  confidence 
in  his  God  and  Saviour,  were  shown.  The  yells  ema 
nating  from  the  inebriated  mob  in  St.  Catherine's  Square 
were  terrific.  All  were  in  a  state  of  perplexity  and 
alarm.  He  alone  remained,  self-possessed.  He  advised 
the  holding  of  a  council,  to  which  Sir  William  Wai  worth, 
the  lord  mayor,  and  the  city  magistrates  were  k- 
vited.  They  reported  that  the  rioters  were  sixty  thousand 
strong,  but  that  not  one  in  twenty  was  armed.  A  largB 
number  were  either  dead  drunk,  or  rolling  about  the  city 
in  a  state  of  mad  intoxication.  They  also  gave  informa 
tion  that  Sir  Eobert  Knolles,  Sir  Perducas  d'Albreth,  and 
other  great  men,  had  a  large  body  of  armed  men  within 
their  walls,  for  the  protection  of  their  property  ;  so  that 
upon  a  signal  given,  not  less  than  eight  thousand  men  mighi 
be  mustered,  beneath  whose  swords  the  rioters  might  be 
destroyed  like  fiies.  The  council,  however,  and  among 
them  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  thought  that  an  attempt  thus 
to  fall  upon  the  rioters  now  in  London  would  be  inex 
pedient  and  dangerous.  If  the  insurgents  were  attacked 
and  the  attack  should  fail,  every  man  of  noble  blood 
would  fall  a  victim  to  their  fury  ;  whereas,  at  present,  it 
was  not  against  the  old  nobility  that  their  passions  were 
inflamed.  Upon  the  commonalty  of  London  no  depend 
ence  could  be  placed  ;  if  swords  were  drawn,  they  would 
be  found  in  large  numbers  to  join  the  forces  of  the  enemy. 
The  Earl  of  Salisbury  advised  the  king  to  adopt  a  concilia- 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  307 

tory  measure,  to  speak  kindly  to  the  people,  and  with  fair  CHAP. 

speeches  to  grant  their  demand.     It  was  well  that  this  »  —  r*- 
advice  was  followed,  for  it  was  afterwards  discovered  that 


out  of  the  twelve  magistrates,  three  were  on  the  side  of    1375~81- 
the  insurgents. 

On  the  Friday  morning,  the  mob  in  St.  Catherine's 
Square  increased.  They  were  fierce  in  their  vociferations  ; 
and  declared  that  if  the  king  were  not  permitted  to  come 
fortli  to  commune  with  his  people,  the  Tower  should  be 
attacked  and  entrance  into  the  royal  presence  be  obtained 
by  force. 

The  feelings  of  the  insurgents  were  awfully  excited 
when  it  was  reported,  and  the  report  was  correct,  that 
the  archbishop  and  Sir  Eobert  of  Hales,  Master  of  the 
Hospitalers,  advised  the  young  king,  that  it  would  be 
beneath  his  dignity  to  go  fortli  and  hold  a  conference 
with  a  parcel  of  sansculottes.*  There  were  traitors  within 
the  Tower  who  betrayed  the  secrets  of  the  council.  Ven 
geance  against  the  archbishop  now  became  a  passion. 

If,  as  judging  from  subsequent  events,  those  who  advised 
the  king  to  concede  the  demands  of  the  commonalty,  only 
intended  to  make  the  poor  young  man  a  deceiver,  and  a 
traitor  to  his  people  —  calming  them  by  promises  to  be 

*  The  \vords  of  Walsingham  are:  "Dicentes  nequaqiiam  debere 
regem  adire  tales  discaligatos  ribaldos."  The  history  of  this  insur 
rection  is  written  by  partisans  of  the  upper  and  middle  classes,  and 
the  cause  was  ruined  by  the  dementation  of  Wat  Tyler  and  his  confede 
rates.  But  there  must  have  been  wise  heads  as  well  as  strong  hands 
at  work.  What  could  be  more  moderate  and  wise  than  the  demands  — 
the  abolition  of  slavery,  into  which  villeinage  was  sinking  ;  the  reduc 
tion  of  the  rent  of  land  to  fourpence  an  acre  ;  liberty  of  buying  and 
selling  in  all  fairs  and  markets  ;  and  a  general  amnesty  ?  Let  it  be 
remembered  that  a  charter  conceding  all  these  points  was  granted.  The 
charter  to  each  town  was  signed,  sealed,  and  delivered  ;  and  the  king 
was  base  enough  afterwards,  on  the  petition  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
to  cancel  it,  and  cruel  enough  to  hand  over  these  injured  people  by  hun 
dreds  to  the  executioner. 

x  2 


308  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,    immediately  repudiated,  when  he  was  strong  enough  to 
_  xv>_^  play  the  liar, — then  the  archbishop  was  not  so  much  to 
Sudbury    blame  f°r  ^e  advice  he  gave.    But  for  that  advice  he  died. 
1375-81.        T}ie  people  raised  a  shout  of  joy,  when  a  message  came 
from  the  king  that  he  would  meet  the  commons  of  Eng 
land  in  the  people's  park — for  such  it  was — at  Mile  End. 
The  heart  of  the  people  was  loyal ;  and  off  they  went  to 
receive  from  royal  lips  the  lie,  which  became  the  deat  i- 
warrant  to  many  of  them. 

"  Where  is  the  lord  chancellor, — where  the  lord  trea 
surer, — where  those  traitors  to  the  people  ?  "  This  was 
the  question  asked,  when  in  royal  state  King  Eichard 
came  forth  from  the  Tower,  and  presented  himself  to  his 
rejoicing  subjects. 

When  it  was  discovered  that  the  chancellor  and 
treasurer  had  not  dared  to  face  the  people,  orders  wer3 
given  to  a  chosen  body,  upon  whom  Wat  Tyler  could 
rely,  ruffians  ever  ready  to  do  his  bidding,  to  detach 
themselves  from  the  main  body  of  the  insurgents,  .and 
to  be  prepared  to  attack  the  Tower,  within  which  there 
were  some  who  had  signified  their  readiness  to  open  the 
unguarded  gates.  They  were  to  execute  judgment,  as  it 
was  called,  upon  the  chancellor  and  the  treasurer. 

Simon  Sudbury  is  one  of  those  whose  heroism  and 
whose  truly  Christian  spirit  is  shown  in  their  death.  He 
was  well  aware,  that  among  the  king's  counsellors  there 
were  some  who  cared  but  little  for  his  fate,  and  had  no 
intention  to  leave  a  sufficient  guard  within  the  Tower 
to  protect  him  if  the  Tower  were  attacked.  He  was 
too  well  aware  that,  for  whatever  reason,  he  had  not 
to  expect  much  mercy  at  the  hands  of  the  insurgents. 
They  might  possibly  respect  his  sacred  character,  but  this 
was  all  his  hope  on  earth.  His  heart  was  with  his  Saviour, 
in  whom  alone  he  had  long  lived  through  the  means  of 
grace,  and  by  whom  he  felt  prepared  for  what  the  morrow 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  309 

would  bring  forth.     The  true  Christian  fears  not  death,     CHAP. 
but  he  may  fear  the  act  of  dying.     He  might  fear  lest,  if  « — ~r^~- • 
death  came   to   him  under   some  unexpected  form,  his    Sudbuiy. 
courage  might  fail  him,  when  by  his  death  he  desired  to    1375-81- 
speak  to  the  hearts  of  those  who  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  his 
words.     He  expected  to  be  assassinated.     He  thought,  no 
doubt,  as  all  English  prelates  did  in  time  of  danger,  of  St. 
Thomas  of  Canterbury.     If  he  asked  for  his  intercession, 
it  was  not  to  the  exclusion  of  that  intercession  upon 
which  both  had  relied, — the  intercession  of  The  One  and 
Only  Mediator  between  God  and  man. 

The  old  man  officiated  in  the  chapel  of  the  Tower,  and 
administered  the  Holy  Communion  to  the  king  and  his 
court  on  the  morning  of  the  14th.  They  on  their  knees 
received  his  benediction.  They  went  forth.  He  heard 
them  mounting  their  horses  in  the  court  below.  He  heard 
the  distant  shouts  of  people  as  the  portcullis  was  raised 
by  those  who  purposely  omitted  to  let  it  fall  again.  He 
was  in  the  chapel,  attended  only  by  his  chaplains.  They 
were  all  prostrate  before  the  altar  in  silent  prayer, — when 
the  shouts  of  the  assailants  indicated  that  they  had  posses 
sion  of  the  Tower.  The  people  were  committing  great 
excesses.  The  noise,  however,  showed  that  they  were 
coming  nearer  to  the  chapel.  "  Where  is  the  traitor  ?  " 
they  were  now  shouting.  "  Where  is  the  plunderer  of 
the  commons  ?  Turn  him  out !  turn  him  out !  The 
traitor,  where  is  he  ?  " 

The  chaplains  and  attendants  of  the  archbishop  rushed 
to  the  chapel-door  to  bar  it  against  the  entrance  of  the 
mob,  but  the  brave  old  man  called  them  back.  Resistance 
would  be  vain  ;  they  must  be  overpowered.  Their  resist 
ance  could  only  cause  the  shedding  of  more  blood.  "  Let 
the  servant  of  the  Lord  depart  in  peace,"  he  said ;  "to 
die  is  better  than  to  live,  when  by  living  we  can  be  no 
longer  of  service  to  others.  Never  in  my  life  have  I  been 


310  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  in  a  state  of  mind  so  tranquil  as  that  which  I  now  enjoy." 
-_  xv'  .  He  smiled  benignantly,  and  was  extending  his  hands  to 
sfidbury  bless  nig  obedient  people  kneeling  before  him,  when  the 
1375-81.  shouts,  "  Where  is  the  traitor  ?  "  became  louder  and  more 
distinct,  as  the  door  of  the  chapel,  yielding  to  pressure 
from  without,  fell  down  with  a  crash  upon  the  pave 
ment.  Seeing  the  archbishop  in  front  of  them,  with  his 
cross  in  his  left  hand,  and  a  chaplain  standing,  with  the 
sacrament  in  his  right  hand,  the  people  were  for  a 
moment  awe-stricken  and  silent.  The  primate  spoke  : 
"  Behold  the  archbishop  whom  ye  seek  ;  no  traitor  he  ; 
no  plunderer  of  the  commons  ;  but  your  pastor."  While 
he  was  speaking,  some  of  the  mob  had  placed  themselves 
between  the  archbishop  and  the  altar.  He  had  hardly 
ceased  from  speaking  before  he  found  his  arms  pinioned. 
A  shout  from  within  announced  to  those  who  were  with 
out  that  the  chancellor  was  captured.  They  were  no: 
come  to  massacre  an  archbishop,  but,  as  they  deemed  it, 
to  execute  justice  on  a  traitorous  lord-chancellor.  They 
would  not  permit  the  archbishop  to  appear  as  he  wished, 
as  their  pastor ;  if  they  had  done  so,  the  event  might 
have  probably  been  different.  A  pinioned  helpless  criminal 
was  to  be  presented  to  the  mob  without.  Nothing  could 
have  been  more  humiliating, more  painful,  than  the  position 
of  the  archbishop — dragged  from  the  chapel,  and,  amidst 
the  scoffs  of  his  captors,  presented  to  the  people  at  different 
parts  of  the  Tower.  The  pinioned  man  could  not  raise 
himself  to  speak  so  as  to  be  heard  when  all  around  were 
noise  and  confusion.  He  was  marched  between  men  with 
their  swords  drawn,  to  Tower  Hill.  The  yell  with  which 
he  was  greeted  when  he  was  seen  coming  out  of  the 
Tower,  was  terrible  to  a  heart  which,  filled  with  love  to 
God  and  man,  was  met  with  execration.*  A  block  was 

*  "  Quo   cum  pervenisset,  factus  est   clamor  horrendissiinus,    non 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  311 

extemporised.     All  the  usual  forms  in  the  execution  of    CHAP. 
traitors  were,  as  far  as  circumstances  would  admit,  ob-  . — -r^ 
served.    The  executioner  was  not  forthcoming  :  one  of  the    sudbury. 
mob,  unused  to  the  dreadful  trade,  undertook  to  do  the    1375~81- 
deed  of  blood.     According  to  custom,  silence  was  pro 
claimed,  for  the  dying  speech  and  confession  of  the  culprit. 
The  arms  of. the  archbishop  were  now  unbound  :  he  pre 
pared  to  speak.     The  stern  character  of  the  man  evinced 
itself  to  the  last.     "  Take  heed,"  he  said,  "  my  beloved 
children  in  the  Lord,  what  thing  ye  now  do.     For  what 
offence  is  it  that  ye  doom  to  death  your  pastor,  your 
prelate,  your  archbishop  ?     Oh !   take  heed  lest  for  the 
act  of  this  day  all  England  be  laid  under  the  curse  of  an 
interdict." 

The  speech  was  not  calculated  to  pacify  the  people, 
who  would  hear  no  more,  but  shouted  out  that  they 
cared  for  neither  interdict  nor  pope ;  but  that,  as  a  man 
who  had  been  false  to  the  commons  and  had  betrayed  the 
people,  he  must  die. 

The  archbishop  laid  himself  upon  the  ground,  reclining 
his  head  upon  the  block.  The  axe,  wielded  by  an  un 
skilful  hand,  fell  on  his  neck,  only  inflicting  a  slight 
wound.  In  his  agony  he  raised  his  hand  to  his  head, 
exclaiming,  "  Ah  !  ah  !  manus  Domini  est."  But  while  he 
was  speaking,  the  axe  again  fell,  amputating  the  tips  of 
his  fingers.  Dreadful  must  have  been  his  sufferings,  for 
this  butchery  was  not  completed  until  the  axe  had  fallen 
eight  times  upon  his  neck. 

With  him  were  put  to  death  Sir  Eobert  Hales,  the 
lord  treasurer  ;  a  Franciscan  friar  of  the  Duke  of  Lan- 

similis  clamoribus  quos  edere  solent  homines,  sed  qui  ultra  omnem 
asstimationem  superaret  omnes  clamores  humanos,  et  maxime  posset 
assimilari  ululatibus  infernalium  incolarum." — Walsingham,  i.  460,  ed. 
Riley. 


312  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     caster's  party  ;  *  and  John  Lee,  or  Legge,  who  had  been  a 
x  '      favourer  of  the  obnoxious  tax. 

The  archbishop's  head  was  stuck  upon  a  long  pole, 


1375-81.  an(^  ^h  the  nea(ls  of  those  who  had  been  decapitated 
with  him,  was  paraded  through  the  ,  streets  of  London. 
To  distinguish  the  archbishop,  his  hat  was  nailed  to  his 
skull.  f  It  was  at  length  fixed  upon  London  Bridge1, 
where  it  remained  for  six  days.  It  was  then  taken  down 
by  Sir  William  Walworth,  according  to  the  political  song, 
and  reverently  wrapped  in  a  pall  ;  Wat  Tyler's  head  being 
afterwards  substituted  in  its  place. 

The  body  remained  for  two  days  on  Tower  Hill,  no  one 
daring  to  touch  it  during  that  time.  The  head  anc. 
body  were  conveyed  to  Canterbury,^  where  they  were 
interred  in  the  cathedral,  §  not  far  from  the  tomb  of 
Archbishop  Elphege  ;  and  miracles  were  said  to  be  wrought 
at  his  tomb,  of  which  some  account  may  be  found  in 
Walsingham.  Although  Sudbury  did  not  die  for  the 
maintenance  of  any  principle  or  the  attestation  of  any 
fact,  yet,  from  the  blamelessness  of  his  life,  and  the  heroic 
piety  with  which  he  met  his  death,  he  seems  to  have  been 
looked  upon  by  some  as  a  martyr  ;  and  lie  was  well 
spoken  of  by  all  except  the  extreme  Lollards.  The  poem 
on  his  death  is  written  in  a  strain  of  lamentation  for  his 
loss. 

Although  this  primate  has  left  behind  him  no  literary 
work  of  magnitude,  yet  Tanner,  who  gives  a  list  of  his 
writings  (chiefly  mandates,  to  be  found  in  Wilkins,  of 

*  William  Apuldore,  the  king's  confessor. 

|  "  Insuper  a  lixis  caput  est  in  ponte  levatum 
Atque  capellatum  clavis  in  vertice  fixis. 
Walword  tune  miles  caput  abstulit  inde  patenter 
In  pallas  habiles  involvit  idem  reverenter."  —  Pol.  Songs,  i.  227. 

J  According  to  the  poem,  this  took  place  six  days  after  his  death  ; 
his  corpse  was  followed  by  some  of  the  citizens  of  London. 

§  Cum  condigno  honor  e,  Thorn,  col.  2157. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  313 

which  copious  use  has  been  made  in  these  pages),  speaks 
of  him  as  a  man  of  high  literary  attainments.  Perhaps 
his  injunction  for  general  public  prayer  on  occasion  of  the 
pestilence  is  the  most  interesting  of  his  compositions.*  1375-81. 

There  is  a  fine  canopied  monument  of  Archbishop  Sud- 
bury  still  existing  in  Canterbury  Cathedral,  f 

As  a  specimen  of  the  literature  of  the  period,  I  add  the 
following  poem,  which  refers  to  the  archbishop's  death  : — 

Tax  has  tenet  us  alle, 

Probat  hoc  mors  tot  validorum 
The  kyng  thereof  hade  smalle, 

Fuit  in  manibus  cupidoi*um ; 
Hit  hade  harde  housalle, 

Dans  causam  fine  dolor  um ; 
Kevrawnce  nede  most  falle, 

Propter  peccata  malorum. 

In  Kent  this  kare  began 

Mox  infestando  potentes 
In  rowte  the  rybawdus  ran, 

Sua  pompis  anna  ferentes ; 
Foltis  dred  no  mon, 

Regni  regem  neque  gentes, 
Churles  were  hor  chevetan, 

Vulgo  pure  dominantes. 

Thus  hor  wayes  thay  wente, 

Pravis  pravos  cemulantes, 
To  London  fro  Kent 

Sunt  piwdia  depopulantes ; 
Ther  was  an  uvel  covent, 

Australi  parte  vagantes ; 
Sythenne  they  sone  were  schent, 

Qui  tune  fuer ant  superantes. 

*  Wilkins,  iii.  100.  f  Wilks,  120. 


314 


LIVES    OF   THE 


CflAP. 
XV. 

• 1 ' 

Simon 
8udbury. 
1375-81. 


Bondus  they  blwim  bost, 

Nolentes  lege  domari, 
Nede  they  fre  be  most, 

Vel  nollent  pacificari ; 
Charters  were  endost, 

Nos  libertate  morari ; 
Ther  hor  fredam  thay  lost, 

Digni  pro  ccede  negari. 

Laddus  loude  thay  loye, 

Clamantes  voce  sonora, 
The  bisschop  wen  thay  sloye, 

Et  corpora  plura  decora  ; 
Maners  down  thay  drowye 

In  regno  non  meliora  ; 
Harme  thay  dud  inoye, 

Habuerunt  libera  lora. 

Jak  Strawe  made  yt  stowte 
In  prof  usa  comitiva, 

And  seyd  al  schuld  hem  lowte 
Anglorum  corpora  viva. 

Sadly  can  they  schowte 
Pulsant  pietatis  oliva, 

The  wycche  were  wont  to  lowte, 
Aratrum  traducere  otiva. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  315 


CHAPTEE  XVI. 

WILLIAM      COUETEXAT.* 

Family  of  Courtenay. — Family  of  Bohun. — William  Courtenay,  son  of 
the  Earl  of  Devon,  born  in  the  parish  of  St.  Martin's,  Exminster. — 
Educated  at  Stapledon  Hall,  Oxford. — A  Doctor  Decretorum. — 
Chancellor  of  the  University. — Peculiar  circumstances  of  his  election. 
— His  preferments. — Bishop  of  Hereford  in  his  28th  year. — State  of 
parties. — His  conduct  in  convocation  anti-papal. — Translated  to 
London. — Unjustifiable  conduct  towards  the  Florentines. — Violent 
conduct  of  John  of  Gaunt. — Courtenay  resents  the  insult  offered 
to  William  of  Wykeham.  —  Courtenay  prosecutes  Wiclif. — Scene 
between  him  and  John  of  Gaunt  in  St.  Paul's. — Disturbances  in 
London. — Courtenay's  conduct  with  respect  to  Hawle. — Change  of 
views  in  Courtenay.  —  His  translation  to  Canterbury — Receives 
the  cross  from  Canterbury,  under  protest. — Made  Lord  Chancellor. 
— Opens  Parliament. — Infamous  conduct  of  Parliament.. — Courtenay 
officiates  at  the  marriage  and  coronation  of  the  Queen. — Receives 
the  pall. — His  proceedings  against  Wiclif. — Court  of  Inquiry  at 
Black  Friars. —  Earthquake. —  Procession  to  St.  Paul's.  —  Courte 
nay's  proceedings  against  Oxford. — He  officiates  at  the  King's  second 
coronation. — Visitation  at  Leicester. — His  provincial  visitation. — 
Visitation  of  St.  Augustine's,  Bristol. — Opposedby  the  Bishops  of  Salis 
bury  and  Exeter. — Constitution  against  Choppe  Churches. — Schism 
in  the  Church  of  Rome. — Boniface  IX.  acknowledged  in  England. — 
Sale  of  indulgences. — Statutes  of  provisory  renewed. — Unconstitu 
tional  conduct  of  Courtenay. — Jubilee. — Royal  proclamation  against 
the  jubilee. — Boniface  IX.  implores  pecuniary  assistance  from  the 
clergy  of  the  Church  of  England  in  vain. — The  Archbishop  censured 
by  the  Government. — He  makes  a  strong  anti-papal  protest  in  favour 

*  Authorities: — Walsingham;  Pseudo-Knyghton;  Fasciculi  Zizanio- 
rum;  Dies  Obituales  Archiepisc.  Cantuar.  ;  Political  Songs;  Lam 
beth  Register. 


316  LIVES   OF   THE 

of  the  liberties  of  the  Church  of  England. — Provisions  of  the  Act  of 
Prasmunire. — Difficulties  at  Canterbury  and  Romney. — Simple  tastes 
of  Courtenay. — His  benefactions. 

To  attempt  a  description  of  the  family  of  Courtenay,  after 
viiiam  ^1G  splenc^d  digression  upon  its  fortunes,  appended  by 
Courtenay.  Gibbon  to  his  sixty-first  chapter,  would  be  superfluous  or 
an  impertinence.  If  from  a  regard  to  truth  and  time,  we 
are  to  give  no  credence  to  the  grateful  or  venal  monks  cf 
Ford,  when  they  represent  the  Courtenays  of  Devonshire 
as  descended  from  Prince  Florus,  the  second  son  of  Peter, 
and  the  grandson  of  Louis  the  Fat ;  yet  the  concession,  that 
the  fable  was  believed  in  the  time  of  Edward  III.,  is  suffi 
cient  to  account  for  the  pride  of  birth  which  was  imputed, 
whether  correctly  or  not,  to  the  cadet  of  that  family,  who , 
in  the  fourteenth  century,  sat  in  the  marble  chair  of  Can 
terbury,  the  successor  of  Augustine,  or,  as  he  preferred  to 
describe  himself,  of  St.  Thomas  the  Martyr. 

In  the  stirring  events  of  the  Third  Edward's  reign,  Hugh 
Courtenay,  Earl  of  Devon,  took  an  active  part ;  and  among 
the  first  Knights  of  the  Garter  his  name  is  enrolled.  His 
wife  was  Margaret,  the  daughter  of  Humphrey  de  Bohun, 
Earl  of  Hereford ;  and  she  was  a  granddaughter  of  Ed 
ward  I. 

The  founder  of  the  family  of  Bohun  in  England  was 
Humphrey  a  of  the  Beard,"  who  came  over  with  William 
the  Conqueror.  William  de  Bohun,  the  brother  of  Mar 
garet,  was  created  Earl  of  Northampton  in  1337,  when 
the  Black  Prince  was  advanced  to  the  dukedom  of  Corn 
wall.  Of  Edward  III.  and  his  illustrious  son  he  was  the 
constant  companion ;  and  was  in  the  second  battalion  of 
the  English  army  at  the  battle  of  Cressy.  He  was  one 
of  the  original  Knights  of  the  Garter.* 

*  The  authority  for  these  statements  is  Dugdale.  The  family  of 
Bohun  has  become  extinct.  That  of  Courtenay  still  exists.  The  pre 
sent  Earl  of  Devon  is  the  thirty-first  earl. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  317 

The  eldest  son  of  Hugh  Cotirtenay  and  of  Margaret  de     CHAP. 
Bohun  was  also  named  Hugh ;  and,  distinguishing  himself,  * 
early  in  life,  by  his  valour  and  martial  spirit,  he  became,  cwrtonay. 
like  his  father,  a  Knight  of  the  Garter,  and  participated  in    1381-96- 
the  glories  of  Cressy.     At  the  great  tournament  held  at 
Eltham,  the  king  presented  him  with  a  hood  of  white 
'cloth,  embroidered  with  dancing  men  and  buttoned  with 
large  pearls.    He  married  a  daughter  of  Thomas  Holland, 
Earl  of  Kent,  by  J-skana  his  wife,  commonly  called  the  fair 
maid  of  Kent,  who  was  also  a  granddaughter  of  Edward  I. 
On  the  death  of  the  Earl  of  Kent,  she  became  the  wife  of 
the  Black  Prince,  and  was  mother  of  King  Eichard  II. 

William,  the  fourth  son  of  the  Earl  and  Countess  of 
Devon,*  was  born  in  the  parish  of  St.  Martin's,f  a  suburb  of 
the  city  of  Exeter,  or  Exminster,  about  the  year  1342.  He 
was  educated  in  his  father's  house,  and  was  trained  to  the 
knightly  accomplishments  of  the  age,  until  he  was  sent  to 
the  University  of  Oxford.  That  attachment  to  their 
county,  and  to  all  that  pertains  to  it,  by  which  Devonshire 
men  are  to  this  hour  distinguished,  induced  his  parents 
to  select  for  his  place  of  residence  in  the  University  a  hall 
lately  founded  by  Walter  de  Stapledon,  Bishop  of  Exeter ; 
of  whom,  himself  the  son  of  a  Devonshire  knight,  we  have 
had  occasion  already  to  speak.  Young  Courtenay  was 
sent  to  Stapledon  Hall,  "  conveniently  situated  in  St.  Mil 
dred's  parish,  under  and  against  the  north  wall  of  the  city, 
that  is  to  say,  in  the  lane  going  from  the  place,  where  Turl  or 
Thorold  Gate  now  is,  to  the  north  end  of  School  Street.  "J 

*  His  mother,  Margaret,  bequeathed  to  the  archbishop  a  gilt  chalice 
and  a  missal.  Dugdale,  640.  Testamenta  Vetusta,  i.  127. 

t  In  his  will,  which  is  given  in  Somner,  though  not  in  the  Testa 
menta  Vetusta,  Archbishop  Courtenay  says,  "  Paroch.  S.  Martini  ubi 
natus  fueram."  I  infer  the  date  of  his  birth  from  a  statement,  probably 
correct,  in  Le  Neve,  which  represents  the  archbishop  as  28  years  old 
in  1370. 

J  Wood,  Colleges,  104. 


318  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.  Thus  minutely  is  described  the  situation  of  that  hall 
— ^r^—-  which  was  father  to  Exeter  College.  Courtenay  was 
ourtenay.  entered  as  the  son  of  the  Earl  of  Devonshire,  and  as 
1381-96.  descended  from  the  royal  blood  of  England.  As  a  stu 
dent  William  Courtenay  was  not  distinguished  ;  for  his 
talents  were  such  as  qualified  him  for  the  active  rather 
than  the  contemplative  life.  Those  talents  soon  displayed' 
themselves  when  the  student  had  become  a  graduate,  and 
evinced  a  readiness  to  take  a  conspicuous  share  in  the 
government  of  the  University.  His  studies  were  directed 
to  law  rather  than  to  theology,  and  in  law  he  graduated ; 
but  he  did  not  practise  in  the  courts.  In  one  documem; 
he  is  described  as  "  Doctor  Deere torum  Oxonias."  *  In 
13GT  lie  was  elected  chancellor  of  the  University,  under 
peculiar  circumstances.  We  have  before  had  occasion, 
more  than  once,  to  mention  the  disputes  which,  from  time 
to  time,  arose  between  the  authorities  of  the  University 
and  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  with  reference  to  the  right  of 
the  diocesan  to  give  or  to  withhold  his  license  to  the  person 
elected  to  the  office  of  chancellor.  The  independence  of 
the  University  had  now  been  asserted  ;  and  it  is  especially 
recorded  that,  in  the  case  of  Dr.  Courtenay,  he  was  "  in 
vited  to  take  this  office  upon  him  in  a  full  congregation 
of  regents  and  non-regents,  on  the  Thursday  next  before 
Pentecost.  He  was  afterwards  solemnly  admitted  without 
any  confirmation  of  the  diocesan. f 

The  office  of  chancellor  had  now  become,  from  an 
increase  of  labour,  an  office  of  great  dignity  and  import 
ance.  He  was  a  magistrate,  and  required  assistance  in 
the  administration  of  justice  ;  his  duties  were  multifarious, 
and  some  of  them  must  of  necessity  be  performed  by 
deputies.  These  were  appointed  under  various  titles  ; 
sometimes  they  were  called  vicegerents,  sometimes  com- 

*  Fasc.  Zizan.  28G.  t  Wood,  Fasti,  28. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  319 

missaries  ;  at  last,  they  were  vice-chancellors.     They  were     CHAP. 
called  vice-chancellors  even  when  the  chancellors  were  • — -^—^ 

William 

resident  omcers.  They  corresponded  to  what  are  now  courtenay. 
called  pro- vice- chancellors.  The  chancellor  was,  at  this 
time,  surrounded  with  the  apparatus  of  dignity.  Six 
beadles  attended  him  when  he  appeared  in  public ;  and  a 
verger  carrying  a  silver  staff  preceded  him,  when  he 
entered  the  house  of  assembly,  or  appeared  at  church. 

Just  before  he  entered  upon  his  office,  a  controversy 
had  taken  place  between  the  University  and  the  mendi 
cants  ;  or  rather  the  University  was  constrained  by  the 
Government  to  make  concessions,  which  were  very  un 
willingly  yielded.  The  University  was  compelled  to 
annul  all  statutes  which  had  been  made  to  enforce  con 
formity  upon  the  friars  ;  and  the  friars,  on  their  part, 
stipulated  that  they  should  not  avail  themselves  of  this 
relaxation  to  obtain  bulls  from  Borne,  to  the  detriment  of 
the  University  or  of  any  person  dwelling  in  it.  The  king 
reserved  to  himself  and  his  council  the  power  to  reform 
abuses,  and  to  settle  any  differences  that  might  arise 
between  the  contending  parties.  Dr.  Courtenay  took 
part  with  the  University  against  the  friars,  and  was  sup 
ported  in  his  proceedings  by  Dr.  Wiclif.  On  Courtenay 's 
election  to  the  chancellorship,  in  1367,  the  friars  were 
violent  in  their  indignation  against  him,  and  violated  their 
part  of  the  compact  by  citing  the  chancellor  of  the  Univer 
sity  to  Borne.  The  king  interposed,  and  prohibited  the 
citation,  leaving  Courtenay  not  a  little  exasperated  against 
the  friars  and  the  court  of  Borne.* 

The  powerful  friends  of  Courtenay  had  not  been  un 
mindful  of  his  pecuniary  interests  ;  and  the  Chancellor  of 
Oxford  had,  at  an  early  period  of  life,  been  instituted  to 
prebends  in  the  cathedrals  of  Exeter,  Wells,  and  York. 

*  Par.  41,  Edvv.  III.  1.  m.  13.     Wood's  Annals,  480. 


320  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.  In  1369,  when  he  was  in  his  twenty-eighth  year,  they 
XVL  .  succeeded  in  obtaining  for  him  the  Bishopric  of  Hereford, 
ourtena  ^s  defect  m  age  was  mac^e  UP  by  a  bull  dated  August  17, 
1381-96.  13G9.  It  is  not  certain  who  officiated  at  his  consecration. 
But  it  appears  from  his  register,  that  it  took  place  on  the 
17th  of  March,  and  in  London.  It  does  not  appear  in 
Whittlesey's  register,  so  that  he  was  most  probably  con 
secrated  by  Sudbury,  then  Bishop  of  London,  whom 
Courtenay  was  destined  to  succeed,  both  in  the  see  of 
London  and  also  in  the  metropolitan  see.  He  commis 
sioned  his  vicar-general  on  the  19th  of  March,  1370.  E'e 
was  enthroned  on  the  5th  of  September,  1370.* 

Courtenay,  vehement  and  impetuous,  with  generous 
impulses  and  a  high  spirit,  popular  in  his  manners  and 
energetic  in  all  that  he  undertook,  entered  public  life, 
when  party  feeling  ran  high. 

We  need  riot  enter  into  a  particular  description  of  tha 
state  of  parties,  since  this  has  been  already  done  in  tha 
Life  of  Sudbury.  We  need  only  allude  to  the  fact,  that 
two  parties  were  now  contending  for  power,  not,  as  in 
times  past,  in  the  field  of  battle,  but  in  the  two  Houses  of 
Parliament ;  and  especially  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
which,  through  a  happy  combination  of  circumstances, 
had  now  begun  to  assume  that  important  position  in  the 
constitution,  which  it  never  lost. 

At  the  head  of  the  one  party  was  the  Prince  of  Wales, 
who  had  been  drawn  from  his  retirement  by  suspicion  of 
the  ambitious  designs  of  John  of  Gaunt,  the  Duke  of 
Lancaster.  Whether  John  of  Gaunt  was  really  planning 
to  set  aside  the  son  of  his  elder  brother,  who  had  always 
hitherto  regarded  him  with  particular  affection,  cannot 
be  known.  It  is  only  known,  that  he  was  endeavouring 
to  obtain  power  over  the  weakened  mind  of  the  king, 

'  These  statements  are  made  on  the  authority  of  Courtenay's 
Register  at  Lambeth. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  321 

now  in  premature  dotage ;  and  that  he  was  as  rough,     CHAP. 
rude,  and  domineering,  as  his  brother  was  affable,  cour-  • — ^— - 
teous,  and  kind.     The  Duke  of  Lancaster  had  for  his  courtenay. 
clerical  adviser,  Dr.  John  Wiclif,  who  was  regarded  at    1381-96- 
this  time  not  merely  as  a  divine,  but  as  a  politician  of 
extreme   opinions.     The  Prince  of  Wales  had,  for  his 
adviser,  his  father's  old   friend,  William  of  Wykeham 
Bishop  of  Winchester.     William  of  Wykeham  found  in 
Courtenay  an  enthusiastic  supporter. 

In  this  life,  we  have  not  to  go  far  into  political  affairs, 
for  Courtenay  did  not  take  a  prominent  part,  like  some  of 
his  predecessors,  in  the  government  of  the  country.  It  is 
only  necessary  to  remind  the  reader  that  in  church 
politics,  there  was  an  important  distinction,  which,  though 
often  passed  over,  must  be  borne  in  mind,  if  we  would  do 
justice  to  Courtenay's  character. 

The  pope  was  at  Avignon.  The  whole  English  nation 
was  therefore,  on  political  grounds,  anti-papal.  Courtenay, 
in  the  early  part  of  his  life,  and  the  politicians  on  his 
side,  were  more  eager  than  their  opponents  to  resist  papal 
aggression  in  all  its  shapes  and  forms.  Some  of  the 
strongest  anti-papal  measures  were  introduced  by  them  in 
"  the  good  parliament."  But  they  were  equally  zealous  to 
uphold  the  rights  of  the  clergy  of  the  Church  of  England. 
"  Defend  us  from  the  pope,"  they  said,  "  if  you  wish  us 
to  support  you  by  our  purses." 

This  was  perfectly  consistent  with  a  deference  to  the 
pope  in  things  spiritual.  As  we  have  frequently  remarked, 
the  question  was  as  to  rights  of  suzerainty.  They  did  not 
deny  the  superiority  of  the  suzerain,  when  they  resisted 
the  exercise  of  that  authority  on  certain  points.  Hence 
Courtenay  was  sometimes  anti-papal,  and  at  others  un 
duly  subservient  to  the  papacy. 

John  of  Gaunt  found  the  clergy  of  the  Church  of 
England,  as  a  body,  determined  to  resist  his  ambitious 

VOL.  IV.  Y 


LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,     designs ;  and  against  them  he  waged  war.     From  party 
_XAL^  feeling  he  would  act,  as  Wiclif  did  from  higher  motives. 
Courtenay   ^e  would  drive  the  clergy  from  all  secular  offices  and 
1381-96.    confine  their  labours  to  the  discharge  of  their  clerical 
functions.     John  of  Gaunt  was  prepared  to  side  with  the 
pope,  at  this  period,  if  only  the  pope  would  strengthen  his 
hands  against  the  English  clergy  ;   and  the  pope  would 
abet  John  of  Gaunt,  if  he  would  force  the  clergy  to  con 
tribute  towards  the  replenishing  of  the  papal  as  well  as  of 
the  national  treasury. 

We  are  thus  able  to  understand  how  Courtenay  ai  d 
John  of  Gaunt  were  vehemently  opposed  to  each  other,  at 
the  commencement  of  Courtenay 's  career.  They  were 
neither  of  them  men  who  acted  upon  any  fixed  political 
principles.  They  were  men  of  impulse,  who  acted  only 
as  the  exigencies  of  the  time  required,  with  a  vie^v 
to  party  purposes.  When  by  circumstances  the  party 
combinations,  on  either  side,  had  been  dissolved,  they 
came  together  and  acted  as  friends.  They  showed,  by  their 
so  doing,  that,  in  the  early  period  of  their  career,  part}, 
not  principle,  influenced  Courtenay,  and  certain  privatB 
ends  and  objects  John  of  Gaunt.  We  shall  find  them,  at 
different  periods  of  life,  each  of  them  acting  in  unconsciou  * 
inconsistency ;  and  doing  at  one  time  what  at  another  they 
would  have  reprobated.  It  will  be  remembered,  that  it  in 
of  political  principle  that  we  are  speaking,  and  not  o? 
religious  principle. 

Another  peculiarity  in  the  career  of  Courtenay  must  be 
noticed  :  his  preferment  to  the  see  of  Canterbury,  when 
that  appointment  he  received,  marked  a  new  era.  With 
the  exception  of  Boniface,  the  Archbishopric  of  Canterbury 
had  not  been  regarded  as  a  provision  for  the  aristocracy. 
From  the  time  of  Langton,  with  this  exception,  it  had 
been  not  a  dignity  to  be  conferred,  but  an  office  to 
which  men  were  to  rise.  It  had  been  held  by  men  who 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  323 

had  previously  been  educated  as  lawyers,  and  who  had     CHAP. 
distinguished  themselves  as  statesmen.    An  eminent  states-  • — r^— - 
man  felt,  that  he  had  as  much  right  to  claim  the  archie-  Courtenay. 
piscopal  mitre,  if  the  see  of  Canterbury  fell  vacant  when    1381-9G- 
he  was  chancellor,  as  the  attorney-general,  at  the  present 
time,  would  urge  his  claim  to  the  chancellorship  if,  by  any 
good  fortune,  that  office  were  vacant.    In  these  days,  it  is 
assumed  that  the  person  nominated  to  a  bishopric  is  not 
entirely  ignorant  of  theology,  or  openly  hostile  to  the 
church.  The  assumption  in  the  thirteenth  century  was,  that 
he  was  competent  as  a  lawyer  not  less  than  as  a  divine. 
Some  exceptions  were  made,  but  these  are  to  be  accounted 
for  by  circumstances.    It  was  possible  then,  as  now,  for  a 
learned  divine  to  be  on  the  episcopal  bench,  as  was  the 
case  with  Bradwardine  ;    but  with  the  exception  of  Boni 
face — a  precedent  to  be  avoided  —  no    one   had    been 
appointed  to  the  primacy  simply  on  the  ground  of  his 
being  an  aristocrat,  or  one  who  was  nearly  or  remotely 
connected  with  the  royal  family. 

The  preferments  of  Courtenay  were  viewed  with 
jealousy  by  the  merely  professional  men.  The  lawyers 
and  older  statesmen  asked  what  the  young  man  had  done. 
He  had  graduated  as  a  lawyer  at  Oxford,  but  he  had  not 
practised  in  the  courts ;  he  was  ordained,  but  lie  was 
unknown  as  a  theologian.  They  did  not  begrudge  him 
the  see  of  Hereford,  but  angry  feelings  were  excited  when 
he  was  translated  to  London  and  Canterbury.  On  the 
other  hand,  his  appointments  were  viewed  with  great 
satisfaction  by  the  people  in  general.  How  violent  was 
the  feeling  against  lawyers,  we  have  seen  in  the  life  of 
Sudbury.  The  fact  that  Courtenay  was  not  a  lawyer  was, 
among  the  mass  of  the  people,  a  point  in  his  favour,  and 
was  one  of  his  recommendations  after  Sudbury 's  death. 
The  ancient  nobility  were  in  favour  with  the  people, 
whose  hostility  w^as  directed  against  that  new  aristocracy, 

Y   2 


r— 


324  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  which  was  springing  up  from  among  the  citizens  and  bur- 
gesses,  and  who  were  converting  villeins  into  slaves.  The 
fact,  therefore,  that  Courtenay  belonged  to  an  old  family 
8U96<  secured  for  him  the  goodwill  of  a  large  portion  of  the 
community  ;  but  so  happily  was  he  circumstanced,  that 
his  advancement  was  viewed  with  equal  favour  by  the 
new  aristocracy.  The  laity  had,  up  to  a  period  not  then 
remote,  confined  themselves,  in  the  upper  classes,  to  mili 
tary  exercises,  and  to  the  art  of  war  ;  the  middle  class  ss 
to  the  pursuits  of  commerce  ;  leaving  agriculture  to  the 
lower  orders  and  to  the  monks  and  clergy  who,  by  the 
skilful  management  of  their  estates,  had  become  enor 
mously  rich.  The  laity  had  now,  however,  begun  to  turn 
their  minds  to  other  subjects  ;  and,  brought  together  by 
parliament,  they  were  tending  to  that  division  of  labour 
which  is  the  foundation  of  various  professions.  They 
were  beginning  to  say,  Let  the  clergy  confine  themselves 
to  theology,  and  it  will  be  the  better  for  religion  ;  let 
law  be  a  distinct  profession,  which  the  laity  will  no  longer 
despise  ;  let  the  lay  nobles  assume  the  direction  of  stato 
affairs.  A  ne  sutor  ultra  crepidam  feeling  was  beginning 
to  prevail  ;  and  these  parties  were  pleased  to  see  an 
aristocrat  advanced  to  the  highest  position  in  the  church, 
simply  because  they  rejoiced  to  perceive  that  men  o  ' 
noble  blood  were  beginning  to  feel,  that  there  were  other 
sources  of  ambition  opened  to  them  besides  those  which 
were  offered  in  the  battle  field. 

In  these  remarks  we  have  anticipated  our  history, 
although  they  are  clearly  necessary  to  render  our  history 
intelligible. 

Courtenay  retained  the  see  of  Hereford  for  three  years. 
He  did  nothing  to  make  his  episcopate  memorable  ;  but, 
under  William  of  Wykeham,  he  laboured  diligently  to 
promote  the  interests  of  his  party,  and  was  diligent  in  his 
attendance  upon  convocation.  Here  he  acted  as  the 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  325 

leader  in  opposition  to  the  government  of  the  Duke  of  CHAP. 
Lancaster.  We  have  had  occasion,  in  the  life  of  Whittlesey, 
to  refer  to  that  memorable  debate  in  convocation,  when 
Bishop  of  Hereford  stood  forward  as  the  champion  of  1 381-96. 
England  against  the  pope.*  He  complained  that  the 
English  clergy  were  subjected  to  a  double  taxation  :  sub 
sidies  were  required  by  the  king,  and  subsidies  were 
required  by  the  pope.  He  had  conferred  with  the  clergy 
of  his  own  diocese,  and  they  agreed  with  him  in  a  deter 
mination  not  to  contribute  to  the  exigencies  of  the  state, 
unless  the  government  would  stipulate  to  protect  them 
from  the  exactions  of  the  papal  court. 

In  1372,  the  Bishop  of  Hereford  suffered  a  severe 
domestic  affliction  in  the  death  of  his  cousin,  the  Earl  of 
Northampton  ;  but  he  had  by  this  time  established  a  posi 
tion  in  the  country  for  himself,  and  continued  in  favour  with 
the  Prince  of  Wales.  The  prince's  party  was  in  the  ascend 
ant,  when  the  see  of  Canterbury  fell  vacant  by  the  death 
of  Archbishop  Whittlesey  in  1374  ;  and  when  it  was 
proposed  that  Sudbury  should  be  translated  from  London 
to  Canterbury,  the  proposal  was  at  once  accepted.  For  the 
party  perceived  the  importance  of  securing  London  to  their 
side,  by  providing  that  see  with  a  prelate,  whose  high  birth 
rendered  it  easy  to  conciliate  the  commercial  men  anxious 
to  establish  an  interest  at  court,  and  whose  popular  manners 
formed  a  favourable  contrast  to  those  of  Sudbury. 

To  the  see  of  London  Courtenay  was  translated  in  the  year 
1375  ;  and  he  was  soon  after  nominated  one  of  the  Council 
of  Eegency,  if  we  may  so  style  the  committee,  appointed 
by  the  "  good  parliament,"  to  advise  King  Edward  III. 

Bishop  Courtenay  was  indefatigable  in  his  endeavours 
to  obtain  the  confidence  and  goodwill  of  the  Londoners ; 
and  sometimes,  for  this  purpose,  he  had  recourse  to  very 

*  See  p.  239  of  this  volume,  where  is  also  given  the  remonstrance  of 
the  good  parliament  against  the  pope. 


326  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  reprehensible  means  and  measures.  Such  was  his  con- 
« — -^—  duct  with  reference  to  the  Florentines.  The  pope  had 
Conrtenay.  excommunicated  the  Florentines  ;  and,  as  the  banking 
1381-96.  business  was,  in  most  countries,  conducted  by  them,  he 
directed  that  the  bull  should  be  published  in  every 
kingdom,  and  that,  on  the  publication  of  it,  their  effects 
should  be  sold.  Any  country  was  to  be  placed  under  an 
interdict  which  should  prohibit  the  publication.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  prelate  who  should  dare  to  publish  the 
bull  in  England,  would  incur  the  penalties  of  a  prsemunire. 
These  penalties  Courtenay  determined  to  risk,  trusting  to 
his  position  in  the  government  for  protection.  To  tic 
great  delight  of  the  populace,  the  bull  was  published  {it 
Paul's  Cross  ;  and  they  proceeded  forthwith  to  plunder  the 
houses  of  the  excommunicated  Florentines.  But  the 
bishop  had  here  overshot  his  mark.  The  merchants  of 
London  would  not  tolerate  such  an  act  of  spoliation,  or 
allow  such  a.  precedent  to  be  established.  The  lord 
mayor  came  forward  for  the  protection  of  the  persecuted 
Florentines  ;  and  the  Bishop  of  London  was  summoned 
before  the  Court  of  Chancery,  to  account  for  his  illegal 
conduct.  He  had  nothing  to  plead  but  the  papal  man 
date  ;  and  on  his  pleading  this,  he  was  referred  to  the 
statute  of  praemunire,  and  was  warned  that,  unless  he 
withdrew  the  plea,  all  his  property  would  be  forfeited  tc 
the  crown,  and  he  himself  be  placed  out  of  the  protection 
of  the  law.  He  was  commanded  to  cancel  the  publication 
of  the  bull,  and  to  revoke  certain  words  relating  to  an 
interdict,  which,  on  its  publication,  he  had  uttered  at 
Paul's  Cross,  and  which  were  supposed  to  derogate 
from  the  supremacy  of  the  crown.  The  bishop,  with 
great  difficulty,  obtained  permission  to  do  this  by  deputy ; 
and  one  of  his  officials,  mounting  the  pulpit,  declared  that 
the  bishop  had  been  misunderstood,  and  that  he  had  made 
no  allusion  to  an  interdict.  He  expressed  his  surprise, 


AKCIIBISHOrS   OF   CANTERBURY.  327 

that  persons  so  accustomed  to  hear  sermons  from  that  pul-  CHAP. 
pit  should  have  so  entirely  misapprehended  their  bishop. 
The  death  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  which  occurred  soon 
after  the  translation  of  Courtenay  to  the  see  of  London, 
changed  the  whole  aspect  of  affairs.  John  of  Gaunt 
naturally  assumed  the  direction  of  the  royal  family ;  and 
was  perfectly  aware,  that  the  king  required  to  be  managed, 
not  controlled.  Edward  III.  seems  to  have  suffered  from 
what  now  would  be  called  a  softening  of  the  brain.  No 
one  knew  when  he  would,  in  his  imbecility,  permit  himself 
to  be  led,  or  when  the  expiring  fire  of  the  Plantagenet 
would  emit  a  hasty  flame.  The  people  watched  jealously 
over  their  dying  hero ;  and  the  whole  case  required  deli 
cate  treatment.  Alice  Ferrers  was,  in  consequence,  re 
called.  The  Black  Prince  could  supersede  her  but  no 
one  else.  She  ruled  the  king  and  was  herself  ruled  by 
John  of  Gaunt ;  who,  in  the  triumph  of  his  party,  lost  all 
sense  of  moderation  and  gave  full  play  to  his  malignant 
passions.  He  defied  public  opinion,  and  public  opinion 
attributed  to  him  ulterior  designs  of  a  treasonable  cha 
racter.  He  purchased  the  support  of  Lord  Percy,  who 
had  heretofore  adhered  to  the  opposite  party,  by  con 
ferring  upon  him  the  office  of  Earl  Marshal ;  an  office 
which  the  Earl  of  March  had  been  compelled  to  resign. 
He  sent  the  loader  of  the  House  of  Commons,  Peter  de  la 
Mare,  a  prisoner  to  Nottingham  Castle.  This  circumstance 
tended  to  confirm  the  suspicion  of  ulterior  designs  of  the 
Duke  of  Lancaster  upon  the  throne  ;  for  Peter  de  la  Mare 
was  regarded  as  the  representative  of  the  heir  presumptive. 
John  of  Gaunt  attacked  the  venerable  Bishop  of  Win 
chester,  William  of  Wykeham  ;  and  seizing  his  temporal 
ities  declared  them  forfeit  to  the  crown.  The  king's 
council  was  dissolved.  The  King  of  Castile  was  the 
dictator  of  England.  Never  was  there  a  more  complete 
sweep,  and  a  coup  d  'etat  would  have  certainly  ensued,  if 


328  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.     John  of  Gaunt  had  possessed  either  a  standing  army,  or 

-XVL  -  the  affections  of  the  people. 

om-tena1        ^G  knew  ^s  unpopularity  ;  and  instead  of  seeking  to 

1381-96.  obtain  the  popular  favour  he  had  lost,  he  chafed  under 
the  hatred  which  he  had  incurred,  and  raved  against  all, 
who  dared  to  oppose  his  will. 

In  the  meantime,  Courtenay  a  man  of  the  highest  rank 
had  lived  among  the  Londoners,  and  by  the  courtesy  of 
his  manners,  more  than  by  any  special  acts  of  munificence;, 
had  endeared  himself  to  them.  His  predecessor  Sudbury 
had  been  non-resident,  and  though  the  more  munificent 
of  the  two,  failed  to  obtain  the  good- will  of  the  people. 
The  hearts  of  men  are  more  easily  won  by  personal  kind 
ness  than  by  substantial  benefits. 

The  Bishop  of  London  was  justly  indignant  when  lie- 
heard  that,  at  the  meeting  of  parliament,  no  writ  of  sum 
mons  had  been  issued  to  the  Bishop  of  Winchester ;  but 
his  anger  knew  no  bounds  when  he  found  that  Archbishop 
Sudbury,  a  partisan  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  had  ne 
glected  to  send  the  venerable  prelate  a  summons  to  attend 
the  Convocation,  which  met  on  the  3rd  of  February.  Of 
the  determination  and  vigour  displayed  by  the  Bishop  of 
London,  on  this  occasion,  we  have  already  said  something 
in  the  life  of  Archbishop  Sudbury.  The  convocation  had 
been  summoned  to  vote  a  subsidy  to  the  government.  The 
Bishop  of  London  had  prepared  himself,  and  produced 
several  rolls  of  parchment,  in  which  were  narrated  the  in 
juries  inflicted  by  the  government  upon  the  friend  of  the 
Black  Prince  and  the  former  minister  of  the  insulted  king. 
He  eloquently  pleaded  in  behalf  of  one  of  the  most  dis 
tinguished  statesmen  of  the  day,  who,  without  a  trial,  had 
been  condemned  ;  and  he  adjured  his  brethren  to  refuse  a 
subsidy  until  satisfaction  had  been  rendered  to  the  injured 
prelate.  We  need  not  refer  again  to  the  enthusiastic 
response  returned  to  this  appeal ;  or  state  how  the  reluct- 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  329 

ant  primate  was  compelled   to   yield   to  the  inflexible     CHAR 
convocation  ;  in  which,  ere  February  was  over,  the  Bishop  ^-r— - 

William 

of  Winchester  had  resumed  his  seat.  Courtenay. 

This  was  a  decided  party  triumph,  and  the  Duke  of 
Lancaster  was  enraged  by  the  opposition  thus  headed  by 
the  bishop.  Although  the  duke's  temper  was  ungovern 
able  in  its  first  outbreak,  he  was  able,  after  a  time,  to 
control  his  feelings,  and  to  act  with  some  discretion.  He 
was  aware  of  the  increasing  popularity  of  Dr.  John 
Wiclif,  and  that  he  had  a  strong  party  within  the  city. 
He  sent  for  Wiclif,  and,  knowing  his  hostility  to  the  clergy, 
determined  to  produce  him  as  the  opponent  of  Courtenay. 
It  was  a  wise  measure. 

Courtenay,  however,  was  undaunted.  He  was  equal  to 
the  crisis.  He  knew  Wiclif  to  be,  though  full  of  moral 
courage,  yet  a  man  physically  timid.  Wriclif,  as  an  inmate 
of  the  duke's  family,  had  placed  himself  within  the  juris 
diction  of  the  bishop  of  London.  The  bishop  was  aware, 
that  a  charge  of  heresy — that  charge  so  easily  made  and  so 
difficult  to  establish — had  been  brought  against  the  great 
Oxford  doctor.  He  determined,  therefore,  to  disqualify 
him  at  once  from  taking  part  in  public  affairs,  by  placing 
him  upon  his  trial,  and  by  obtaining,  if  possible,  a  verdict 
against  him.  Although  the  archbishop  belonged  to  the 
opposite  party,  yet,  when  once  the  charge  was  made  by 
the  diocesan,  the  metropolitan  could  not  refuse  to  cite  the 
accused  before  a  court  of  enquiry.  The  Bishop  of  London 
cited  Wiclif  to  appear  before  the  metropolitan  in  St. 
Paul's  Cathedral,  on  the  Thursday  before  the  feast  of  St. 
Peter's  Chair,  the  19th  of  February  1377. 

Courtenay  was  no  theologian ;  he  had  not  graduated 
in  divinity.  He  cared  at  this  time  little  for  heresy, 
strictly  so  called.  But  some  of  the  opinions  propagated 
by  Wiclif,  in  defending  the  policy  of  his  patron,  the  Duke 
of  Lancaster,  were  so  ultra-radical,  if  we  may  use  a 


330  LIVES   OF    THE 

CHAP,     modern  expression  to  describe  an  ancient  fact,  so  subver- 
7^—  sive,  apparently,  of  the  framework  of  society,  that,  by  a 

ourtenay.  construction,  not  at  that  period  very  forced,  they  might 
96'  easily  be  placed  in  the  category  of  heresies,  and  justify 
the  arraignment  of  the  propagator  of  them  as  a  heretic. 
How  entirely  the  meaning  of  this  prosecution  was  poli 
tical,  observes  a  writer,  perhaps  the  best  qualified  among 
our  contemporaries  to  give  an  opinion  on  the  subject,* 
may  be  gathered  from  the  total  omission  in  the  articles  of 
accusation  of  all  matters  not  bearing  upon  the  question  of 
the  hour.  The  object  of  the  prosecution  was  to  proclaim 
to  the  world,  that  society  was  endangered  by  the  political 
principles  that  John  of  Gaunt  was  putting  in  practice 
against  the  Church.  On  the  day  appointed,  the  Lady 
Chapel  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral  was  filled  at  an  early  hour 
by  "  dukes  and  barons,"  by  all  of  the  lay  peerage  who 
were  on  Courtenay's  side.  Many  prelates  had  assembled, 
and  they  had  transacted  some  preliminary  business,  when 
great  shouting  was  heard  from  without ;  and  a  tumult  was 
occasioned  at  the  west  end  of  the  cathedral,  a  perfect  mol 
having  poured  in  through  the  side  doors  in  a  state  ol' 
great  excitement.  Upon  enquiry,  the  Bishop  of  London 
was  informed  that  Dr.  John  had  arrived,  attended  by  the 
Duke  of  Lancaster  and  Lord  Percy,  the  newly-elected 
Earl  Marshal  of  England. 

The  intention  of  the  duke  .and  of  the  earl  marshal  to 
attend  on  this  occasion  had  not  been  notified  to  the  civic 
authorities,  and  no  extra  precautions  had  been  taken  to 
preserve  the  public  peace.  Under  these  circumstances, 
the  earl  marshal  had  directed  his  men  to  act  as  a  police ; 
a  measure  which  had  excited  the  indignation  of  the  Lon 
doners.  They  regarded  his  conduct  as  a  violation  of  their 
charters,  and  as  an  insult  offered  to  their  chief  magistrate. 

*  Canon  Shirley.     Fasciculi  Zizaniorum,  xxvii. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  331 

They  crowded  into  the  church,  determined  to  support     CHAP. 
and  protect  the  bishop.     The  crowd  in  the  nave  and   — ^— 
aisles  was  so  great,  that  it  was  with  difficulty  the  ducal  courtenay 
party  made  their  way  towards  the  Lady  Chapel.     Percy    1381-9G- 
ordered  his  men  roughly  to  force  a  passage.    What  right, 
however,  had  the  earl  marshal  to  issue  orders  within  the 
precincts  of  the  bishop  of  London's  cathedral  ?  Courtenay 
remonstrated,  and  told  him  that  if  he  had  foreknown 
what  his  conduct  would  have  been,  and  how,  as  earl  mar 
shal,  he  would  have  assumed  the  mastery  there,  he  would 
have  inhibited  his  entrance  into  the  church. 

The  duke,  already  enraged  by  the  reception  he  met 
with  in  the  city,  was  unable  to  restrain  himself,  and  inso 
lently  called  out,  that  the  lord  marshal  should  play  the 
master  there,  whether  the  bishop  should  say  nay  or 
not. 

Arrived  at  the  Lady  Chapel,  the  duke  and  the  earl 
were  accommodated  with  seats  ;  and  Wiclif  stood  in  front 
of  the  assembled  prelates,  attended,  to  the  astonishment 
of  the  bystanders,  by  four  friars  prepared  to  act  as  his 
counsel.  The  earl  marshal  again  took  it  upon  himself  to 
give  orders  in  the  ecclesiastical  court,  and  ordered  a  seat 
to  be  provided  for  Dr.  Wiclif,  observing  sarcastically, 
that,  considering  the  many  questions  which  would  be  put 
to  him,  a  soft  seat  he  would  need. 

This  was  conduct  that  »o  court,  civil  or  ecclesiastical, 
could  tolerate.  But  Courtenay  preserved  his  temper,  and 
merely  directed  that  no  seat  should  be  provided,  observing 
that  it  was  contrary  to  law  and  to  reason,  that  a  clerk, 
cited  before  his  ordinary,  should  be  seated  during  his 
trial.  A  discussion  followed  which  was  interrupted  by 
the  duke,  red  with  rage.  He  vowed  that  he  would  bring 
down  the  pride  of  all  the  prelacy  of  England  ;  "  and  as 
for  thee,"  he  said,  pointing  to  the  bishop  of  London, 
"  thou  bearest  thyself  so  brag  upon  thy  parentage,  but 


332  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     they  shall  not  be  able  to  help  thee ;  no,  I  will  take  care 

-^—  that  they  shall  have  enough  to  help  themselves."* 
Comtenay.       There  was  dignity  in  the  bishop's  reply  : — "  My  confi- 
9G-    clence  is  not  in  nay  parents,  nor  in  man,  but  in  God,  and 
God  only.      By  His  assistance  I  shall  be  bold  to  speak  as 
I  ought  to  speak,  and  to  maintain  the  truth." 

The  calmness  of  an  opponent  only  adds  fuel  to  the  fire 
which  consumes  an  angry  man's  breast ;  and  the  duke 
was  heard  to  mutter  between  his  teeth, — he  intended, 
indeed,  that  his  words  should  be  heard, — that  rather  than 
tolerate  such  words  from  the  bishop,  he  would  drag  him 
out  of  the  church  by  the  hair  of  his  head.  Had  thoee 
around  him  given  him  the  slightest  encouragement, 
doubtless  he  would  have  made  the  attempt.  But  he  soo  i 
discovered  that  his  escort  was  barely  sufficient  to  procur3 
for  him  and  the  earl  marshal  a  safe  retreat  to  the  Savoy 
Palace,  which  was  his  London  home.f 

*  "Erubuit  dux  quod  nonpotuit  prarvalere  litigio,"  which  Foxe  under  - 
stands  of  his  blushing  for  shame,  because  in  the  act  of  brawling  anc 
railing  he  could  not  excel  the  bishop  ;  though  the  bishop,  according  tc 
the  statements  of  his  enemies,  kept  his  temper  marvellously  well. 

•f  Modern  writers — Fuller,  Collier,  Vaughan,  Le  Bas — follow  Foxe  in 
describing  this  scene.  Foxe  quotes  as  his  authority  a  chronicler,  D.  Albani, 
which  his  editor  says  is  nowhere  to  be  discovered,  but  which  I  find  to  be 
in  the  possession  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  In  the  Archa3ologia, 
however,  vol.  xxii.,  is  published  an  historical  relation  of  certain  passages 
about  the  end  of  Edward  III.,  and  of  his  death,  from  the  Harleian  MS., 
0217,  which  is  supposed  to  have  beeli  a  translation  of  Foxe's  manu 
script.  See  note  to  Seely's  Foxe,  ii.  pt.  2.  Walsingham,  192,  speaks 
of  the  "  verbum  quoddam  injuriosum  et  insolens  a  duce  Lancastrian, 
Episcopo  Londinensi  prolatum."  Foxe  would  not  have  produced  the 
passage  if  it  had  not,  in  his  opinion,  tended  to  the  honour  of  Wiclif.  It 
is  pleasant  to  find  Milner  saying,  that  it  would  have  given  him  real 
pleasure  if  he  could  have  discovered  any  proof  that  Wiclif  protested 
against  the  insolent  and  disorderly  behaviour  of  his  patrons,  adding 
that  the  deportment  of  the  archbishop  and  bishop  seems  to  have  been 
more  unexceptional  than  that  of  Wiclif  and  his  friends.  May  we  not, 
however,  interpret  Wiclif 's  silence  as  a  censure  upon  his  friends?  They 
must  have  acted  in  some  measure  without  his  connivance.  We  can 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  333 

If  there  be  truth  in  the  old  saying  with  reference  to  CHAP. 
early  rising,  our  ancestors  in  the  fourteenth  century 
must  have  been  healthy,  and  wealthy  and  wise.  The 
meeting  was  dissolved  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  1381- 
the  bishop  of  London  returned  to  his  home,  having  in 
point  of  fact  effected  his  purpose.  By  the  intemperate 
conduct  of  the  duke  and  of  lord  Percy,  that  party  had 
suffered  a  signal  defeat ;  and  Wiclif  had  received  a  signifi 
cant  hint  not  again  to  concern  himself  in  party  politics. 
All  this  the  bishop  had  accomplished  without  having 
been  compelled  to  substantiate  his  charges  against  Wiclif, 
He  had  triumphed  as  a  politician  without  being  obliged 
to  take  the  unpopular  side  as  a  theologian.  He  does  not 
appear  to  have  attended  the  parliament  which  was  sitting 
at  this  time  ;  or  he  could  not  have  been  taken  by  surprise 
at  what  soon  after  occurred. 

As  soon  as  the  council  had  broken  up,  the  duke  and 
the  earl  marshal,  almost  demented  by  their  rage,  had 
gone  to  the  parliament ;  and  there  they  proposed  a 
petition,  or  as  we  should  now  say,  introduced  a  bill,  pray 
ing  the  king  to  disfranchise  the  city  of  London — to  cancel 
its  charter,  and  to  abolish  the  office  of  mayor.  They 
proposed  to  place  the  city  under  the  command  of  a 
custos,*  to  be  nominated  by  the  crown  ;  and,  at  the  same 
time,  to  vest  in  the  earl  marshal,  all  that  related  to  the 
preservation  of  order  and  the  arrest  of  offenders. 

The  tyrannical  and  revolutionary  proposals  of  the 
duke,  were  soon  known  in  the  city,  through  John  Philpot, 
one  of  the  representatives  sitting  for  London,  by  whom 
the  suggested  measure  had  been  strongly  opposed. f 

hardly  suppose  that  he  would  himself  have  selected  four  friars  for  his 
counsel. 

*  He  is  so  called  in  the  Harleian  MS.,  though  in  some  histories  he 
is  styled  captain. 

f  In  Maitland's  Hist,  of  London,  the  name  of  Philpot  occurs  as  M.P. 
in  1377,  1381,  1383. 


334  LIVES   OP   THE 

CHAP.         The  next  day  the  citizens  assembled   in   crowds,  to 
l^_-_  ^  decide  on  the  proper  course  to  be  taken  for  the  main- 

\\T  "11" 

ourtena,  teiiaiice  of  their  rights,  thus  grossly  invaded. 


1381-96.  rj^  bishop^  of  whose  support  the  citizens  were  secure, 
took  no  part  in  these  meetings  or  debates.  At  first,  the  re 
was  no  ground  for  alarm.  The  citizens  appeared  de 
termined  to  maintain  the  law,  but  it  was  not  supposed 
that  they  would  take  the  law  into  their  own  hands,  or 
proceed  to  acts  of  violence. 

The  episcopal  palace  was  a  place  of  considerable 
strength  ;  but  it  was  at  this  time  more  than  usual,  y 
strong,  for  that  the  bishop  himself  lived  in  the  affections 
of  the  people.  The  ordinary  routine  was  observed,  and 
at  the  usual  hour  the  large  family  of  the  bishop,  chaplain?, 
knights,  clerks,  and  retainers  assembled  in  the  vast  anil 
lofty  hall.  It  was  a  gloomy  prison-like  apartment  scantily 
furnished.  It  was  lighted  by  two  large  windows  high  i  i 
the  wall  and  looking  into  the  inner  court.  In  the  centr  3 
stood  a  long  table  on  tressels,  and  beneath  was  a  plentiful 
supply  of  fresh  straw.  Along  the  table  were  forms  until 
the  dais  was  reached.  On  the  dais  stools  were  arranged, 
and  in  the  centre  for  the  bishop  a  straight-backed  wooder. 
seated  arm-chair.  Every  thing,  even  to  the  placing  o  ' 
the  dishes  on  the  table,  was  done  with  precise  order  and 
much  ceremony.  In  grandeur  our  ancestors  excelled  us  ; 
but  they  were  deficient  in  all  that  related  to  comfort. 
There  was  a  hatch  on  either  side  of  the  door,  and  near 
it  a  large  cupboard  or  buffet,  on  which  were  arranged 
dishes  of  earthenware  and  brass,  with  a  few  of  silver  for 
the  high  table  ;  silver  goblets  being  intermixed  with  cups 
of  horn,  a  few  drinking  glasses,  jorums,  and  jacks.  The 
servitors  at  the  hatch  were  busy,  though  not  as  active 
and  joyous  as  at  other  times.  The  season  was  that  of 
Lent.  This  made,  however,  no  diminution  in  the  number 
of  dishes  ;  it  rather  tended  to  increase  their  number,  for 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  335 

though  fish  was  the  only  food,  yet  the  fish  was  dressed  in  .CHAP. 

•    ,         c  XVI. 

a  great  variety  or  ways.  -—  —  ,-  — 
The  bishop  had  scarcely  taken  his  seat,  when  infor- 


mation  was  brought  him  of  a  tendency  to  insubordination  1381-96- 
on  the  part  of  the  populace.  It  had  been  reported  that 
the  earl  marshal  had  already  commenced  his  new  duties, 
and  had  actually  imprisoned  a  Londoner.  The  populace 
had  attacked  Lord  Percy's  house  ;  had  broken  through 
the  gates  ;  had  released  the  prisoner  ;  and  had  made  a 
bonfire  of  the  stocks,  to  which  they  had  found  him  bound. 
Armed  with  bills  and  javelins  they  had  searched  the 
house,  vowing  death  to  Lord  Percy  himself. 

The  bishop  was  aware,  that  Lord  Percy  with  the  Duke 
of  Lancaster,  who  had  a  party,  though  a  small  one,  in  the 
city,  was  at  a  feast  given  by  a  Londoner  named  John 
Yper  ;  and,  as  his  person  was  safe,  the  bishop  did  not 
think  it  necessary  to  interfere. 

A  messenger,  however,  soon  after  arrived,  stating  that 
the  house  of  John  Yper  had  been  attacked.  The  bishop, 
remembering  the  insolence  of  the  duke  in  the  cathedral, 
could  not  forbear  from  smiling,  when  he  was  told  that 
the  duke  was  just  on  the  point  of  swallowing  an  oyster,  to 
whet  his  appetite  for  dinner,  when  the  mob  succeeded  in 
breaking  through  the  gates  of  the  house  ;  and  that,  in  his 
eagerness  to  escape  their  vengeance,  the  royal  duke  had 
tumbled  over  one  of  the  forms  and  had  broken  both  his 
shins.  It  was  with  difficulty  that  he  and  Lord  Percy  reached 
the  river,  where  they  took  boat.  Their  destination  was 
not  known.  .It  was  afterwards  discovered  that  they  had 

•Qnnin 

gone  to  Kingston,  where  the  Princess  of  Wales  resided 
witli  her  son  ;  that  is  to  say,  they  sought  protection  from 
the  opposite  party.  But  the  Londoners  supposed  that 
they  had  gone  to  the  duke's  palace  in  the  Savoy,  and 
thither  they  proceeded,  determining  to  deal  with  the  duke 
as  they  had  dealt  with  the  earl  marshal.  The  bishop  of 


336  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.  London  now  thought  it  time  to  interfere  ;  and  he  lost  not 
— '  a  moment  in  hurrying  to  the  ducal  palace,  to  save  it,  if 

ourtenay.  possible,  from  destruction.  He  arrived  only  just  ^in  time. 
96<  The  infuriated  mob  had  made  their  attack.  They  received 
the  bishop  with  cheers.  He  waved  his  hand,  and  asked 
them  to  hear  him.  Silence  being  obtained,  he  reminded 
them  that  it  was  a  sacred  season — Lent.  He  entreated 
them  for  the  love  of  God,  and  for  their  own  souls' 
sake,  not  to  desecrate  the  season  by  performing,  in  the 
mass,  what  not  one  of  them  would  dare,  separately,  to 
attempt.*  The  people  at  length  were  pacified.  They  did 
not  burn  down  the  palace.  But  they  reversed  the  duke's 
arms  in  the  chapel,  as  those  of  a  traitor ;  and  this  harm 
less  piece  of  vengeance  was  repeated  in  various  parts  of 
the  town.  This  reversal  of  his  arms  was  peculiarly  offe  i- 
sive  to  the  duke,  and  as  the  bishop  did  not  interfere  i;o 
prevent  this  personal  insult  to  his  adversary,  any  obliga 
tion  under  which  he  may  have  placed  the  duke  ty 
preserving  his  palace  from  destruction,  was  cancelled. 
There  was  certainly  no  immediate  sign  of  any  goodwill 
on  either  side.  In  the  life  of  Sudbury,  mention  has  bee  i 
made  of  the  assassination  of  Haule  by  certain  partisans 
of  John  of  Gaunt,  and  the  daring  violation  of  the  rights 
of  sanctuary  of  which  the  murderers  had  been  guilty. 
The  bishop  of  London  made  political  capital  out  of  tho 
transaction,  and  having  forced  the  reluctant  primate  to 
pronounce  sentence  of  excommunication  against  th<; 
murderers  and  their  abettors,  he  repeated  the  anathenm 

*  The  words  of  Walsingliam  show  how  much  influence  the  bishoj 
possessed  over  the  minds  of  the  people  :  "  Episcopusne  hoc  fieret  om- 
nino  prokibuit,  et  nisi  tune  Episcopus  se  opposuisset  eormn  conatibus. 
hospitium  dicti  ducis  de  Savoy  eo  furoris  sui  tempore  combussissent  qui 
vix  ab  illo  proposito  Antistitis  interventu  refra3nati  sunt.  Tandem  ad 
nutum  Pontificis  quieverunt."  The  contrast  between  the  popularity  oi 
Courtenay  and  unpopularity  of  Sudbury  is  to  be  remarked — the  one 
was  a  lawyer,  the  other  a  statesman. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  337 

every  Sunday,  Wednesday,  and  Friday  at  St.  Paul's,  and     CHAP. 
in  sermons  denounced  all  who  had  abetted  the  deed.  ^  ^  ,  '.^ 
The  Londoners  were  much  excited  on  the  subject,  and  Courtenay. 
their  bishop  condescended  to  enact  the  part  of  demagogue.    1381~96- 
Who  was  the  chief  abettor,  or  who  was  the  person  chiefly 
to  be  benefited  by  the  murder,  was  known  or  surmised 
by  all. 

John  of  Gaunt  was,  at  this  time,  with  the  court  at 
Windsor,  and  he  easily  prevailed  upon  the  council  to 
issue  a  command  that  the  bishop  should  cease  from 
fulminations,  the  object  of  which  was  too  apparent.  To 
this  mandate  the  bishop  gave  no  heed,  and  the  fury  of 
the  duke  knew  no  bounds.  He  vowed  that,  if  he  could 
only  obtain  the  king's  permission,  he  would  ride  to 
London,  and  in  spite  of  ribald  Londoners,  would  drag 
the  contumacious  prelate  by  his  beard  before  the  board. 
He  might  utter  the  threat  with  impunity,  for  the  king's 
consent  implied  the  consent  of  the  council,  and  a  majority 
in  the  council  the  duke  could  not,  at  that  time,  command. 

The  Bishop  of  London  was  appointed  with  the  Arch 
bishop  of  Canterbury,  a  delegate  of  the  pope,  to  examine 
Dr.  Wiclif  on  the  subject  of  certain  charges  brought 
against  him,  on  some  abstruse  theological  questions.  Both 
prelates  were  reluctant  to  act  on  this  occasion,  and  con 
nived  at  the  interference  of  the  government  in  causing 
the  proceedings  to  be  suspended.  We  may,  at  least,  infer 
this  from  the  fact  that,  on  the  accession  of  Eichard  II., 
bishop  Courtenay  had  been  appointed  one  of  the  Council 
of  Eegency. 

From  the  accession  of  Eichard  II.  the  strong  party  feel 
ing,  on  the  part  of  Courtenay,  began  to  subside.  During 
the  three  years  preceding  the  insurrection  of  Wat  Tyler 
we  hear  very  little  of  the  bishop  of  London  or  of  his  pro 
ceedings.  He  was  present  at  the  parliament  of  Gloucester, 

VOL.  iv.  z 


338  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,  but  lie  did  not  take  an  active  part  in  the  debates.  A  con- 
-  XVL  -  siderable  change  took  place,  during  this  period,  in  his 
Cour/eiTy.  views,  if  not  in  his  character.  The  son  of  the  Black 
1381-96.  prjnce  being  safely  on  the  throne,  there  was  no  longer 
ground  for  suspicion  against  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  on 
the  one  side  ;  and  on  the  other  side,  the  duke  having 
failed  in  his  designs  upon  the  crown,  if  ever  he  entertained 
them,  was  more  inclined  to  conciliate  than  to  exasperate 
the  clergy,  in  whom  he  had  seen  his  chief  obstacle.  His 
great  object  was  to  advance  the  interests  and  secure 
the  legitimation  of  his  children  by  Catherine  Swinforcl  ; 
and  he  saw  the  importance  of  establishing  friendly  rela 
tions  with  the  clergy.  When  the  theology  of  Wiclif  inter 
fered  with  the  politics  of  the  duke,  from  the  ducal  palace 
Wiclif  was  dismissed;  and  in  the  course  of  a  few  yeais 
the  Duke  of  Lancaster  and  Archbishop  Courtenay  wer  j 
able  to  live  together,  if  not  in  intimacy,  yet  in  peace. 

Courtenay's  intercourse  with  Borne  became  also  mor3 
friendly  ;  and  he  was  less  inclined  to  act  the  part  of 
demagogue,  as  republican  principles  began  to  display 
themselves  in  Wiclif,  and  more  particularly  in  his  fol 
lowers.  But  it  is  impossible  to  account  for  the  condue; 
of  a  man,  who,  as  we  have  said,  acted  from  impulse  rather 
than  from  principle  ;  and,  though  generally  with  caution 
yet  only  with  a  view  to  immediate  results. 

On  the  death  of  the  unfortunate  Sudbury,  the  eyes  of 
the  whole  nation  were  fixed  upon  Courtenay  as  his  suc 
cessor.  Courtenay  did  not,  perhaps,  deserve  all  his  popu 
larity,  and  Sudbury  certainly  did  not  merit  the  odium 
with  which  he  had  been  regarded  ;  but  the  fact  was  that 
a  popular  successor  to  the  murdered  primate  was  required; 
and  a  name  more  popular  than  that  of  Courtenay,  with 
the  class  most  opposed  to  Sudbury,  could  not  be  found. 
The  Chapter  of  Canterbury  were  as  eager  to  postulate  his 
translation,  as  the  government  to  recommend  him  to  their 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  339 

notice  in  the  conge  d'elire  freely  granted  to  them  by  the     CHAP. 

1    •  .A.  V  .L. 

king.  ' — -r — - 

Courtenay  was  placed  under  rather  difficult  circum-  cJourtenay. 
stances,  and  extricated  himself  with  considerable  ability  1381~96- 
and  skill  Notwithstanding  the  Statute  of  Provisors,  the 
opinion  very  generally  prevailed,  and  was  hardly  denied 
by  the  government,  that  the  pope  had  supreme  power  in 
what  related  to  translations  ;  the  chapter  might  elect,  but 
he  only  could  sanction  the  divorce  of  a  bishop  from  the 
see  to  which,  in  his  consecration,  he  had  been  wedded. 
But  this  opinion  was  not  undisputed,  and  the  party  which 
was  inclined  to  dispute  it  was  the  party  to  which  Courte 
nay  had  hitherto  belonged.  There  was  a  delay  in  the 
bulls  from  Rome,  and  the  pall  was  not  sent.  If  the  pope 
were  to  withhold  the  pall;  then,  according  to  the  principles 
then  in  vogue,  Courtenay,  though  Archbishop  of  Can 
terbury,  would  have  no  authority  to  discharge  the  pecu 
liar  functions  of  a  metropolitan.  The  delay  in  granting 
the  pall  was  occasioned,  probably,  by  a  difficulty  en 
countered  by  the  papal  lawyers  in  regard  to  the  form 
in  which  the  oath  of  fealty  should  be  administered. 
There  were  two  popes  in  existence,  and  the  object  was  to 
bind  the  archbishop  to  an  allegiance  to  Urban,  to  the 
exclusion  of  Clement.*  But  Courtenay,  not  knowing  the 
cause  of  the  delay,  thought  it  expedient  to  act  with 
extreme  caution.  In  the  meantime,  on  the  ground  of 
the  election  accepted  by  the  king,  Courtenay  had  done 
homage,  and  had  received  the  temporalities  of  the  see. 
A  deputation  from  the  chapter  waited  upon  him  in  Lon 
don,  to  present  him  with  the  archiepiscopal  cross, — a 
ceremonial  of  which  we  have  previously  given  a  description. 
The  archbishop  received  the  prior  and  the  monks  who 
attended  him,  on  the  12th  of  January,  with  great  state,  in 

*  The  form  of  oatli  finally  agreed  upon  may  be  found  in  Wilkins, 
iii.  154. 

z  2 


340  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,     the  chapel  at  Lambeth,  though  he  had  not  as  yet  taken 

,_XTL  „  up  his  residence  in  that  manor.     On  delivering  the  cross, 

oiirten^y.  tne  P™1  s^  : — "  Reverend  Father,  I  come  an  ambassador 

1381-96.    from  the  King  of  kings,  who  enjoins  thee  to  undertake 

the  government  of  His  church  of  Canterbury,  to  love  it 

and  to  protect  it.    I  here  present  thee  with  the  standard  of 

the  King  of  kings,  to  be  borne  by  thee  and  before  thee." 

The  archbishop  received  the  cross,  but,  his  legal  know 
ledge  not  being  much  deeper  than  his  theological,  be 
raised  the  question,  whether  it  ought  to  be  carried  erect 
before  him  antecedently  to  his  reception  of  the  pall.  The 
prior,  very  properly  referring  to  the  principles  of  common 
law,  remarked  that  all  such  objections  were  overruled  by 
the  customs  of  the  church  of  Canterbury.  As  the  arch 
bishop  was  required  to  officiate  almost  immediately  at  the 
marriage  and  coronation  of  the  queen  consort,  and  as  it 
was  necessary  that  he  should  appear  in  all  his  state  and 
dignity  on  the  occasion,  he  thought  it  expedient  to  follow 
the  advice  of  the  prior  ;  but  he  did  so,  under  protest,  tha : 
he  had  no  intention  of  acting  in  contempt  of  the  court  o ' 
Rome. 

Soon  after  receiving  the  royal  assent  to  his  election 
Courtenay  accepted  the  great  seal.*  He  only  held  the 
office  of  chancellor  for  about  three  months,  and  probably 
accepted  it  merely  for  the  convenience  of  the  government, 
until  some  final  arrangements  could  be  made.  It  is  to  be 
remarked,  that  the  young  king  had  succeeded  in  the  good 
work  of  promoting  peace  among  those  of  his  relations  and 
friends  who  had  been  political  opponents,  or  who  had 
been  engaged  in  personal  disputes.  The  Duke  of  Lancas 
ter  was  present,  as  a  consenting  party,  when  the  great 
seal  was  confided  to  Courtenay,  and  their  enmity  from 
tli at  time  ceased.  The  Duke  of  Lancaster  gave  up  the 

*  Rot,  Glaus.  5  Ric.  II.  in.  25. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  341 

cause  of  Wiclif,  and  the  archbishop  was   prepared  to     CHAP. 
resign  the  great  seal  to  Sir  Eichard  le  Scrope,  a  friend  of 
the  duke,  at  that  time  abroad. 

The  archbishop,  as  chancellor,  opened  the  parliament  1381~96- 
which  met  on  the  4th  of  November  1381,  with  a  sermon 
or  speech  dwelling  upon  mere  generalities.  The  real 
business  of  the  session  was  stated  by  Sir  Hugh  Segrave, 
in  the  House  of  Commons.*  Sir  Hugh,  as  lord  high 
treasurer,  speaking  by  the  king's  command,  informed  the 
commons  that  the  chief  cause  of  their  summons  was  to 
protect  the  liberties  of  the  Church  of  England  against  the 
pope,  and  to  provide  for  the  maintenance  of  peace  ; 
especially  by  punishing  the  authors  of  the  late  horrible 
tumults  and  rebellion  made  against  the  king,  who  had 
been  forced  by  the  rebels  to  grant  charters  of  liberty  and 
manumission  to  men  who  were  only  bond-tenants  and 
villeins  of  the  realm.  The  king,  lie  said,  knowing  that 
what  he  had  done  was  illegal,  desired  his  parliament  to 
provide  a  remedy,  and  to  devise  measures  for  revoking 
the  charters.  He  lastly  asked  for  money,  which  the  king 
required  to  maintain  the  dignity  of  his  court  and  to  carry 
on  the  war. 

In  other  words,  the  commons — in  whose  house  the  bold 
peasantry  of  England,  the  men  to  whom  the  country  was 
indebted  for  the  glories  of  Cressy  and  Poictiers  had  no 
representatives — were  convened  to  sanction  the  vilest 
act  of  perjury  of  which  ever  king  was  guilty.  They  were 
to  authorise  the  king  to  violate  the  solemn  pledges  he 
had  given  to  an  oppressed  portion  of  his  people. 

To  this  proposal  of  the  House  of  Commons, — the  upper 
house  gave  their  consent.  It  was  indeed  to  pacify  the 
middle  classes,  that  this  hecatomb  of  the  working  classes 
was  offered.  Lords  and  commons  agreed,  that  all  grants 

*  An  account  of  this  scandalous  parliament  is  given  in  Brady  and 
the  Parliamentary  History. 


342  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,     of  liberties  and  manumissions  to  the  said  villeins  and  bond 
^_  tenants,  obtained  by  force  were  in  disinherison  of  them, 


oen™y.  tne  ^lor^s  an(l  commons,  and  were  therefore  null  and 
1381-96.  void.*  The  king  appeared  before  his  people  a  liar.  A 
king  on  whose  word  no  reliance  can  be  placed,  must 
expect  to  lose  his  life,  if  ever  there  be  a  successful  insur 
rection.  I  wish  we  could  prove  that  Courtenay  hs.d 
expressed  dissatisfaction  at  this  infamous  transaction. 
While  the  parliament  was  sitting,  the  news  arrived,  that 
the  Lady  Anne  of  Bohemia,  the  future  Queen  of  England, 
had  arrived  at  Dover.  Her  arrival  was  an  occasion  of 
much  rejoicing,  for  a  French  fleet  had  been,  for  •  some 
time,  cruising  in  the  channel  with  the  avowed  purpos3 
of  capturing  the  princess,  and  so  of  preventing  tha 
marriage.  The  archbishop  hastened  to  Canterbury,  to  b  3 
among  the  first  to  offer  his  congratulations  to  the  princess  , 
and  to  bestow  upon  her  the  benediction  of  his  church. 
He  placed  his  palace  at  her  disposal  She  was  received 
by  the  Earl  of  Buckinghamshire  at  Canterbury,  witl 
great  ceremony,  and  was  by  him  escorted  to  London. 

The  archbishop  officiated  at  the  marriage  of  the  royai 
couple  which  took  place  on  the  20th  day  after  Christmas. 

*  The  following  is  the  form  in  which  the  manumissions  were 
granted  :  "  Richardus,  Dei  Gratia,  Rex  Angliae  et  Francise,  et  Dominus 
Hiberniffl  :  omnibus  ballivis,  et  fidelibus  suis,  ad  quos  praesentes  literse 
pervenerint  salutcm.  Sciatis  quod  de  gratia  nostra  speciali  manumisi- 
mus  uni  versos  ligeos,  et  singulos  subditos  nostros  ac  alios,  comitatus 
Hertfordiae,  et  ipsos  et  eorum  quemlibet  ab  omni  bondagio  exuimus  et 
quietos  faciinus  per  pra?sentes,  ac  etiain  pardonamus  eisdem  ligeis  ac 
subditis  nostris,  omnimodas  felonias,  proditiones,  transgressiones,  et  ex- 
tortiones,  per  ipsos  vel  aliquem  eorum  qualitercunque  factas  sive  per- 
petratas,  ac  etiani  utlagariam,  et  utlagarias,  si  qua  vel  quae  in  ipsos,  vel 
aliquem  ipsorum  fuerit  vel  fuerint  hiis  occasionibus  promulgate  vel 
promulgates,  et  summam  pacem  nostram  eis  et  eorum  cuilibet  inde  con- 
cedimus. 

u  In  cujus  rei  testimonium,  has  literas  nostras  fieri  fecimus  patentes. 
Teste  meipso  apud  London,  15  die  Junii.  Anno  Regni  nostri  quarto." 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  343 

in  St.  Stephen's  Chapel,  so  long  used  in  aftertimes  as  the  CHAP. 
House  of  Commons.  It  was  fitted  up  with  great  splen- 
dour  for  the  occasion.  Soon  after  the  marriage,  the  young 
queen  was  anointed  and  crowned  by  the  archbishop  in  1381-96- 
Westminster  Abbey.  She  now  earned  for  herself  that 
high  title,  which  she  never  forfeited,  of  "good  Queen 
Anne,"  by  putting  an  end  to  the  legal  butchery  which 
under  Tressilian  had  been  going  on  against  the  late  in 
surrectionists.  She  asked  for  and  obtained  a  general 
amnesty. 

Nothing  could  have- exceeded  the  barbarity  and  cruelty 
with  which  execution  had  been  done  on  the  unfortunate 
working  classes,  who  had  only  risen  to  assert  their  just 
rights,  but  were  ruined  by  having  an  incompetent  leader  ; 
when  the  upper  and  middle  classes  regained  their  ascend 
ency,  and  could  bring  down  an  armed  force  upon  them. 
The  legal  murders  of  Tressilian  exceeded  those  of  Judge 
Jeffreys  ;  and  he  deserves  as  much  the  execration  of 
mankind.  Let  us  be  permitted  to  hope,  that  the  foreign 
princess  had  been  prompted,  in  her  benevolence,  by  the 
archbishop,  whose  sympathies  had  certainly  been  hitherto 
evinced  towards  the  lower  orders,  and  who  never  lost  his 
popularity  among  them. 

Immediately  after  the  royal  nuptials,  the  archbishop 
despatched  Sir  Thomas  Cherry  to  the  papal  court  for  the 
pall.  He  received  it  with  great  ceremony  at  his  manor 
of  Croydon,  from  the  hands  of  the  Bishop  of  London,  on 
the  6th  of  May,  1382.* 

What  remains  to  be  told  of  Courtenay's  history,  may 
be  divided  into  two  sections.  We  will  give  an  account  of 
his  proceedings  against  Wiclif  and  the  Wiclifites ;  and 
then  advert  to  other  measures  which  he  adopted  for  the 
government  of  his  province. 

*  Stubbs,  140. 


344  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP.  I.  That  Wiclif  and  his  immediate  followers  were  not 
« — ^— <  concerned  in  the  late  insurrection  will  be  readily  admitted 
Courtenay.  by  every  impartial  student  of  history  :  as  readily,  how- 
1381-96.  ever?  win  ]ie  admit  that  among  Wiclif  s  contemporaries, 
especially  among  those  who  were  opposed  to  his  principlas, 
it  was  natural  to  suspect  that  the  movement  was  insti 
gated  by  him.  The  reader  of  history  will  not  be  surprised 
to  find  that  a  large  portion  of  the  thinking  men  in  this 
country  traced  the  prevalent  feeling  of  discontent  and  in 
subordination  to  the  extreme  and  revolutionary  principle  s, 
which  Wiclif  had  maintained  and  propagated.  Even  many, 
who  had  employed  him  for  political  and  party  purposes, 
had,  since  the  insurrection,  become  alarmed.  Treason  had 
long  been  regarded  as  heresy,  and  heresy  as  treason  ;  and 
the  distinction  between  the  two  offences  had  not  yet  bee  a 
made.  The  anti-papal  feeling,  strong  as  it  was  while  the 
popes  were  at  Avignon,  was  a  political  not  a  religious  feel 
ing  ;  and  when,  after  the  warning  given  by  the  insurrec 
tion,  men  heard,  that  Wiclif  was  still  propounding  strango 
doctrines  at  Oxford,  the  whole  conservative  party,  then,  a  .* 
always,  a  large  party,  were  heard  to  ask  what  are  the; 
bishops  doing.  We  are  able  easily  to  understand,  how 
the  bishops  were  called  upon  to  act  despotically  by  the 
very  men,  who,  in  their  own  case,  would  have  resented 
any  undue  exercise  of  ecclesiastical  power.  There  were 
few  among  the  bishops,  at  that  time,  who  were  theo 
logians.  They  took  little  interest  in  the  discussions  to 
which  the  theological  writings  of  Wiclif  had  given  rise, 
so  long  as  these  discussions  were  confined  to  the  schools, 
and  no  appeal  was  made  to  the  passions  of  the  ignorant. 
But  the  alarm  had  now  spread  to  Oxford  itself. 

Wiclif  had  long  been  feared  or  valued  as  a  radical 
reformer  in  things  civil  and  ecclesiastical ;  he  was  now 
attacking  the  dogmas  of  the  Church.  He  discoursed  on 
the  Eucharist  ;  he  assailed  the  doctrine  of  transubstan- 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  345 

tiation  ;  he  advanced  a  doctrine  very  similar  to  that  at     CHAP. 
the  present  time  maintained  in  the  formularies  of  the  ^J_Y_L^ 
existing  Church   of  England.     From    the  days   of  Pas-  couitenay. 
chaseus  Kadbert,  the  author  of  the  dogma  of  transubstan-    1381-9G- 
tiation  in  its  present  form,  it  had  found  opponents  among 
learned  men  :    such  as  Bertram,  Johannes  Scotus,  Beren- 
garius  and  others.     But  Wiclif  was  in  a  different  position, 
since  the  dogma  had  been  accepted  by  a  Lateran  council, 
as   a   dogma    of  the  Western   Church,  in  the   time  of 
Innocent  III. ;  and  the  Church  of  England  had  not  at  this 
time  renounced  it.    Nevertheless,  Wiclif  would  have  been 
permitted,  as  a  schoolman,  to  have  disputed  and  discussed 
these  and  other  points,  if  he  had  not  been  also  a  busy 
politician,  and  if  the  times  had  not  been  times  of  com- 
motion  and  disturbance.   The  alarmist  party  at  Oxford,  not 
only  opposed  him,  but  drove  him  from  the  University  to 
his  living.     A  reaction,  however,  took  place  ;  new  officers, 
favourable  to  Wiclif,  were  elected.     Wiclif  himself  was 
recalled  ;   and  he  appealed  from  the  University  to  the 
king  and  parliament. 

The  opponents  of  Wiclif  now  accused  him  and  certain 
of  his  adherents  of  heresy  to  the  archbishop.  That  the 
archbishop  was  unwilling  to  act  is  clear,  from  the  attacks 
made  upon  him  for  his  lukewarmness ;  and  from  the 
further  fact,  that  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  now  reconciled 
to  the  primate,  took  a  journey  to  Oxford  to  persuade 
Wiclif  to  desist  from  the  course  of  conduct  which  he  was 
pursuing.  Both  the  primate  and  the  duke  took  the 
common  view  of  the  subject :  "  Such,"  they  said,  "  is  the 
dogma  of  the  Church  ;  as  a  dutiful  son  of  the  Church, 
accept  it :"  just  as  they  would  have  said,  "  Such  is  the  law 
of  the  country,  obey  it."  When  Wiclif  refused  to  act 
upon  the  duke's  advice,  the  duke  said,  "  Then  you  must 
take  the  consequences  of  your  obstinacy."  The  arch 
bishop  had  no  option  but  to  prosecute. 


346 


LIVES   OF    THE 


CHAP. 
XVI. 


The  course  pursued  by  Courtenay  was  judicious,  and 
perfectly  analogous  to  proceedings  which  have  occurred  in 
our  own  time.  He  directed,  that  certain  conclusions 
from  the  writings  of  Wiclif  should  be  transcribed  and 
laid  before  him.  He  then,  instead  of  deciding  upon  their 
character  himself,  formed  a  committee  of  learned  men,  and 
demanded  of  them,  that  they  should  state  how  far  they 
were  erroneous  and  how  far  heretical.  It  was  affirmed 
and  not  denied  that  Wiclif  made,  and  that  the  parties 
accused  accepted,  the  following  assertions : 

I.  That  the  substance  of  material  bread  and  wine  remains 
after  consecration  in  the  Sacrament  of  the  Altar. 

U.  That  the  accidents  do  not  remain  without  a  subject  after 
consecration  in  the  same  Sacrament. 

III.  That  Christ  is  not  in  the  Sacrament  of  the  Altar  identi 
cally,  verily,  and  really,  in  His  proper  corporal  person. 

IV.  That  a  bishop  or  priest,  if  he  be  in  mortal  sin,  does  not 
ordain,  consecrate,  nor  baptize. 

V.  That  if  a  man  be  duly  contrite,  all  exterior  confession  is 
superfluous  or  useless  to  him. 

VI.  That  he  pertinaciously  asserts  that  there  is  no  foundation 
in  the  Gospel  for  Christ's  ordaining  the  mass. 

VII.  That  God  ought  to  obey  the  devil. 

VIII.  That  if  the  pope  be  a  reprobate,  and  a  wicked  man, 
and  by  consequence  a  member  of  the  devil,  he  has  no  power 
over  Christ's  faithful  ones,  granted  to  him  by  any  one,  unless 
perchance  by  Ca?sar. 

IX.  That  after  Urban  the  Sixth  no  one  is  to  be  received  for 
pope,  but  that   we  are  to  live  after  the  manner  of  the  Greeks 
under  our  own  laws. 

X.  That  no  prelate  ought  to  excommunicate  any  one,  unless 
he  first  know  that  he  is  excommunicated  by  God. 

XI.  That  he   who  thus  excommunicates  is  thenceforth  an 
heretic  or  excommunicate  person. 

XII.  That  a  prelate  who   excommunicates  a  clerk  who  has 
appealed  to  the  king  and  council  of  the  kingdom,  is  by  that 
act  a  traitor  to  God,  the  king,  and  kingdom. 


AECHBISIIOrS   OF   CANTERBURY.  347 

XIII.  That  they  who  leave  off  to   preach,  or  to   hear  the     CHAP, 
word  of  God  or  Gospel  preached,  because  they  are  excommuni-  .         *_^ 
cated  by  men,  are  excommunicates,  and  in  the  day  of  judgment  William 
shall  be  accounted  traitors  towards  God.  1381-90. 

XIV.  To  assert  that  it  is  contrary  to  Holy  Scripture  that 
ecclesiastical  men  should  have  temporal  possessions. 

XV.  To  assert  that  it  is  lawful  for  any  deacon  or  presbyter 
to  preach  the  word  of  God,  without  the  authority  of  the  apos 
tolic  see,  or  of  a  Catholic  bishop,  or  any  other,  of  which  there 
is  sufficient  proof. 

XVI.  To    assert  that  a  civil   lord  is  no   lord,  a  bishop    no 
bishop,  a  prelate  no  prelate,  whilst  he  is  in  mortal  sin. 

XVII.  That  temporal  lords  may  at  their  pleasure  take  away 
temporal  goods  from  a  church  habitually  delinquent,  or  that 
the  people  may  at  their  pleasure  correct  delinquent  lords. 

XVIII.  That  tithes  are  pure  alms,  and  that  the  parishioners 
are  able  to   detain  them   because  of  the  wickedness  of  their 
curates,  and  bestow  them  on  others  at  their  pleasure. 

XIX.  That  special  prayers  applied  to  a  particular  person  by 
prelates  or  the  religious  are  no   more  profitable  to  that  same 
person  than  general  prayers  are,  cseteris  paribus. 

XX.  That  any  one,  by  entering  any  private  religion  whatso 
ever,   is  thereby  rendered  the  more    incapable  and   unfit  for 
observing  the  commands  of  God. 

XXI.  That    holy    men     instituting    any    private    religions, 
whether  of  those  endowed  with  possessions,  or  of  the  mendi 
cants,  sinned  in  so  doing. 

XXII.  That  the  religious  living  in  private  religions  are  not 
of  the  Christian  religion. 

XXIII.  That  begging  friars  are  bound  to  get  their  living  by 
the  labour  of  their  hands,  and  not  by  begging. 

XXIV.  That  friars  who  beg  after  their  sermons  are,  on  that 
account,  simoniacs,   and  those  who  confer  alms  on  them  are 
excommunicated,  as  well  the  givers  as  receivers.* 

*  The  above  is  translated  from  the  Pseudo-Knyghton,  2G48.  It 
differs  slightly  from  the  translation  given  in  Lewis,  which  I  did  not 
see,  or  rather  did  not  remember,  before  this  translation  was  made.  See 
also  Wilkins,  iii.  157,  and  Fascic.  Zizan.  277.  Canon  Shirley,  who 
has  a  high  appreciation  of  the  merits  of  Wiclif,  without  thinking  it 


348  LIVES   OF    THE 

CHAP.  To  examine  these  propositions,  the  archbishop  nomi- 
_?_3^--  nated  eight  bishops,  fourteen  doctors  of  canon  and  civil 
om-tenay  law>  three  Dominicans,  four  Minorites,  four  Augustinians, 
1381-96.  four  Carmelites,  four  monks,  six  bachelors  of  divinity.* 
There  was  an  evident  desire  to  have  every  party  in  the 
church  represented,  except,  of  course,  the  parties  accused. 
To  give  authority  to  its  decisions,  this  meeting  was  after 
wards  called  a  council ;  but  it  was  not  a  council  strictly 
speaking,  which  would  have  been  open  to  all  the  suffra 
gans,  f  It  was  rather  a  committee  of  divines,  to  whose 
decision  the  metropolitan,  by  adopting  it,  gave  authority. 
The  place  of  meeting  was  not  therefore  at  St.  Paul's,  where 
it  would  have  been,  if  it  had  been  a  provincial  council ; 
nor  was  it  at  Lambeth,  where  the  archbishop  was  not  yet 
settled ;  but  in  the  chapter-house  of  the  Black  Friars  a 
place  was  selected,  either  because  the  archbishop  wa< 
lodging  in  the  house  until  Lambeth  should  be  fit  for  his 
reception  ;  or,  as  is  more  probable,  because  it  was  a  capa 
cious  apartment,  very  frequently  lent  by  the  owners  foi 
public  meetings.  J 

necessary  to  be  unjust  to  others,  remarks  :  "Whatever  share  old  party 
feeling  may  have  had  in  stirring  Courtenay's  theological  zeal,  no 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  even  if  inclined,  could  safely  have  neglected 
to  proceed  against  the  author  of  opinions  so  profoundly  at  variance  with 
the  ecclesiastical,  even  more  than  with  the  theological  principles  of  the 
day." — Introd.  to  Fascic.  Zizan.  xliii. 

*  The  names  of  the  persons  forming  the  committee  may  be  seen  in 
Fascic.  Zizan.  286. 

f  Hody,  232. 

J  I  have  given  the  probable  reasons  for  the  meeting  of  the  com 
mittee  in  the  chapter-house  of  the  Black  Friars,  from  the  extreme 
unfairness  in  those  who  think  it  necessary,  in  their  advocacy  of  Wiclif, 
to  attribute  the  worst  motives  to  his  opponents;  therein  following  the 
literary  Bonner,  the  martyrologist  Foxe.  It  is  said  to  have  been 
"  ominous  "  when  the  meeting  was  summoned  to  the  chapter-house  of 
the  Black  Friars.  From  the  time  of  Archbishop  Kilwardby  we  have 
had  frequent  occasions  to  mention  meetings  in  that  place.  Convoca- 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  349 


The  committee  or  council  met  on  the  day  appointed,     CHAP. 

the  19th  of  May,  1382,  at  the  friary,  at  the  second  hour  . ,-J— > 

in  the  afternoon,  after  dinner.     Little  more,  than  what  courtenay. 
related  to  preliminary  arrangements,  was  done  at  the  first    1381-96- 
meeting.     The  conclusions,  as   given   above,  were  laid 
before  the  members  ;  each  was  supplied  with  a  copy,  and 
was  requested  to  examine  the  subject  in  private.     An 
adjournment  was  then  agreed  upon  till  the  21st. 

On  the  21st,  the  members  reassembled.  The  arch 
bishop  himself  presided.  They  had  scarcely  taken  their 
seats,  when  the  building  was  shaken  by  an  earthquake, 
the  shock  of  which  was  felt  in  every  part  of  England.* 
The  astonished  theologians  whispered  the  word,  "adjourn 
ment."  The  archbishop,  however,  with  great  presence  of 
mind,  said,  in  solemn  accents  and  in  an  authoritative  tone, 
"  Brethren,  the  living  God  is  arousing  you  to  bestir  your 
selves  in  His  Church's  cause.  By  a  mighty  effort  the  earth 
is  purging  itself  of  noxious  vapours,  foreshowing  that  this 
realm  must  purge  itself  of  heresy,  though  it  will  not  be 
without  struggle  and  commotion."  f 

The  anecdote  is  worth  preserving.  It  shows,  that  Cour- 
tenay,  though  eminent  neither  as  a  lawyer  or  a  divine, 

tions  and  even  a  parliament  had  been  held  in  this  convenient  place. 
I  have  thought  it  probable,  that  the  archbishop  was  lodging  there,  as 
in  Dugdale's  Baronage  I  find  that  Humphrey  de  Bohtm  rebuilt  the 
cloister  of  the  Black  Friars  in  1354,  and  was  buried  there  in  1361. 
The  connection  between  a  religious  house  and  a  benefactor  was  consi 
dered  very  close,  and  a  descendant  of  the  Bohuns,  like  the  archbishop, 
might  demand  the  hospitality  of  the  monks.  The  matter  is  not  of  im 
portance,  but  when  bad  motives  are  attributed,  one  likes  to  see  what,  in 
the  midst  of  uncharitable  conjectures,  may  be  conjectured  by  charity. 

*  "Per  totam  Angliam,"  says  our  authority,  Fasc.  Zizan.  272. 

f  Wiclif  had  his  interpretation  of  the  earthquake.  He  compared  it 
to  that  which  took  place  at  our  Lord's  crucifixion.  Referring  to  the 
Court  of  Enquiry,  he  says  of  the  members  :  "  They  put  an  heresy  upon 
Christ  and  seynts  in  hevyne,  wherefore  the  erth  tremblide."  This  was 
commonplace  if  not  profane,  and  certainly  had  not  the  merit  of  being 


350  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     possessed  that  presence  of  mind,  tact,  and  force  of  cha- 

•  racter,  which  accounts  for  his  being  able  to  take  the  lead 

Courtenay.  in  public  affairs.     There  is  such  a  thing  as  the  talent 

96>    of  character.     A  man  possessing  this  talent  is  found  to 

direct  the  energies  of  men,  intellectually  his  superiors,  and 

to  gain  for  himself  the  credit  of  their  labours.     His  merit 

may  consist  in  forcing  them  to  work,  and  in  perceiving  the 

channel  in  which  their  labours  will  be  most  successful. 

The  council,  or  rather  the  court  of  enquiry,  proceeded 
immediately  to  business,  and  was  continued  by  many 
adjournments.  Nothing  was  done  in  a  hurry.  The  meri- 
bers  availed  themselves  of  the  privilege  to  add  to  their 
numbers,  and  met  on  the  12th,  14th,  and  20th  of  Jun3, 
and  on  the  1st  of  July.*  There  was  a  convocation  at 
St.  Frideswide's  Church  at  Oxford  on  the  18th  of  Novem 
ber,  1382,  when  three  of  the  committee,  who  were  merr- 
bers  of  the  convocation,  received  the  abjuration  of  seven  1 
members  of  the  university,  who  were  suspected  of  heresj . 
The  committee  was  again  adjourned  to  the  Chapter-House 
at  Blackfriars. 

As  the  proceedings  have  been  sometimes  misrepre 
sented,  we  shall  present  the  reader  with  the  official  report 
which,  if  not  dictated  by  Courtenay,  was  drawn  up  undei 
his  inspection,  and  published  by  his  authority. 

Be  it  remembered  that  since,  both  among  the  nobility  and 
people  of  the  realm  of  England,  a  report  has  been  spread 

impromptu.     The  idea  of  making  a  mark  of  Divine  vengeance  was 
common.     The  following  is  from  one  of  the  political  songs  of  the  day  : 
"  In  hoc  tememotu  abhora  diei, 
Quia  tune  convenerant  scriboe,  Pharisaei, 
Cum  summis  sacerdotibus  contra  Christum  Dei, 
Vultus  ira3  patuit  divinas  faciei. 

With  an  0  and  an  I,  sanctos  diffamarunt, 
Per  hsereses  et  schismata  quae  falsa  patrarunt." 

Pol.  Songs,  i.  254. 
*  Fasc.  Zizan.  290. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  351 

abroad   that   some   heretical    and   erroneous    conclusions   and      CHAP, 
determinations  hostile  to  the  Church,  which  aim  at  subverting   .  _XVI'_- 
the  state  of  our  whole  Church,  the  province  of  Canterbury,  and     William 

,    Courtenay. 

the  tranquillity  of  the  realm,  are  generally,  commonly,  and  1381-96. 
publickly  preached  in  divers  parts  of  our  said  province  :  we 
William,  by  divine  permission,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  &c. 
having  been  certified  on  these  points,  and  wishing  to  exercise 
the  due  functions  of  our  office,  convoked  certain  venerable 
brethren,  our  suffragans  and  others,  as  well  as  many  Doctors 
and  Bachelors  of  Sacred  Theology,  and  of  canon  and  civil  law, 
whom  we  deem  the  more  famous  and  learned  in  the  kingdom, 
thinking  them  also  very  sound  in  the  Catholic  faith,  whose 
names  are  contained  below;  and  on  the  17th  day  of  the  month 
of  May,  A.D.  1382,  in  a  certain  chamber  within  the  walls  of  the 
Priory  of  the  Preaching  Brothers  at  London,  the  said  conclu 
sions,  the  contents  of  which  are  contained  below,  having  been 
publickly  proposed,  and  distinctly  and  clearly  read  before  us, 
and  our  said  brethren  convoked,  then  personally  present,  we 
charged  our  said  brethren,  Doctors  and  Bachelors,  by  the  faith 
in  which  they  are  held  in  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  as  they 
wished  to  make  answer  before  the  supreme  Judge  at  the  day 
of  judgment,  that  they  should  speak  with  us  on  the  said 
conclusions,  and  that  each  of  them  should  declare  his  senti 
ments.  At  length,  after  deliberation  had  on  the  matters  afore 
said,  on  the  21st  day  of  the  said  month,  our  brethren,  the 
Doctors  and  Bachelors  before  mentioned,  met  in  our  presence, 
in  the  said  chamber,  and  the  said  conclusions  being  a  second 
time  read  and  clearly  explained,  in  accordance  with  our  own 
counsel  and  that  of  all  others,  it  was  declared,  that  some  of  the 
said  conclusions  were  heretical,  and  some  erroneous  and  con 
trary  to  the  determination  of  the  Church,  as  is  below  more 
fully  apparent ;  and  since  by  sufficient  information  we  have 
found  that  the  said  conclusions,  in  many  parts  of  our  said 
Province,  have  been  preached,  as  is  premised,  and  that  certain 
persons  have  held  and  taught  certain  of  them,  so  as  to  be 
vehemently  and  notoriously  suspected  of  heresy ;  we  have 
framed  the  processes  below  written,  both  in  general  and  in 
particular.* 

*  Translated  from  Reg.  Courtenay,  fol.  25. 


352  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP.  The  archbishop,  acting  with  the  advice  of  his  suffragans 
.  xyL--  and  of  certain  doctors  learned  in  the  law  whom  he  con- 

ourtenay  sul ted,  determined  to  convert  into  a  public  act  what  might 
1381-96.  otherwise  have  been  represented  as  the  opinion  of  indi 
viduals  at  a  private  meeting.  He  availed  himself  of  the 
prevalent  feeling,  that  the  late  earthquake,  by  which  the 
whole  nation  had  been  alarmed,  was  an  indication  of  the 
Divine  wrath  at  the  sins  of-  the  people  ;  *  under  which 
category  he  placed  the  hike  war  mness  exhibited  by  the 
bishops  when  heresy  was  rampant  in  the  realm.  He 
proclaimed  a  solemn  procession,  to  take  place  in  Whitsu.i- 
week.  On  that  day,  the  whole  population  of  London  was 
astir.  High  and  low,  rich  and  poor,  laity  and  clergy, 
were  arranged  according  to  their  condition  of  life,  and 
Avalked,  barefoot,  through  the  city.  At  the  gates  of  the 
precincts  of  St.  Paul's  the  procession  was  met  by  the  Bishop 
of  London,  the  dean,  and  the  cathedral  clergy.  The 
people  then  ranged  themselves  round  Paul's  Cross,  and 

*  The  feeling  of  the  nation  is  thus  described  in  one  of  the  songs  <f 
the  day  : — 

"  And  also  whon  this  eorthe  qwok, 
Was  non  so  proud  he  nas  agast, 
And  al  his  jolite  forsok, 

And  thouyt  on  God  whil  that  hit  last. 
And  alsone  as  hit  was  over  past, 
Men  wox  as  uvel  as  thei  dede  are 

Uche  mon  in  his  herte  may  cast, 
This  was  a  warnyng  to  be  ware. 

For  sothe  this  was  a  Lord  to  drede, 

So  sodeynly  made  mon  agast ; 
Of  gold  and  selver  thei  tok  non  hede, 

But  out  of  ther  houses  ful  sone  thei  past. 

Chaumbres,  chymeneys,  al  to-barst, 
Chirches  and  castelles  foule  gon  fare  ; 

Pinacles,  steples,  to  grounde  hit  cast ; 
And  al  was  for  warnyng  to  be  ware." 

Extract  from  Political  Poems,  i.  251, 
on  the  earthquake  of  1382. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  353 

Dr.  John  Kynyngham,  or  Cunningham,  ascended  the  pulpit.  CHAP. 
He  read  the  nine  conclusions  pronounced  to  be  heretical,  ._XVL _ 
and  the  fifteen  declared  to  be  erroneous ;  and,  in  the  Q™^ 
name  of  the  archbishop.,  he  denounced  as  excommunicate  1381-96. 
all  who  should  defend  them  now  or  hereafter.* 

The  archbishop  followed  Wiclif 's  example.  He  deter 
mined  to  appeal  for  support  to  the  king,  and  to  the  par 
liament  for  power  to  render  his  judgment  more  than  a 
brutum  fulmen  to  those,  by  whom  his  excommunication 
would  be  treated  with  contempt.  Up  to  this  time,  the 
Church  had  wielded  spiritual  weapons,  and  these  only. 
Her  excommunications  had  been  sufficient  to  punish  her 
enemies,  or  to  arm  her  sons  in  her  defence.  But  to  Cour- 
tenay  the  discredit  belongs  of  having  been  the  first  to 
bring  in  the  arm  of  flesh,  and  that  in  not  a  very  straight 
forward  manner.  Certainly,  we  cannot  deny  that  mild 
measures  were  at  first  adopted — measures  in  accordance 
with  those  which  would  be  now  pursued  ;  but  by  him 
the  principle  was  first  adopted  of  visiting  spiritual  offences 
with  temporal  penalties.  The  principle  once  admitted, 
the  penalties  were  soon  made  capital  A  very  few  years 
were  to  pass,  when,  as  we  shall  see  in  the  Life  of  Arundel, 
the  civil  magistrate  undertook  to  burn  a  relapsed  heretic. 
Although  this  was  not  yet  the  case,  still  we  read  with 
feelings  of  repugnance  the  first  Act  of  Parliament  f  which 
was  passed  for  the  suppression  of  heresy.  It  runs  thus  : 

Forasmuch  as  it  is  openly  known  that  there  be  divers  evil 

*  Pseudo-Knyghton,  2G50.  Cunningham  was  provincial  of  the 
Carmelite  Order,  and  confessor  to  John  of  Gaunt,  for  which  reason 
he  was  probably  chosen  on  this  occasion.  He  was  one  of  Wiclif  s 
earliest  opponents.  In  his  controversial  works  against  Wiclif,  lie 
writes  as  a  Christian  and  a  scholar,  whatever  may  be  thought  of  his 
arguments. 

f  It  is  doubtful  whether  this  can  be  properly  called  an  Act  of  Parlia 
ment,  as  it  was  passed  by  the  king  and  lords  without  asking  the  assent 

VOL.  IY.  A  A 


354  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  persons  within  the  realm,  going  from  county  to  county,  and 
,  x^ I- _,  from  town  to  town,  in  certain  habits,  under  dissimulation  of 
William  great  holiness,  and  without  the  licence  of  the  ordinaries  of 
1381-&5.'  the  places,  or  other  sufficient  authority,  preaching  daily,  r.ot 
only  in  churches  and  churchyards,  but  also  in  markets, 
fairs,  and  other  open  places,  where  a  great  congregation  of 
people  is,  diverse  sermons  containing  heresies  and  notorious 
errors,  to  the  great  embleamishing  of  the  Christian  faith,  and 
destruction  of  the  laws  and  of  the  estate  of  Holy  Church, 
to  the  great  peril  of  the  souls  of  the  people,  and  of  all 
the  realm  of  England,  as  more  plainly  is  found,  and  sufficiently 
proved  before  the  Keverend  Father  in  Grod,  the  Archbishop  }f 
Canterbury,  and  the  bishops  and  other  prelates,  masters  )f 
divinity,  and  doctors  of  canon  and  of  civil  law,  and  a  great 
part  of  the  clergy  of  the  said  realm  specially  assembled  for  this 
cause,  which  persons  do  also  preach  diverse  matters  of  sclaunder, 
to  engender  discord  and  dissension  betwixt  diverse  estates  of  tte 
said  realm,  as  well  spiritual  as  temporal,  in  exciting  of  the 
people  to  the  great  peril  of  all  the  realm,  which  preachers  citei 
or  summoned  before  the  ordinaries  of  the  places,  there  to 
answer  of  that  whereof  they  be  impeached,  will  not  obey  t) 
their  summons  and  commandments,  nor  care  not  for  their 
monitions  nor  censures  of  the  Holy  Church,  but  expressly  despis » 
them;  and,  moreover,  by  their  subtil  and  ingenious  words  do 
draw  the  people  to  hear  their  sermons,  and  do  maintain  them 
in  their  errors  by  strong  hand  and  by  great  routs  :  It  i> 
ordained  and  assented  in  this  present  parliament  that  the 
king's  commissions  be  made  and  directed  to  the  shiriffes  anc 
other  ministers  of  our  sovereign  lord  the  king,  or  other  suffi 
cient  persons  learned;  and  according  to  the  certifications  of  the 

of  the  commons.  The  king  and  lords,  in  times  past,  had  not  thought 
much  of  the  commons,  except  when  a  subsidy  was  required.  There  is 
no  reason  to  suppose  that  any  insult  was  now  intended.  But  the  con 
stant  parliaments  in  the  reign  of  Echvard  III.,  and  the  incessant  de 
mands  of  the  king  for  money,  had  made  the  commons  aware  of  their 
own  importance ;  and  in  a  subsequent  parliament  they  demanded  that, 
on  the  ground  of  their  assent  not  having  been  obtained,  the  statute 
should  be  declared  void.  This  was  urged  no  doubt  by  the  Lollards, 
but  it  was  suggested  by  the  constitutional  lawyers. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  355 

prelates  thereof,  to  be  made  in  the  chancery  from  time  to  time,     CHAP. 
to  arrest  all  such  preachers,  and  also  their  fautors,  maintainors,   ,  XVI. 
and  abettors,  and  to  hold  them  in  arrest  and  strong  prison  till 
they  will  justify  them  according  to  the  law  and  reason  of  Holy 
Church.     And  the  king  willeth  and  commandeth  that  the  chan 
cellor  make  such   commissions   at  all  times  that   he,  by  the 
prelates  or  any  of  them,  shall  be  certified  and  thereof  required, 
as  is  aforesaid.* 

We  must  do  justice  to  the  archbishop  by  bearing 
in  mind  the  extreme  difficulties  by  which  he  was  sur 
rounded.  Hitherto,  prelates  and  primates  had  difficulties 
to  contend  with  in  state  affairs,  but  ah1  had  been  smooth 
as  to  the  dogmas  of  Christianity.  False  dogmas,  as 
we  now  very  properly  regard  them,  had  certainly,  from 
time  to  time,  crept  in,  and  were,  at  their  first  appearance, 
opposed  ;  but  when  once  the  Church  had  spoken  authori 
tatively,  the  dogma  was  as  readily  accepted  as  a  law 
when  promulgated  by  the  State.  This  was  the  first  time 
that  a  revolutionary  spirit  had  shown  itself  in  matters 
purely  spiritual  —  the  first  time  that  strong  passions,  in 
ignorant  minds,  had  been  appealed  to  on  the  subject.  It 
was  well  for  Wiclif,  who,  though  opposed,  was  certainly 
not  persecuted,  that  Courtenay  was  not  himself  a  theolo 
gian.  The  odium  tlieologieum  did  not  exist  in  him.  He 
had  no  strong  views  on  religious  questions.  His  duty,  as 
he  regarded  it,  was  to  keep  the  peace  of  the  Church,  and 
preserve  it,  internally  and  externally,  intact,  as  he  found 
it.f  He  felt,  that  he  must  seek  support  from  all  quarters. 


.  II.  c.  5.  Gibson's  Codex,  i.  390. 
f  The  question,  What  is  toleration  ?  —  how  far  men  may  be  per 
mitted  to  go  without  doing  serious  injury  to  society  —  has  not  yet 
been  fully  answered  even  in  England.  The  question  whether  a  man 
sworn  to  preach  certain  doctrines,  and  receiving  certain  emoluments 
for  so  doing,  ought  to  be  deprived  of  those  emoluments  when  he 
preaches  against  what  he  is  sworn  to  uphold,  is  another  and  a  very  ctif- 

A   A   2 


356  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.    He  scarcely  knew  upon  whom  he  could  rely.     All  the 

>-\.  '  *  discontented   spirits — and   they  abounded    in   the  land, 

Courtenay.  whether  they  agreed  with  them  or  not  in  point  of  doc- 

1381-96.    trine — Were  willing  to  take  part  with  the  Wiclifites  in 

their  resistance  to  constituted  authority.     In  their  hatred 

of  the  mendicants,  a  large  portion  of  the  secular  clergy 

was  unwilling  to  renounce  the  leadership  of  such  a  man 

as  Wiclif,  against  their  common  enemy ;  or  to  suppose 

that  the'  charge  of  heresy  was  anything  more  than  the 

ruse  of  a  party. 

The  archbishop  did  not  attempt  to  disturb  Wiclif  in  his 
living  of  Lutterworth.  There  he  might  remain,  if  h>3 
would  only  be  quiet.  All  he  did  in  this  respect,  was  to 
address  a  letter  to  his  suffragans,  through  the  Bishop  of 
London,  warning  them,  and  especially  the  Bishop  of  Lin 
coln,  in  whose  diocese  Lutterworth  was  situated,  that  the 
heresies  above  mentioned  were  propounded,  and  calling; 
upon  them  "  to  warn  and  admonish,  that  no  man  froir. 
henceforth,  of  what  estate  or  condition  whatsoever,  dc 
hold,  preach,  or  defend  the  foresaid  heresies  and  errors 
or  any  of  them,  under  pain  of  the  greater  excommuni 
cation."* 

He  was  compelled  to  take  stronger  and  more  decided 
measures  against  the  University  of  Oxford.  Here  there  were 
many  who  not  only  held  but  who  zealously  propagated 
the  principles  of  Wiclif;  and  pushed  them  sometimes  to 
an  extreme  which  astonished  the  great  doctor  himself. 


ferent  question.  It  was  not  the  question  brought  before  Courtenay. 
In  Roman  Catholic  countries  at  the  present  time  toleration  is  unknown. 
Take  for  example  Italy  and  Spain.  To  obtain  English  gold,  the 
English  are  permitted  to  have  a  chapel,  under  degrading  circumstances, 
at  Rome,  but  it  would  be  at  peril  of  his  life  that  an  Italian  would  attend 
the  service.  So  also  in  Spain.  It  is  with  this  party  that  Courtenay 
and  Arundel  should  be  compared,  if  we  would  do  them  justice. 
*  Pseudo-Knyghton,  col.  2C51. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  357 

Wiclif  was   surprised  to  find,  that  certain   conclusions    CHAP. 
were  logically  deducible  from   the   premisses  which  he  < — ->-— 
had   zealously  established  and  fearlessly  asserted.      His  courtenay 
attempt  to  explain  them  in  an  inoffensive  sense,  laid  him   1381~96- 
open,  sometimes,  to  a  charge  of  inconsistency.    In  addition 
to   these,   there   were  many,  who   cared   little   for   his 
opinions,  but  who  were  prepared  to  protect  his  person 
and  maintain  his  cause.     Wiclif  had  fought  the*  cause  of 
the  university  against  the  mendicants,  their  diocesan,  and 
the  pope ;  and  Oxford  men  felt  under  an  obligation  to 
him.     How  far  the  last-mentioned  class  would  stand  by 
Wiclif,  now  that  he  was  declared  heretical,  remained  to 
be  seen.     Although  Courtenay  at  length  succeeded,  yet 
in  the  measures  he  adopted  in  dealing  with  the  Oxford 
men,  he  did  not  show  the  sound  judgment  we  should 
have   expected   from  a  man   of   his   worldly  tact   and 
wisdom  ;  and  who,  withal,  possessed  so  much  experience, 
as  a  former  governor  of  the  university. 

The  two  leading  persons  at  the  university,  at  this  time, 
were  not  men  of  earnest  minds,  and  Courtenay  evidently 
knew  their  character.  He  felt  that  they  must  be  terrified 
into  doing  what  he  thought  to  be  right.  They  were  men 
who  had  fought  Wiclif 's  battles,  so  long  as  they  could  do 
so  without  danger  to  themselves.  After  a  small  show  of 
resistance,  when  they  found  the  archbishop  to  be  a  man 
with  whom  it  was  not  safe  to  trifle,  they  yielded.  Dr. 
Eugge  was  chancellor,  and  declared  himself  a  Wiclifite. 
He  was  supported  by  Dr.  Nicolas  Herford  and  by  Philip 
Eepyngdon,  who  had  just  taken  his  degree  as  a  doctor  of 
divinity.  They  were  backed  by  a  faction — for  so  we  may 
designate  a  party,  which  distinguishes  itself  by  its  dress. 
They  went  barefooted,  arrayed  in  a  russet  or  grey  gown 
reaching  to  the  ankles. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  university,  when  the  arch 
bishop  thought  it  necessary  to  interpose.  He  selected  as 


358  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     his  commissioner  Dr.  Peter  Stokes.     Why  Peter  Stokes 
v  /  ,  '->  was  chosen,  it  is  difficult  to  surmise  ;  unless,  as  is  probable, 
Courtenay.  the  primate  was  aware  that  no  one  else  holding  a  high 
1381-96.    pOSition  ill  the  university  would  have  accepted  the  com 
mission,  or,  at  all  events,  have  executed  it  with  cordiality 
and  zeal.     Dr.  Stokes  was  certainly  a  man  of  eminence, 
being  professor  of   theology  in  the  house  of   the  Car 
melites.  ^  But  the  fact  of  his  being  a  Carmelite,  marked 
him  for  a  party  man ;  and  from  that  very  circumstance;, 
challenged  opposition. 

In  the  commission  directed  by  the  archbishop  to 
Stokes,  he  states  that  he  had  heard  that  some  "  sons  of 
eternal  perdition,"  in  defiance  of  church  authority,  and 
under  the  cover  of  great  sanctity,  were  not  afraid  to 
assert,  dogmatise,  and  publicly  to  preach,  as  well  in  the. 
churches  as  in  the  streets,  and  other  profane  places,  some; 
propositions,  which  had  been  condemned  by  the  Church 
as  heretical,  erroneous,  and  false.  He  then  alluded  tc 
those  propositions  which,  acting  by  the  advice  and  assent 
of  very  many  of  his  brethren  and  suffragans,  in  con 
junction  with  a  great  many  doctors  of  divinity,  and 
professors  of  canon  and  civil  law,  and  others  of  the  clergy, 
he  had  himself  declared  to  be  repugnant  to  the  deter 
minations  of  the  Church.  He  therefore  commissioned 
and  commanded  Dr.  Stokes,  enjoining  him,  by  that 
obedience  which  he  owed  to  him,  the  archbishop, 
publicly  to  admonish  and  inhibit — that  no  one  for  the 
future,  of  whatever  state  or  condition,  do  hold,  preach, 
or  defend  the  heresies  or  errors  aforesaid,  or  any  of 
them,  in  the  University  of  Oxford,  in  the  schools  or 
out  of  them,  publicly  or  privately,  or  do  hear  or 
hearken  unto,  or  favour  or  adhere  to,  publicly  or  pri 
vately,  any  one  who  preaches  these  heresies  or  errors, 
or  any  of  them,  but  do  fly  from  them  as  from  a  serpent 
sending  forth  pestilential  poison,  and  avoid  them  on  pain 


AKCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  359 

of  the  greater  excommunication,  which,  by  these  writings,     CHAP. 
he  did  decree  against  all  and  singular  those  who,  on  this  > — ^_L 
occasion,  showed  themselves  rebels,  and  did  not  obey  .his  couitena 
admonitions.     This  letter  or  commission  is  dated  at  the    1381~9 
archbishop's   manor    of  Otford,   the    28th   day   of   the 
month    of  May,  A.D.  1382,    and  the  first    year  of    his 
translation.* 

The  archbishop  received  information  from  Dr,  Stokes, 
that  when  he  exhibited  the  archiepiscopal  mandate  to  the 
chancellor,  together  with  a  letter  to  Dr.  Rugge  himself, 
desiring  that  he  would  render  every  assistance  in  his 
power  to  the  archiepiscopal  commissioner,  the  answer 
which  that  commissioner  received  was,  that  the  whole 
proceeding  was  a  direct  attack  upon  the  rights,  liberties, 
and  immunities  of  the  university.  The  chancellor  affirmed 
that  no  bishop,  not  the  metropolitan  himself,  even  in  a 
case  of  heresy,  ha'd  any  authority  or  jurisdiction  within 
the  University  of  Oxford.  This  was  much  the  same  line 
of  conduct  as  that  which  had  been  pursued  by  Courtenay 
himself  when  chancellor. 

Upon  consultation  with  the  proctors  and  other  leading 
men  of  the  university,  Dr.  Eugge,  however,  was  induced 
to  withhold  the  protest  lie  had  drawn  up  against  the 
aggression  of  the  metropolitan.  They  were  aware,  that  a 
specific  charge  of  heresy  had  been  established  against 
Wiclif ;  there  was  a  strong  party  against  him  in  the  coun 
try  ;  and  the  archbishop  had  given  them  to  understand, 
that  the  king  was  about  to  support  him,  in  a  letter  to  the* 
university  against  Wiclif  ;  while  measures  were,  at  the 
same  time,  in  deliberation  for  obtaining  an  Act  of  Par 
liament  which  might  seriously  affect  their  rights.  It  was 
therefore  considered  inexpedient  to  raise  the  abstract 
question  of  right. 

*  Fascic.  Zizan.  275. 


360  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.         When  the  opposition  was,  for  these  and  other  reasons, 
_xyL_,  withdrawn,  Dr.   Stokes  was  directed  by  the  primate  to 
olrten^.  proceed  ;    but  his  opponents  knew  the  man,  and  they 
1381-96.    played  upon  his  fears.     They  acted,  indeed,  as  we  should 
now  say,  "  like  a  parcel  of  schoolboys."     The  chancellor, 
to  terrify  the  unfortunate  Stokes,  paraded  the  streets  wir,h 
his  attendants,  whether  called  "  bulldogs"  or  not,  in  com 
plete  armour.     They  talked  loud  that,  if  they  could  not 
compel  the  Carmelite  to  leave  the  town,  they,  at  lea>t, 
might  slay  him.     Inflammatory  sermons  were  preached. 
Some  of  the  sermons  went  so  far  as  to  justify  the  late 
insurrection,  and  to  threaten  with  death  all  who  should 
oppose  Dr.  Wiclif  and  his  followers. 

When  this  was  notified  to  the  archbishop,  he  signified 
to  the  reluctant  Stokes,  that  the  condemnation  of  tha 
heretical  propositions  must  be  published  on  or  before  Ji 
certain  fixed  day.  Until  the  sentence 'was  published,  no 
one  could  be  censured  for  holding  or  for  defending  the 
condemned  propositions. 

The  authorities  of  the  university  were  prepared  to  give 
audience,  at  the  appointed  time,  to  the  archbishop's  com 
missary.  The  cemetery  of  St.  Frideswyde  was  the  place 
of  assembly.  A  sermon,  however,  was  first  to  be  preached. 
The  chancellor  nominated  the  newly-made  doctor,  Dr. 
Bepyngdon,*  to  preach  on  the  occasion.  His  sermon  was 
so  violent  that,  judging  from  the  character  of  the  man, 
and  taking  into  consideration  what  afterwards  occurred, 
.we  have  no  doubt  that  the  intention  was  to  alarm 
Dr.  Stokes.  The  sermon  was  received  with  such  applause 
as  showed  that  the  preacher  carried  his  hearers  with  him. 
But  it  was  not  by  words  only  that  the  timid  Carmelite  was 
to  be  terrified.  As  the  students  shouted  and  raised  their 
hands,  the  clank  of  armour  was  heard.  Dr.  Stokes  looked 

*  He  was  afterwards  a  violent  opponent  of  the  Lollards. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  361 

down,  and  saw  the  armour  scarcely  concealed  beneath     CHAP. 
their  gowns.    He  trembled  ;  and  no  publication  that  day 
took  place.     He  afterwards  told  the  archbishop,  that  as 
he  left  the  church  he   saw  the  greeting  which  passed    1381~96- 
.between  the  chancellor  and  Dr.  Eepyngdon.     They  were 
smiling   at  the  success  of  what  was  regarded,  by  the 
Wiclifites,  as  a  good  joke.* 

Still  the  chancellor  kept  up  the  appearance  of  deference 
to  the  archbishop  ;  and  it  was  proposed  that  Eepyngdon 
and  Stokes  should  dispute  publicly  in  the  schools.  On  the 
day  on  which  Dr.  Eepyngdon  declaimed  all  was  decency 
and  order,  and  poor  Stokes  took  courage.  But  when  Dr. 
Stokes  was  preparing  to  defend  the  existing  order  of 
things,  he  looked  up  and  saw  arrayed  before  him  twelve 
men  in  armour.  The  armour  was  covered  with  a  gown, 
but,  as  on  a  former  occasion,  it  was  not  intended  to  be 
concealed.  Dr.  Stokes  expected  to  be  killed  before  he 
left  the  chair,  and  fled  from  the  school  with  a  precipita 
tion  which  created  much  merriment  among  his  opponents, 
who  intended  that  "  their  bark  should  be  worse  than  their 
bite." 

The  archbishop  saw  through  the  whole  manoeuvre,  and, 
delivering  Stokes  from  his  persecutors,  summoned  him 
immediately  to  Lambeth,  whither  the  archbishop  had 
moved  from  Otford.  Stokes  stole  out  of  the  university 
unperceived,  and,  travelling  post-haste,  he  reached 
Lambeth  that  very  night. 

When  Dr.  Eugge  found  that  Stokes  had  fled  to  the 
archbishop,  he  began  to  think  that  matters  were  becoming 
serious.  It  had  been  amusing  enough  to  defend  the  rights 
of  the  university  by  playing  on  the  fears  of  Dr.  Stokes, 
to  whose  mismanagement  he  might  hereafter  attribute 
any  disturbances  that  might  occur.  But  now  he  felt 

*  Fasc.  Zizan.  300. 


362  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     that  he  must  make  the  best  of  the  case  to  the  archbishop 

V"\7"T 

v_ r~s  himself,  and  he  hastened  to  Lambeth,  hoping,  in  a  per- 

Courtenay.  sonal  interview,  to  effect  a  compromise. 

The  archbishop,  in  the  meantime,  had  received  Dr.  Stokes 
with  great  kindness,  and  had  heard  his  story.  He  refused 
to  grant  a  private  audience  to  Dr.  Eugge,  but  summoned 
a  council,  before  which  the  chancellor  was  required  to 
appear.  On  the  12th  of  June,  Dr.  Eugge  arrived  again  at 
Lambeth,  attended  by  Thomas  Brightwell.  Evidence  \vas 
produced  to  prove,  that  the  chancellor  and  the  proctcrs 
had  shown  favour  to  the  Wiclifites ;  and  on  this  point, 
there  was  nothing  to  be  said  in  their  defence.  The  fact 
was  indisputable,  and  admitted.  The  chancellor  w;is 
condemned  for  contempt,  in  having  refused  to  give 
effect  to  the  mandate  of  the  archbishop.  He  asked  pardcn 
on  his  knees.*  The  good  Bishop  of  Winchester,  William 
of  Wykeham,  interceded  for  him.  The  archbishop  par 
doned  him,  and  gave  him  another  mandate. 

The  mandate  required  the  chancellor  not  to  molest  any 
of  the  clergy,  regular  or  secular,  who  had  aided,  or  should 
hereafter  aid,  in  promulgating  the  condemnation  of  th3 
conclusions;  and  it  further  enjoined  him  not  to  permit 
anyone  henceforth  to  preach,  teach,  or  hold  the  con 
demned  doctrines  in  the  university,  on  pain  of  the  greater 
condemnation.  To  these  requirements  Dr.  Eugge  assented 
But  when  another  mandate  was  delivered  to  him,  whicl 
required  him  not  only  to  publish  the  condemnation  of  the 
conclusions,  but  also  to  search  the  colleges  and  halls  foi 
suspected  persons,  Eugge  remarked,  that  this  mandate 

*  "  Humiliter  veniam  petiit  ab  archiepiscopo  genibus  flexis."  Fasc. 
Zizan.  308.  The  whole  thing  seems  to  have  been  prearranged.  The 
chancellor  was  willing  to  submit,  and  the  archbishop  to  pardon,  but  all 
the  forms  were  to  be  observed.  It  was  easy  to  see  that  Dr.  Eugge, 
though  he  used  the  Lollards  for  party  purposes,  did  not  himself  care 
for  the  opinions  of  Wiclif. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY. 


363 


he  could  only  execute  at  peril  of  his  life.  "  Then,"  said 
the  archbishop,  "  you  admit  that  the  university  is  a 
fosterer  of  heresy,  and  opposed  to  catholic  truth  "  —  a 
significant  observation,  coming  from  a  man  of  the  arch- 
bishop's  determination  of  character. 

Eugge  was  a  weak  man.  When  he  repeated  what  had 
taken  place  at  Lambeth,  the  excitement  in  the  university 
was  great  ;  and  his  conduct  was  severely  censured  by  his 
party,  with  whom,  nevertheless,  he  determined  still  to  act. 
What  he  had  pledged  himself  to  do,  was  to  protect  those 
who  proclaimed  the  condemnation  of  the  conclusions,  and 
also  to  proclaim  that  condemnation  himself.  But  he  in 
formed  his  adherents,  that  this  was  not  a  censure  of  the 
whole  Wiclifite  party  ;  it  was  only  a  condemnation  of 
some  of  the  tenets  which  they  held.  He  did  not  hesitate, 
therefore,  in  order  to  regain  the  favour  of  his  friends,  to 
suspend  one  Henry  Crumpe,  for  calling  the  Wiclifites 
heretics. 

The  archbishop  soon  gave  proof,  that  although  he  had 
treated  Dr.  Eugge  with  leniency,  he  was,  nevertheless, 
thoroughly  in  earnest.  The  archiepiscopal  jurisdiction 
was  disputed  in  Oxford  ;  the  archbishop,  therefore,  once 
more  applied  for  the  royal  authority  to  strengthen  his 
hands.  So  great  had  been  the  alarm  which  the  new  doc 
trines  had  occasioned  —  connected  as  they  now  were,  in 
most  men's  minds,  however  unjustly,  with  the  late  insur 
rection  —  that  Courtenay  found  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  a 
royal  brief,  under  the  great  seal,  commanding  a  com 
pliance  with  his  previous  injunctions.  In  this  brief,  the 
king  warned  the  chancellor  and  proctors  of  the  university, 
that  Henry  Crumpe  had  lodged  a  complaint  against  them, 
for  having  unlawfully  suspended  him  ;  that  the  case 
having  been  examined  by  a  committee  of  the  Privy 
Council  at  Westminster,  the  king,  on  the  report  of  the 
committee  of  council,  ordered  the  resignation  of  the 


CHAP. 


1381~96- 


364  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     chancellor.     The  king  also  charged  them,  on  their  alle- 

> — -^— — '  giance,  not  to  molest  the  said  Henry  Crumpe,  or  Peter 

Courtenay.  Stokes,  or  Stephen  Patrington,  for  what  they  had  done 

96>    against  Wiclif 's  doctrine ;  and  he  required  them  to  assist 

in  the  search  to  be  made  for  the  preachers  of  heresy 

and  the  favourers  of  heretics. 

The  university  did  not  resist  this  flagrant  invasion 
of  their  rights.  Party  feeling  ran  high  ;  but  the 
leading  Wiclifites  were  not  willing,  by  carrying  their 
spirit  of  insubordination  farther,  to  give  colour  to  the 
report,  which  their  enemies  industriously  circulated, 
that  they  were  concerned  in  the  late  insurrection.  TAQ 
university  might  resist  the  archbishop,  and  have  the 
support  of  a  large  portion  of  the  community ;  but  no 
class  would,  at  this  time,  have  tolerated  their  resistance  ;o 
the  king.  Even  the  rebels  had  professed  to  pay  deference 
to  the  royal  authority.  The  wholesale  executions  of  the 
insurrectionists  throughout  the  country  created  alarm  in 
all,  except  those  who  had  accepted  the  new  doctrines  net 
merely  as  a  party-cry,  but  as  an  article  of  faith.  A 
reaction  took  place.  Herford  and  Eepyngdon*  wer3 
suspended  by  the  university.  They  appealed  to  the  Dub  3 
of  Lancaster.  But  John  of  Gaunt  had  no  longer  u 
political  object  in  favouring  the  Wiclifites ;  and  perhaps 
was  really  alarmed  when  he  became  acquainted  with  the 
freedom  of  their  opinions,  and  the  extent  of  their  opposi 
tion  to  the  established  doctrines  of  the  Church.  He  had 

*  The  minds  of  men  were  unsettled ;  and  men  not  thoroughly  in 
earnest  took  up  for  party  purposes,  and  maintained  for  a  time, 
opinions  and  principles  which  they  afterwards  repudiated.  "We  have 
an  instance  of  this  in  the  parties  now  engaged  in  controversy.  Henry 
Crumpe,  who  accused  the  Lollards  of  heresy,  was  himself  condemned 
as  a  heretic  in  a  council  held  by  the  archbishop  at  Stamford  in  1392. 
Repyngdon  afterwards  opposed  the  Wiclifites  as  strongly  as  he  at  one 
time  supported  them,  and  was  consecrated  Bishop  of  Lincoln  by 
Archbishop  Arundel. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  365 

endeavoured  to  persuade  his  friend  Wiclif  to  retract,  and     CHAP. 
when  he  failed  in  this  he  became  an  opponent  of  the 
party. 

Eepyngdon  and  Herford,  suspended  by  the  university,  1381-96- 
had  now  to  humiliate  themselves  by  applying  for  redress 
to  the  very  power  they  had  resisted.  They  appealed  to 
the  archbishop.  Courtenay  acted  now  as  he  had  done 
before.  He  appointed  them  a  hearing  at  the  Church  of 
the  Black  Friars,  and  allowed  them  sufficient  time  to  pre 
pare  their  case.  He  then  nominated  a  court  of  enquiry, 
to  consist  of  ten  bishops,  thirty  doctors  of  divinity,  six 
teen  doctors  of  law,  thirteen  bachelors  of  divinity,  and 
some  bachelors  of  canon  and  civil  law.  The  answers 
of  the  accused  were  examined,  and  pronounced  to  be 
heretical.  Other  persons  were  now  delated  before  the 
archbishop,  but  all  who  were  accused  recanted ;  and  the 
Wiclifite  party  in  the  University  at  Oxford  received  a 
blow,  from  which  it  never  recovered. 

At  the  convocation  held  in  Oxford  in  1382,  at  which 
the  archbishop  presided,  Wiclif  condescended  to  explain 
his  opinions  on  the  subject  of  the  Eucharist,  and  on 
other  matters  with  reference  to  which  his  tenets  were 
regarded  as  heretical.  His  explanations  were  by  his 
contemporaries  regarded  as  a  recantation.*  Such  they 
may  not  have  actually  been ;  but  certainly  they  were 

*  The  modern  biographers  of  Wiclif  are  diligent  in  attempting  to 
prove  that  he  was  not  guilty  of  any  inconsistency,  and  that  he  did  not 
recant.  It  is  sufficient  for  us  to  know  that  he  certainly  explained 
himself  so  as  to  render  it  possible  for  the  archbishop  and  the  other 
prelates,  who  did  not  wish  to  deal  harshly  with  him,  to  permit  him  to 
depart  in  peace.  Pseudo-Knyghton  says  :  '•'  Similiter  aifuit  magister 
Johannes  Wiclif  ad  respondendum  super  haBretica  pravitate,  ut  prius  de 
praedictis  conclusionibus  sive  opinionibus.  Qui  eis  omnino  renuncians 
nee  eas  tenuisse  nee  tenere  se  velle  protestans  ad  maternalis  virgas 
documentum,  quod  ei  antea  pro  refugio  prajsto  fuerat,  advolavit  iterum 
sub  forma  quse  sequitur." — X  Scriptores,  col.  2G49. 


366  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     of  such  a  character  as  to  render  it  possible  for  the  arch- 

,— '  bishop  and  his  assessors  to  permit  him,  without  further 

Courtenay.  molestation,  to  enjoy  the  remainder  of  his  life  at  peace 

1381-96.    jn   jajg   parsonage    of  Lutterworth ;  and   Wiclif  himself 

gave  his  judges  no  further  cause  of  complaint.     Their 

sentence  was,  "  Go  and  sin  no  more."     Wiclif 's  dearth 

took  place  in  the  December  of  1384.     On  the  29th  of 

that  month,  when  he  was  assisting  at  mass,  and  just  as 

the  sacrament  was  elevated,  he  was  mortally  seized  with 

paralysis,  and  died  two  days  afterwards. 

The  reader  will  bear  in  mind  that  the  object  in  this 
section  is  to  bring  under  one  point  of  view  the  proceed 
ings  of  Courtenay  against  Wiclif  and  his  followers.  WB 
shall  presently  see  how  actively  he  was  employed  during 
the  next  two  or  three  years.  But  we  hear  little  of 
him  in  connection  with  the  Wiclifites  until  we  come  to 
the  year  1388.  In  this  year,  immediately  after  the 
second  coronation  of  Richard  II.,  at  which  the  arch 
bishop  himself  officiated,  the  two  houses  of  parliament 
addressed  the  throne,  complaining  of  the  spread  of  Lol- 
lardism,  and  reminding  the  king  of  the  dangers  which 
would  accrue  to  the  kingdom  if  effective  measures  were 
not  taken  to  repress  the  evil.*  The  king,  in  consequence, 
addressed  a  remonstrance  to  the  archbishops  and  their 
suffragans,  calling  upon  them  to  act  with  greater  vigilance 
and  vigour,  and  to  put  the  canons  of  the  Church  into 
execution.  He  went  further.  He  constituted,  by  his  letters- 
patent,  two  inquisitors — Mr.  Thomas  Brightwell,  D.D., 
Dean  of  Leicester,  and  William  Chesulden,  prebendary  of 
the  same  collegiate  church — to  peruse  the  Lollards'  books, 
and  to  make  enquiry  for  those  who  abetted  false  doctrine. 
"You  are,"  he  said — 

*  Pseudo-Knyghton,  col.  2708.  The  writer  complains  that  this 
commission  was  nob- vigorously  acted  upon.  "  The  time  for  discipline," 
he  says,  "  has  not  yet  arrived." 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  367 

To  make  proclamation,  strictly  requiring,  in  our  name,  that  CHAP, 
no  person,  of  what  degree,  condition,  or  quality  soever,  under  „  XVL  ^ 
the  penalty  of  being  imprisoned,  and  forfeiting  whatever  they  William 
are  liable  to  forfeit,  do  presume  to  maintain,  teach,  or  obsti-  1381-96.' 
nately  defend,  publicly  or  privately,  any  of  these  wicked  and 
scandalous  opinions,  or  to  keep,  transcribe,  to  buy  or  sell,  any 
such  books,  treatises,  and  libels  in  any  manner  whatsoever; 
but  to  deliver  without  delay  all  and  every  such  books  in  their 
custody  to  you  upon  their  being  thereunto  required.  And  all 
those  who  shall  be  found  not  to  submit  to  our  proclamation, 
and  continue  to  maintain  their  wicked  opinions,  notwithstanding 
our  prohibition,  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  that  they  be  summoned 
by  you,  Thomas  and  William  above  mentioned,  and  diligently 
examined  by  you ;  and  being  convicted  upon  any  of  thea  rticles 
above  mentioned,  they  are  to  be  committed  by  our  ministers  of 
justice  to  the  next  gaol,  there  to  be  detained  till  such  time  as 
they  shall  either  renounce  their  heresies,  errors,  and  unsound 
opinions,  or  that  we  shall  think  fit  to  resolve  otherwise,  and 
send  an  order  for  their  discharge ;  and,  therefore,  we  command 
you  to  use  your  utmost  diligence  concerning  the  premises,  and 
execute  our  orders  in  the  manner  and  form  above  mentioned. 
And  we  likewise  strictly  command  all  and  singular  ecclesiastics, 
:high  sheriffs,  mayors,  bailiffs,  and  others,  our  ministers  and 
i  liege  subjects,  as  well  within  liberties  as  without,  to  aid  and 
assist  you,  and  every  of  you,  in  the  performance  of  the  pre- 
imises.  In  witness  we  have  caused  our  letters  to  be  made 
i  patent.  Witness  ourselves  at  Westminster,  the  three-and- 
twentieth  day  of  May,  and  the  eleventh  year  of  our  reign. 

In  1389  an  action  was  brought  into  the  archbishop's 
•court,  when  he  was  holding  bis  visitation  at  Leicester, 
against  Eoger  Dexter,  Nicolas  Taylor,  and  some  other 
persons,  whose  names  were  given  in  the  indictment.  They 
were  accused  of  heresy.  The  archbishop  summoned  them, 
to  meet  the  charge,  the  next  day.  The  parties  accused 
absconded.  For  contempt  of  court  they  were,  of  course, 
excommunicated ;  and  the  excommunication  was  pro 
nounced,  on  Allhallows  Day,  the  1st  of  November, 


368  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     in  the  usual   form.     The  Lollards   be'ins*   numerous  in 
xvi 
v-1.  -—  Leicester,  the  archbishop  determined  to  make  the  cere- 

Courte£ay.  mony  as  solemn  and  impressive  as  possible.  He  also 
96<  laid  the  town  under  an  interdict ;  that  is,  he  prohibited 
the  performance  of  the  sacred  rites  of  the  Church,  so  long 
as  the  persons  excommunicated  should  remain  in  conceal 
ment.  This  measure  was  so  effective,  that  several  of  the 
parties  excommunicated  abjured  their  heresies,  if  such 
they  were,  and  were  reconciled  to  the  Church.  Among 
these  were  William  Smith,  Eoger  Dexter,  and  Alice 
his  wife.  The  penance  which  the  archbishop  imposed 
was  by  no  means  severe,  as  the  following  letter  will 
show.  His  object  was  to  make  such  an  example,  as 
would  restrain  people  from  breaking  the  law,  but  to 
deal  as  leniently  as  possible  with  the  offenders  then- 
selves  : — 

Seeing  our  holy  mother  the  Church  closeth  not  her  boson 
to  any  penitent  child  returning  to  the  unity  of  her,  but  readily 
openeth  to  them  the  same,  we  therefore  received  again  tho 
said  William,  Eoger,  and  Alice  to  grace,  and  caused  them  to 
abjure  all  and  singular  the  aforesaid  articles  and  opinions,  anc 
then  granted  unto  them  the  benefit  of  absolution,  and  loosec 
them  from  the  sentence  of  excommunication,  wherein  they  were 
involved,  on  their  faithfully  requesting  it,  enjoining  unto  them 
penance  according  to  their  crime  in  form  following, — that  is  to 
say,  that  on  the  Sunday  next  after  their  return  to  their  own 
place,  they  holding  in  their  right  hands,  William  an  image  of 
St.  Catherine,  and  Eoger  and  Alice  each  a  crucifix:  they, 
William  and  Eoger,  in  their  shirts  and  breeches,  and  Alice  in  her 
undergarment  only,  with  bare  head  and  feet,  do  walk  before  the 
procession  of  the  collegiate  church  of  St.  Mary  in  the  Newarks 
at  Leicester ;  and  thrice,  that  is  to  say,  in  the  beginning  of  the 
procession,  in  the  middle  of  the  procession,  and  at  the  end  of 
the  procession,  to  the  honour  of  Him  that  was  crucified,  in 
memorial  of  His  passion,  and  to  the  honour  of  the  aforesaid 
Virgin,  devoutly  bowing  their  knees  and  kneeling,  shall  kiss  the 
said  images  so  held  in  their  hands ;  and  so  with  the  same  pro- 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  369 

cession,  they  entering  again  into  the  church,  shall  stand  during     CHAP, 
all  the  time  of  the  holy  mass  before  the  image  of  the  cross,    _X^L 
with  the  tapers  and  crosses  in  their  hands ;  and  when  the  mass     William 
is  ended,  the  said  William,  Eoger,  and  Alice  shall  offer  to  him 
that  celebrated  that  day  the  mass.     Then,  upon  the  Saturday 
next  ensuing,  the  said  William,  Roger,  and  Alice  shall,  in  the 
full  and  public  market  within  the  town  of  Leicester,  stand  in 
like  manner  in  their  shirts,  without  any  more  clothes  upon  their 
bodies,  holding  the  aforesaid  images  in  their  right  hands,  which 
images  three  times  they  shall  devoutly  kiss,  reverently  kneeling 
upon  their  knees — that  is,  at  the  entrance,  in  the  middle,  and  at 
the  end  of  the  market-place.     And  the  said  William,  for  that 
he  is  somewhat  more  learned,  shall  repeat  an  Antiphone  with 
the   Collect   of  St.    Catherine;    and  the  aforesaid  Eoger  and 
Alice,  being  unlearned,  shall  say  devoutly  a  Pater  Noster  and  an 
Ave  Maria.     And  thirdly,  the  Sunday  next  immediately  after 
the  same,  the  said  William,  Roger,  and  Alice,  in  their  parish 
church  of  the  said  town  of  Leicester,  shall  stand  and  do  as  upon 
the  Sunday  before  they  stood  and  did  in  the  collegiate  church  of 
St.   Mary  Newarks  aforesaid   in   all   things  ;  which   done,   the 
aforesaid  William,  Roger,  and  Alice,  after  mass,  shall  offer  to 
1  the    priest    or   chaplain   that   celebrated   the    same,    with    all 
humility  and  reverence,  the  wax  tapers  which  they  shall  carry 
in  their  hands.     And  because  of  the  cold  weather  that  now  is, 
'lest  the   aforesaid    penitents    might   peradventure    take   some 
bodily  hurt  standing  so  long  naked,  being  mindful  to  moderate 
i  partly  the    said    our   rigour,   we    give    leave    that    after    their 
•entrance  into  the  churches  above  mentioned,  while  they  shall 
be  hearing  the  masses  aforesaid,  they  may  put  on  necessary 
<  garments  to  keep  them  from  cold,  so  that  their  heads  and  feet, 
notwithstanding,  be  bare  and  uncovered.     We,  therefore,  will 
:and  command  you,  together  and  apart,  that  you  declare  the 
•said  William,  Roger,  and  Alice  to  be  absolved   and  restored 
;IL;;UII  to  the  unity  of  our  holy  mother  the  Church,  and  that  you 
.  call  them  forth  to  do  penance  in  form  and  manner  aforesaid. 
1  Given  at  Dorchester  the  seventeenth  day  of  November,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  God  1389,  and  in  the  ninth  of  our  translation.* 

*  Ex.  Keg.  Courtenay,  fol.  144;  and  Wilkins,  ii'i.  211.     Even  Foxe 
admits  that  he  could  find  no  one  put  to  death  for  his  religion  during 
VOL.  IV.  B  B 


370  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP.  Courtenay  was,  both  by  natural  temperament  and  by 
^1^  education,  unable  to  understand  the  position  of  Wirlif 
^rtenay.  and  his  followers.  His  notion  of  man's  duty  was  that  lie 
1381-96.  should  obey  the  laws,  and  accept,  even  if  he  could  not 
believe,  whatever  the  Church  asserted  as  a  dogma.  If 
laws  were  bad,  the  State  must  change  them  ;  if  dogi  in 
was  to  be  amplified,  explained,  or  annulled,  the  Church 
was  to  do  it.  If  a  man  acted  thus,  he  would  live  un 
molested  in  this  world,  and  he  would  be  secure  of  the  life 
to  come.  But  while  striving  to  live  thus  he  would  often 
foil,  therefore  he  would  have  to  submit  to  certain  penalties 
for  disobeying  the  law  of  the  land — to  certain  penances 
for  transgressing  the  principles  of  virtue,  or  the  regula 
tions  which,  for  the  promotion  of  virtue,  the  Church  im 
posed.  He  who  taught  otherwise  must  be  restrained  as  a 
disturber  of  the  peace,  and  punished  as  a  felon  in  the 
sight  of  God  and  of  man.  Mild  measures  should  be  first 
adopted  ;  if  these  failed,  severer  punishment  must  be  in 
flicted.  The  violator  of  the  king's  peace,  or  of  the  peac3 
of  the  Church,  was,  for  the  sake  of  all,  to  be  dealt  with 
in  such  manner  as  to  prevent  him  from  offending  again, 
and  to  avert  the  evil  precedent  which  his  impiety  mighj 
present  to  the  world. 

We  may  think  Courtenay  to  have  been  in  error,  ant 
we  may  regard  his  position  as  untenable  ;  but  that  positior 

Courtcnay's  episcopate.  But  with  his  usual  intolerance  he  assumes  thai 
the  archbishop  panted  to  shed  blood,  and  was  only  prevented  by  th( 
extreme  amiability  of  King  Richard  II.,  who  had  not  only  permitted 
thousands  of  innocent  persons  to  whom  he  had  sworn  protection  to  be 
put  to  a  cruel  death,  but  in  1394  threatened  to  put  Sir  Richard  Stury, 
who  had  served  him  and  his  grandfather  for  many  years,  to  death,  if  he 
did  not  renounce  the  opinions  of  Wiclif :  "  De  Kicardo  Stury  accepit 
juramentum  quod  de  caitero  opiniones  hujusmodi  non  teneret.  Quo 
facto,  dixit  rex,  Et  ego  juro  tibi,  si  tu  unquam  violaveris  juramentum, 
morte  turpissima  morieris."  Walsingham,  ii.  215. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  371 

is  perfectly  intelligible.  He  was  a  practical  man,  and  saw  CHAP. 
clearly  that  the  Wiclifites  had  grounds  of  complaint  in 
relation  to  the  maladministration  of  the  Church ;  and  in 
the  administration  of  ecclesiastical  affairs  he  desired  to  1381-96- 
introduce  reforms.  He  was  not  himself,  as  so  many  of  his 
predecessors  had  been,  a  lawyer  and  statesman  making 
things  spiritual  not  the  first  but  only  a  secondary  consi 
deration  ;  but  he,  in  his  maturer  years,  devoted  to  the 
duties  of  his  sacred  office  those  energies  which  in  early 
life,  with  all  the  prejudices  of  an  aristocrat,  he  had  given 
to  party. 

II.  We  have  alluded  to  an  occurrence  which  took  place 
during  his  visitation  at  Leicester.  To  the  visitation  itself 
the  reader's  attention  will  now  be  directed.  Courtenay 's 
object  was  to  correct  those  abuses  which  had  arisen  in 
the  Church  from  the  frequent  non-residence,  or  only  occa 
sional  residence,  of  diocesans  versed  in  affairs  of  state. 
His  provincial  visitation  commenced  in  1382  ;  and  he  gave 
notice  that  lie  should  hold  a  visitation  of  the  different 
dioceses  of  his  province  as  time  and  opportunity  might 
render  it  convenient.  A  provincial  visitation  was  always 
unpopular.  The  suffragans  were  unwilling  to  have  their 
jurisdictions  suspended  ;  the  superior  ordinaries  were 
inhibited  ;  the  proceedings  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts 
were  interrupted  ;  and  the  laity  as  well  as  the  clergy 
complained  of  the  prosecutions.  The  minute  investigations 
whicli  took  place  at  such  times  were  not  unfrequently  the 
cause  of  much  annoyance.  For  an  example  of  the  minute 
ness  of  the  regulations  on  these  occasions,  we  may  refer 
to  wrhat  transpired  when  Archbishop  Courtenay  was  hold 
ing  a  visitation  of  the  Convent  of  St.  Augustine,  in  Bristol, 
although, in  this  instance,  the  archbishop's  decision  afforded 
relief  to  the  complainants.  The  visitor  found  fault  with 
the  manner  in  which  the  canons  appeared  before  him. 


372  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP.     They,  in  their  turn,  complained  that,  their  habit  being 

_XVL,^  white,  it  was  scarcely  possible  to  keep  their  clothes  cle;  n. 

ouiten"1    They  were  continually  soiled  by  the  dirt  and  grease  of 

1381-96.    the  black  leather  boots,  which  they  were  also  obliged  to 

wear  by  the  rule  of  their  establishment.    The  archbishop 

took  their  case  into  consideration,  and,  in  a  licence  from 

Mayfield,  granted  them  a  dispensation  to  use,  within  the 

precincts  of  the  monastery,  stockings  and  hose  of  cloth,  of 

a  black  or  brown  colour,  so  that  the  price  did  not  exceed 

twentypence  per  yard.   When  they  went  abroad,  they  had 

to  appear  in  boots.* 

The  archbishop  met  most  opposition  from  the  Bishops 
of  Salisbury  f  and  Exeter.  J  The  Bishop  of  Exeter  issued 

*  Notices  of  Mayfield  Palace,  by  Mr.  Iloare,  Sussex  Archaeological 
Coll.  II.  229.  In  the  visitation  of  Selborne  Priory,  Hants,  by  William  of 
Wykeham  in  1387,  the  canons  incurred  a  severe  reprimand  for  wearioi 
coloured  stockings  without  permission.  (White's  Selborne.)  I  give  this 
as  I  find  it.  The  habit  of  the  Austin  Canons  was  a  black  cassocl, 
white  rochet,  and  black  stockings.  Hence  they  were  called  Blac'c 
Canons.  These  may  have  been  under  an  exceptional  rule. 

•f  Ralph  Erghum.  Little  is  known  of  this  prelate.  lie  occurs-, 
without  date  but  previously  to  1375,  as  prebendary  of  X  librarian,  in 
the  cathedral  of  Lincoln.  He  was  also  Archdeacon  of  Dorset,  and 
Chancellor  of  Lancaster.  He  was  consecrated  at  Bruges  to  tin* 
Bishopric  of  Sarum.  He  was  translated  to  Bath  in  1388,  and  died  01 
the  10th  of  April,  1400. — Walsingham.  Reg.  Erghum,  MSS.  Wharton 

J  Thomas  Brautingham  was  a  native  of  Exeter,  and  at  an  carl) 
period  of  life  was  appointed  canon  of  the  cathedral.  He  was  educated 
in  the  court  of  Edward  III.  and  Queen  Philippa.  In  1370  he  waf 
Keeper  of  the  Wardrobe,  and  filled  a  variety  of  secular  offices  ;  and  at 
the  time  of  his  election  to  the  bishopric  of  Exeter,  he  was  Lord  High 
Treasurer  of  England.  He  was  consecrated  at  Stepney  on  the  12th  oi 
May,  1370.  Although  distinguished  chiefly  as  a  statesman,  towards 
the  close  of  his  life  he  attended  to  his  episcopal  duties.  He  added  the 
ornamented  western  facade  to  his  cathedral,  and  substituted  a  new  for 
an  old  cloister.  For  the  convenience  of  the  priests  and  vicars,  he  pro 
vided  them  with  a  common  hall  and  kitchen,  with  suitable  chambers 
and  offices.  He  died  December  23, 1394.  (Oliver.  Reg.  Brantingham, 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  373 

his  mandate,  forbidding  all  persons  in  his  diocese,  under  CHAP. 
pain  of  excommunication,  to  acknowledge  the  archbishop's  ^J-^-l- 
jurisdiction.  Courtenay  issued  a  mandate  in  opposition  courtenay 
thereto,  requiring  submission  to  his  authority.  The  bishop  1381-96- 
appealed  to  the  pope,  and  affixed  his  appeal  to  the 
gates  of  his  cathedral.  The  archbishop,  notwithstanding, 
proceeded  in  his  visitation,  and  cited  the  bishop  to  appear 
before  him  and  answer  to  certain  articles  exhibited  against 
him.  The  citation  was  despatched  by  one  of  the  arch 
bishop's  officers,  named  Peter  Hill,  who,  being  met  by 
some  of  the  Bishop  of  Exeter's  servants  in  the  town  of 
Topsham,  they,  discovering  his  business,  not  only  beat  him 
most  unmercifully,  but  obliged  the  poor  fellow  to  chew 
and  swallow  the  instrument,  which  was  of  parchment,  wax 
and  all.  The  king,  being  informed  of  this  violence,  sent 
an  order  to  the  Earl  of  Devonshire  and  others  to  appre 
hend  the  bishop's  servants,  and  bring  them  before  the 
•rchbishop  ;  which  being  done,  Courtenay  enjoined  them 
the  following  penance  : — They  were  to  walk  in  procession 
before  the  cross,  in  their  shirts  only,  and  carrying  lighted 
taprrs  in  their  hands  ;  to  pay  a  certain  stipend  to  a 
priest  for  saying  daily  mass  at  the  tomb  of  the  Earl  of 
Devonshire  ;  and,  lastly,  to  pay  twenty  shillings  each 
towards  repairing  the  walls  of  the  city  of  Exeter.  The 
bishop,  in  the  meantime,  prosecuted  his  appeal  in  the 
Court  of  Rome  ;  but  finding  the  archbishop's  credit  pre 
vail  there,  and  that  the  king  likewise  espoused  his  cause, 
he  thought  it  the  most  prudent  course  to  withdraw  his 
appeal,  and  to  acknowledge  both  his  own  offence  and  the 
archbishop's  j  urisdiction. 

The  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  when  it  came  to  his  turn  to  be 

MSS.  Wharton.)  From  the  penance  enjoined  by  the  archbishop  on  the 
bishop's  servant,  we  may  infer  that  the  opposition  of  Brantingham  to 
Courtenay  originated  in  county  politics. 


374  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,  visited,  made  no  less  resistance,  but  proceeded,  as  he  thougl  it, 
— -^__-  with  more  prudence  and  caution  than  the  Bishop  of  Exeter. 
cS^.  He  found  means,  by  the  payment  of  certain  heavy  fees,  to 
1381-96.  procure  from  Pope  Boniface  an  exemption  of  himself  and  h  is 
diocese  from  metropolitical  visitation.  With  this  privilege 
of  exemption  he  waited  upon  the  archbishop  at  Croydon, 
but  met  with  an  unexpected  reception  from  that  prelate. 
The  'primate  declared  that  the  diocese  of  Salisbury  he 
should  visit,  any  papal  exemption  notwithstanding  ;  lie 
commanded  the  bishop  to  be  ready  to  receive  him,  on  a 
certain  day,  in  his  cathedral  church.  The  bishop,  depeii'  - 
ing  on  his  privilege,  took  no  notice  of  this  order  ;  and 
when  the  archbishop  began  his  visitation,  he  appealed  to 
the  pope.  The  archbishop  immediately  excommunicated 
him,  and  commenced  a  prosecution-at-law  against  him, 
for  endeavouring  to  withdraw  himself  from  the  subjection 
he  owed  to  the  see  of  Canterbury.  The  Bishop  of  Salis 
bury,  terrified  by  this  severity  and  the  recent  example 
of  his  brother  of  Exeter,  renounced  his  appeal,  acknow 
ledged  the  archbishop's  jurisdiction,  and,  through  the 
intercession  of  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  and  others,  obtained 
absolution  and  reconciliation. 

The  opposition  to  the  archbishop  may  be  attributed 
in  part  to  an  unconstitutional  act  of  which  he  had  been 
guilty,  though  with  a  good  intention.  We  have  men 
tioned  the  annoyances  caused  by  procurations,  with 
reference  to  which  many  canonical  regulations  were  made. 
Courtenay  thought  it  desirable  to  have  a  fixed  payment,  and 
applied  to  the  pope  for  permission  to  levy  a  rate  upon  all 
ecclesiastical  benefices  of  fourpence  in  the  pound,  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  the  visitation.  This  application  to  the 
pope  Avas  in  direct  violation  of  an  Act  of  Parliament ;  but 
as  the  clergy  only  were  concerned  in  this  affair,  and  as  the 
money  did  not  go  out  of  the  country,  the  government  did 
not  interfere.  The  unconstitutional  conduct  of  the  arch- 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  375 

bishop,  however,  might  be  used  as  a  pretext,  by  those  who     CHAP. 
were  disposed  to  oppose  him  on  the  ground  of  an  old  dis-  _SL_^ 
pensation,  of  which  we  have  heard  before.   The  Bishop  of  Courtenay. 
Lincoln  did  indeed  appeal  to  the  pope,  but  the  primate    1381-96- 
had  taken  care  to  make  his  ground  good  in  that  quarter. 
We  still  possess  the  letter  he  wrote    to  Pope  Urban,  in 
1384.      In  this  letter  he  complains  that  several  of  his 
suffragans,  and  the  Bishop  of  Exeter  in  particular,  in  vio 
lation  of  their  oath  of  canonical  obedience,  had  resisted 
and   oppugned   the  right  of  their  metropolitan  to  visit 
their  respective  dioceses  ;    and  that  they  pleaded  papal 
exemptions,  which  did  not,  of  course,  exist ;  for  that  to 
the  diocese  of  Lincoln  had  been  recalled  as  having  been 
illegal  from  the  beginning.     He  entreated  the  pope  not 
to  interfere  with  the  rights  of  the  church  of  Canterbury,  or 
to  interpose  between  a  metropolitan  and   his  suffragans. 
Being  well   aware,  however,  of  the  weak  side    of  the 
apostolic   see,  he  took  care  that   his  letter    should   be 
transmitted  in  a  box  full  of  florins.* 

He  not  only  carried  his  point  against  the  Bishop  of 
Excter,f  but  he  so  established  his  authority  at  Koine,  that 
he  obtained  a  bull  from  the  pope,  in  1380,  permitting 
him  to  present  to  all  benefices  which,  owing  to  their 
having  remained  unfilled  for  a  considerable  time,  had 
lapsed  to  the  pope. 

In  1391  the  archbishop  published  his  constitution 
against  choppe-churches.  From  this  I  shall  present  the 
reader  with  an  extract,  because  it  Avas  evidently  composed 
by  Courtenay  himself ;  and  it  is  desirable  to  show,  that 
although  Courtenay  did  not  go,  like  Wiclif,  to  the  root  of 
the  evil,  he  was  equally  desirous  of  correcting  abuses.  When 
doing  so  he  was  evidently  under  the  influence  of  religious 
principles.  The  document  appears  in  the  form  of  a 

*  Ex.  Keg.  Courtenay,  fol.  112.  f  Ibid.  fol.  113. 


376  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     mandatory  addressed  by  the  archbishop  to  his  sufFni!_i;iii>, 
— ^    • '  in  the  usual  way,  through  the  Bishop  of  London.     a  Some 
ourtenay.  men's  minds,"  he  remarks, 

1381-96. 

are  so  darkened  and  smitten  with  outward  things  as  never 
to  look  inward  to  themselves,  or  to  Him  that  is  invisible,  while 
they  are  puffed  up  with  temporal  honours,  still  desiring  more, 
slighting  the  ways  of  God.  Some  traffic  with  the  gifts  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  while  they  pay  or  make  private  simoniacal  contracts 
for  churches  and  ecclesiastical  benefices,  forgetting  the  words  of 
Peter  to  Simon,  "  Thy  money  perish  with  thee,  because,"  &c. 
Others  of  these  tare-sowers,  perverters  of  right,  inventors  of 
mischief,  commonly  called  choppe-churches,  defraud  some  by 
an  unequal  change  of  benefices  through  their  wicked  intriguing 
and  execrable  thirst  of  gain,  and  sometimes  wholly  deprive 
others  of  the  benefices  they  have  through  false  colours  ;  inso 
much  that,  being  reduced  from  an  opulent  to  a  poor  condition, 
and  not  being  able  to  dig,  they  die  of  grief,  or  else  are  com 
pelled  to  beg  through  extreme  poverty,  to  the  scandal  of  the 
Church  and  clergy.  Others,  though  "  they  who  serve  at  th( 
altar  should  live  by  the  altar,"  &c.,  according  to  the  Apostle, 
procure  persons  to  be  presented  to  churches  with  cure  and 
ecclesiastical  benefices  by  importunity  and  money,  and  to  be 
instituted  therein,  after  having  first  wickedly  sworn  that  so 
long  as  they  have  those  benefices  they  will  claim  no  profits 
from  them,  nor  any  way  dispose  of  them,  but  leave  them  to 
their  direction  and  profit  (who  procured  them)  under  pretence 
of  an  exchange,  or  purely  at  their  request.  By  which  means 
(whereas  one  church  ought  to  belong  to  one  priest,  and  no  one 
ought  to  have  several  dignities  or  parish  churches)  one  man, 
insufficient  for  one  cure,  though  a  small  one,  sweeps  to  himself 
by  a  trick  the  profits  of  many  benefices,  which,  if  equally  dis 
tributed,  would  abundantly  suffice  for  many  learned  and  very 
reputable  men  who  very  much  want  it.  Divine  worship  and 
hospitality  is  neglected ;  the  indevotion  of  the  people  toward 
the  church,  and  them  who  belong  to  it,  is  increased,  and  the 
cure  of  souls  is  not  minded.  Such  carnal  men  despise  spiritual 
precepts,  and  affect  temporal  riches  in  contempt  of  eternal 
rewards.  But  it  were  to  be  wished  that,  for  their  own  amend- 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  377 

meiit,  they  would  be  afraid  of  punishment,  by  considering  how     CHAP, 
the  Redeemer  of  mankind  cast  the  chapmen  out  of  the  temple,   ^_x  ^^ 
savinff,  "  Make  not  My  Father's  house  a  house  of  merchandise."     William 

Courtenay. 

Our  Lord  never  dealt  so  severely  with  any  offenders,  to  demon-  1381-96. 
strate  that  other  sinners  ought  to  be  reprehended,  but  these  to 
he  driven  far  from  the  Church.  Farther,  some  raptors  rather 
than  rectors  of  churches,  shepherds  who  know  not  and  take  no 
care  of  their  flocks,  provoke  the  divine  indignation,  neglecting 
hospitality  without  cause,  shamefully  spend  their  time  at 
London,  devouring  Christ's  patrimony,  living  daintily  on  the 
bread  of  the  hungry,  clothing  themselves  with  the  garments  of 
the  naked,  and  with  the  ransom  of  captives;  they  dare  not  say 
with  the  prophet,  "  The  Lord  is  the  portion  of  mine  inheritance ;" 
but  rather,  "We  desire  not  the  knowledge  of  Thy  ways." 
Win  Teas,  therefore,  the  cure  of  souls  is  our  chief  concern, 
of  which  we  are  to  give  a  strict  account,  and  resolving  not  any 
longer  to  connive  at  so  great  a  scandal  of  the  clergy  of  the 
Church  of  England,  and  so  perilous  and  pernicious  an  example, 
at  the  importunate  request  of  many,  we  give  it  in  charge,  and 
command  you,  my  brother,  in  virtue  of  obedience,  and  do  will 
and  command  that  the  rest  of  my  suffragans  and  fellow-bishops 
of  our  province  of  Canterbury  be  enjoined  by  you  to  take 
corporal  oaths  of  all  whatsoever  that  are  to  be  presented  to 
ecclesiastical  benefices,  now  or  hereafter  to  be  void  within  your 
dioceses,  that  they  have  not  given,  or  promised  anything,  directly 
or  indirectly,  by  themselves,  or  by  any  employed  by  them,  foi 
l-he  presentation  to  the  presenter  or  any  other  persons  what 
soever  ;  and  that  neither  they  nor  their  friends  are  obliged  by 
oath,  or  any  pecuniary  security,  to  resign  or  make  exchange  of 
the  benefices ;  and  that  no  unlawful  compact  hath  been  made 
in  this  respect,  nor  promise,  with  their  will  and  knowledge  ;  and 
that  in  case  of  exchange,  no  proxies,  though  signed  by  notaries, 
be  allowed  without  the  presence  of  the  principals,  and  a  pro 
vident  examination  of  the  equality  as  to  the  value  of  the 
benefices,  and  an  oath  given  by  each  party  that  no  fraud, 
private  or  public,  is  used  in  the  exchange ;  and  that  the  non 
residents  in  your  dioceses  be  effectually  called  home  to  do  their 
duty ;  and  the  simoniacal  possessors,  or  rather  usurpers  of 
churches,  be  severely  censured  ;  and  that  the  accursed  partakers 


378  LIVES    OF    THE 


CHAP,  with  Grehazi  and  Simon,  the  "  choppe-churches,"  who  chiefly  are 
XVI-  at  London,  be  in  general  admonished  to  desist  from  such  pro- 
curings,  changings,  and  trickings  made  in  their  conventicles 
and  simoniacal  assemblies  for  the  future ;  and  let  them  quash 
and  cancel  all  contracts  and  bargains  fraudulently  made,  though 
confirmed  with  oaths,  which  in  this  case  are  null ;  and  let  all 
such  frauds  and  simoniacal  contracts,  which  are  not  in  their 
power  to  break,  be  discovered  to  the  bishop  of  the  dioceses  in 
which  such  benefices  as  are  concerned  in  the  transaction  do  lie, 
that  they,  by  whose  procurement  or  consent  these  contracts 
were  made,  may  be  enjoined  penance  according  to  their  merits 
under  pain  of  the  greater  excommunication  after  fifteen  days' 
notice  (five  days  being  allowed  after  each  of  the  three  usual 
admonitions),  which  we  pass  upon  them  by  this  writing  fron 
this  time  forward,  as  well  as  from  that  time  forward.  And  d) 
ye  strictly  enjoin,  and  cause  other  bishops  to  be  so  enjoined, 
that  these  wicked  merchants  of  the  Lord's  inheritance,  and 
such  as  have  several  dignities,  churches,  and  "  choppe-churches,r' 
be  struck  with  the  sword  of  ecclesiastical  censure,  especially 
such  of  them  as  are  in  orders,  as  being  universally  abhorred  b}' 
all,  lest  by  the  neglect  of  you  and  other  bishops  this  clamour  be 
again  repeated  in  our  ears.  And  do  ye  cause  us  to  be  certified 
of  what  you  have  done  in  the  premises  before  the  feast  of  St. 
Michael  the  Archangel  next  ensuing,  by  your  letters-patent, 
containing  a  copy  of  these  presents.  Dated  in  our  manor  of 
Slyndon,  on  the  fifth  day  of  March  in  the  -year  of  our  Lord 
1391,  and  of  our  translation  the  eleventh.* 

The  schism  in  the  Eoman  Church  still  continued. 
There  were  still  two  popes.  As  we  have  before  had 
occasion  to  state,  Urban  VI.  was  acknowledged  as  pope 
by  England  and  the  greater  part  of  the  Empire ; 
Clement  VII.  was  the  pope  of  France,  Spain,  Scotland, 
Sicily,  and  Cyprus.  Urban  had  disappointed  the  high 
expectations  entertained  by  many  at  his  election  ;  and, 
under  great  provocation  doubtless,  became  tyrannical 

*  Spelinan,  ii.  G41.     Wilkins,  iii.  215. 


ARCIIBISHOrS   OF   CANTERBURY.  379 

and  cruel.  His  cardinals,  acting  under  the  advice  of  a  CHAP. 
celebrated  casuist,  Bartolomeo  di  Piacenza,  resolved  to 
seize  his  person,  and  to  consign  the  papal  government 
to  certain  commissioners  to  be  selected  from  their  own 
body :  a  proceeding  analogous  to  that  which  was  adopted 
in  England  with  reference  to  Edward  II.  and  Richard  II. 
But  it  was  found,  in  all  these  cases,  that  the  sovereign 
was  too  powerful  for  a  commission,  and  that  nothing  less 
than  his  deposition  would  suffice.  The  cardinals,  therefore, 
determined  to  seize  the  person  of  Urban,  and,  according 
to  Gobelinus,  to  try  the  pope  for  heresy  and  to  deliver  him 
to  the  flames.* 

But  Urban  discovered  the  conspiracy.  Six  of  the 
cardinals  he  seized,  and  having  subjected  them  to  the 
torture,  he  dragged  them  as  his  prisoners,  when  lie  fled 
from  Nocera  to  Genoa,  where  with  one  exception  they 
were  never  heard  of  more.  The  exception  was  made 
in  favour  of  Adam  Eston,  an  English  cardinal,  in  whose 
behalf  the  King  of  England  interposed, — an  interposition 
which,  in  the  then  state  of  his  affairs,  the  pope  did  not 
venture  to  resist.  Of  the  others,  whether  they  were 
strangled  or  thrown  into  the  sea  in  sacks,  will  not  be  known 
till  the  day  of  judgment.  These  things  occurred  at  the 
end  of  the  year  138G.  We  can  easily  understand  how 
the  report  of  the  proceedings  when  brought  to  England 
strengthened  the  anti-papal  party,and  influenced  Courtenay 
himself. 

Urban  died  in  1380.  Instead  of  seeking  at  once,  how 
ever,  to  terminate  the  schism  by  coming  to  terms  with  Pope 
Clement  VII.,  the  cardinals  at  Rome  proceeded  to  elect  as 
their  pope  Peter  Tomacelli,  a  young  man  of  Naples.  He 

*  Dollinger,  137.  Theoderic  of  Nicin  denies  the  conspiracy  of  the 
cardinals,  who,  with  one  exception,  he  asserts,  even  under  the  agony  of 
torture,  refused  to  criminate  themselves.  If  this  be  true,  the  cruelty  of 
Urban  was  the  greater.  See  Floury,  1.  xviii.  §  20,  21. 


380  LIVES    OF    TIIE 

• 

CHAP,     assumed  the  title  of  Boniface  IX.     He  was  endowed  with 

X  VT 

-   .  ' .  ^   good  natural   abilities,  and  was  fluent  in   speedi ;    but 

\  \ ' '  1 1 " 

omJn^.  according  to  his  secretary,  Theoderic  of  Niem,  lie  could 
1381-96.  neither  write  nor  sing,  nor  was  he  acquainted  with  any 
science  except  that  of  grammar.  He  was  as  remarkable  for 
his  avarice  as  he  was  for  his  ignorance.*  The  claims  on 
him  were,  indeed,  many  and  great.  The  churches  of 
Rome  were  in  a  state  of  dilapidation,  and  the  Castle  of 
St.  Angelo  was  in  ruins.  His  kinsfolk  were  poor  and 
clamorous;  and  the  demands  upon  his  treasury  for  the 
support  of  his  faction,  or  in  furtherance  of  his  schemes  of 
ambition,  were  incessant.  His  predecessor  had  planned 
a  jubilee  as  the  means  of  replenishing  his  exhausted 
treasury.  From  a  hundred  years  the  jubilee  had  been 
reduced  to  fifty  ;  and  now,  with  an  hypocritical  sentiment, 
out  of  regard  to  the  supposed  duration  of  our  Lords 
humiliation,  it  was  to  be  held  every  thirty-third  year.f 

Notwithstanding  the  perils  of  the  journey,  pilgrims — 
influenced  by  a  feeling  of  piety,  by  party  zeal,  and  by  u 
determination  to  support  Boniface,  in  opposition  to  the 
French  pope — flocked  to  Rome.  The  papal  coffers  were 
filled  ;  and  yet  for  money  there  was  an  increasing  demand 
The  necessary  supplies  were  obtained  by  annates,  J  b} 


*  Theoderic  of  Niem,  ii.  G.     See  also  Dollinger,  138. 

f  See  Spondanus,  ad.  An.  1389. 

J  Annates  were  the  profits  of  one  year  of  every  vacant  bishopric  in 
England,  claimed  at  first  by  the  pope,  upon  a  pretence  of  defending 
the  Christians  from  the  infidels,  and  paid  by  every  bishop  at  his  acces 
sion,  before  he  could  receive  his  investiture  from  Rome.  Afterwards 
the  pope  prevailed  on  all  those  who  were  spiritual  patrons  to  oblige 
their  clerks  to  pay  these  annates,  and  so  by  degrees  they  became  pay 
able  by  the  clergy  in  general.  Some  of  our  historians  tell  us  that  Pope 
Clement  was  the  first  who  claimed  annates  in  England,  in  the  reign  of 
Edward  I. ;  but  Selden,  in  a  short  account  which  he  has  given  us  of 
the  reign  of  William  Rufus,  affirms  that  they  were  claimed  by  the  pope 
before  that  reign.  Chronologers  differ  also  about  the  time  when  they 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  381 

the  sale  of  expectatives,   by  commendams,  by  the  sale     CHAP. 
of  temporal  honours  and  emoluments  to  Italian  barons,  by  - 
simoniacal  transactions — at  first  conducted  with  caution  courtenay. 
and  in  secret,  but  afterwards  with  scandalous  and  defiant 
publicity. 

By  Boniface  was  established  the  precedent  of  an  in 
discriminate  sale  of  plenary  indulgences,  such  as  led, 
at  length,  to  the  Lutheran  Eeformation.  His  emissaries 
appeared  in  England,  to  offer  for  money  to  those  who 
stayed  at  home  the  same  privileges  which  had  been 
acquired  by  those  who  had  kept  the  jubilee  as  pilgrims 
at  Home.  Confession  and  penance  were  not  imposed  :  a 
money  payment  was  all  that  was  required.  By  the  side 
of  the  altar,  in  all  the  chief  churches,  a  table  was  spread, 
covered  with  scarlet  cloth,  where  the  unholy  traffic  was 
carried  on.  Among  the  better  educated,  some  were 
afraid  of  exposing  themselves  to  ridicule,  and  others  of 
incurring  the  suspicions  of  the  government,  by  openly 
transacting  business  with  the  papal  emissary.  To  meet 
the  convenience,  therefore,  of  those  who  wished  to  deal 
with  him  in  private,  the  residence  of  the  functionary 
was  indicated  by  the  papal  arms  suspended  over  his 
doorway,  with  a  private  entrance,  we  presume,  round  the 
corner. 

The  English  government  was  vigilant.  It  was  aware 
that  the  election  of  a  new  pope  might  afford  a  pretext  for 
evading  the  various  anti-papal  Acts  that  had  been  passed 
in  the  late  reign  ;  and  consequently  the  Statute  of  Provisors 
was  confirmed  by  parliament  with  this  additional  clause  : 

became  a  settled  duty.  Platina  asserts  that  Boniface  IX.,  who  was 
pope  in  the  first  year  of  Henry  IV.,  Annatarum  mum  beneficiis  ecclesias- 
ticis  primum  imposuit(\\z.~}  dimidium  anmii  proventus  fisco  apostolico  per- 
solvere.  Walsingham  affirms  it  to  be  above  eighty  years  before  that 
time,  viz.  in  the  time  of  Pope  John  XXII.,  who  was  pope  about  the 
middle  of  the  reign  of  Edward  II.,  and  that  he  reservavit  camera  siite 
primos  fructus  benejicwru'i/. 


382  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP.  It   is  ordained    and    established  that  if   any  man  bring  or 

,  _xyij  ^  send  within  the  realm,   or  the    king's   power,   any   summons, 

William  sentence,  or  excommunication  against  any  person,  of  what  con- 

iwi-96.'  dition  soever  he  be,  for  the  cause  of  making  motion,  assent,  or 


execution  of  the  said  Statute  of  Provisors,  he  shall  be 
arrested,  and  put  in  prison,  and  forfeit  all  his  lands  and  tene 
ments,  goods  and  chattels  for  ever,  and  incur  the  pain  of  life 
and  member.  And  if  any  prelate  make  execution  of  such 
summons,  sentences,  or  excommunications  that  his  temporalities 
be  taken  and  abide  in  the  king's  hands  till  due  redress  and  cor 
rection  be  thereof  made.  And  if  any  person  of  less  estate  than 
a  prelate,  of  what  condition  that  he  be,  make  such  execution, 
he  shall  be  taken,  arrested,  and  put  in  prison,  and  have  irr- 
prisonment,  and  make  fine  and  ransom  by  the  discretion  of  the 
King's  Council.* 

The  time  had  been,  when  such  a  measure  as  this  would 
have  met  with  the  enthusiastic  support  of  Courtenay  ; 
but  the  times  were  changed,  and  the  alarm  occasioned  by 
the  excesses  of  the  Lollards  and  by  the  late  insurrectioi 
had  produced  a  considerable  reaction  in  many  minds. 
The  primate,  with  the  Archbishop  of  York,  thought  it  ex 
pedient  to  qualify  their  acceptance  of  the  additional  clause 
by  asserting,  that  they  did  not,  by  its  acceptance,  intend 
to  interfere  with  any  legitimate  authority  of  the  pope. 
Many  persons  also  repaired  to  Borne,  under  pretext  of 
keeping  the  jubilee,  who  advised  the  pope  to  protest 
against  the  renewal  of  the  Statute  of  Provisors  ;  and,  in 
short,  symptoms  of  what  would  now  be  called  an  Ultra 
montane  spirit  began  to  display  themselves.  The  conse 
quence  of  this  was  a  royal  proclamation,  commanding 
the  return  to  England,  on  or  before  the  Feast  of  St. 
Martin,  the  llth  of  November,  under  pain  of  forfeiting 
estate  and  life,  of  all  persons,  who  had  dared  to  go  to 
Home  for  the  purpose  of  devising  measures  for  rendering 

*   13  Ric.  II.,  stat.  2,  cap.  3.     Gibson,  Codex  Jur.  Eccles.  i.  85. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  383 

null  any  of  the  divers  statutes  made  by  the  king  and  the 
parliament  for  the  common  benefit  of  his  kingdom.* 

While  the  government  was  thus  acting  with  dignity, 
consistency,  and  firmness,  the  archbishop  received  a  letter 
from  the  new  pope — if  pope  he  was, — entreating  and 
imploring  him  to  obtain  for  him  a  subsidy  from  the 
clergy  of  the  Church  of  England.  To  the  clergy  them 
selves,  soon  after,  a  pathetic  appeal  was  also  addressed. 

How  changed  were  the  principles  and  character  of 
Courtenay !  Under  the  influence,  no  doubt,  of  strong 
party  feeling,  when  lie  was  Bishop  of  Hereford  he  de 
nounced  the  exactions  of  the  Court  of  Rome  ;  lie  threat 
ened  to  stop  the  supplies  to  the  home  government,  if  it 
did  not  protect  the  clergy  from  the  double  taxation  to 
which  they  were  exposed,  when  subsidies  were  demanded 
of  them,  nol;  by  the  king  only  but  also  by  the  pope.  A 
pope  at  Avignon  and  a  pope  at  Home  were,  however,  two 
different  things.  But  still  the  conscience  of  Courtenay 
must  have  accused  him  of  inconsistency  when,  though  he 
showed  no  zeal  in  the  cause,  he  permitted  some  measures 
to  be  adopted  for  furthering  the  designs  of  the  pope.  His 
conscience  was  quickened,  when  lie  received  a  significant 
notice  from  the  government,  in  the  shape  of  a  letter 
written  in  the  king's  name.  In  this  lie  was  reminded 
that  the  king  had  lately  renewed  his  coronation  oath, 
according  to  the  terms  of  which,  he  was  bound  to  main 
tain  the  customs  of  the  kingdom,  to  govern  according  to 
law,  to  preserve  inviolate  the  rights  of  property,  and  to 
take  precaution  that  no  rates  or  taxes  should  be  levied  on 
the  people  without  the  consent  of  parliament.  An  address 
had  been  presented  to  the  king  by  the  last  parliament, 
petitioning  him  to  protect  the  clergy  from  the  exactions 
of  the  Court  of  Home,  and  to  treat  as  a  traitor  to  himself 

*  Rot.  Clans.  14  Ric.  II.  on  13  Dors,  de  Proclumatione. 


384  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     and    his  kingdom   anyone  who  should   bring  into    the 

^— Vr~-~x  country  papal  bulls,  for  the  purpose  of  levying  such  im- 

Courtenay.  positions  or  of  setting  on  foot  any  uncustomary  practices. 

96>    To  these  petitions  the  king  had  given  assent,  and  they  were 

now  the  law  of  the  land.     The  royal  rescript  proceeds  to 

state,  that,  notwithstanding  this  legal  provision,  the  king 

had  been  informed  of  a  new  papal  imposition  upon  the 

clergy,  levied  without  the  common  advice  and  consent  of 

the  kingdom,  but  by  the  authority  of  the  archbishop  aid 

his  suffragans.     The  king  then  commands  the  archbishop, 

upon  his  allegiance  and  under  the  highest  forfeitures,  to 

revoke  any  orders  he  may  have  issued  for  the  levying  of 

this  tax,  to  return  any  money  that  had  been  already  paid, 

and  not,  himself,  to  contribute  any  tiling  to  the  subsidy.41 

We  become  aware,  incidentally,  that,  whether  willingly 
or  not,  the  archbishop  yielded  obedience  to  the  royal  man 
date.  For,  notwithstanding  his  urgent  and  pathetic  appeal 
to  the  bishops  and  clergy  of  the  Church  of  England,  th<» 
pope  only  received  a  subscription  of  1,515  florins,  equal 
to  £252  12s.  M. 

Not  only  had  there  been  a  change  in  Courtenay  himself. 
-I  do  not  say  of  principle,  for  he  was  a  man  of  impulse 
and  expediency  rather  than  of  fixed  principles — there  had 
also  been  gradually  effected  a  change  in  the  position  of 
the  primate,  as  such,  in  relation  to  the  government.  Arch 
bishop  Courtenay,  belying  the  antecedents  of  his  history, 
was  now  suspected  of  an  inclination  to  abet  the  pope  in 
his  encroachments  on  the  Church  and  State  of  England. 
The  consequence  was  that  he  was  induced,  at  the  next 
parliament,  to  make  the  following  declaration : — 

To  our  dread  sovereign  lord  the  king,  in  this  present  par 
liament,  his  humble  chaplain  William,  Archbishop  of  Can- 

*  Rot.  Glaus.  13  Ric.  II.  pt.  1.  M.  17.  De  decimis  Papas  non 
tollendis. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CAXTERBURV.  385 

terbury,  gives  in  his  answer  to  the  petition  brought  into  the      CHAP, 
parliament  by  the  commons  of  the  realm,  in  which  petition       XVI- 
are  contained  certain  articles  ;  William 

That  is  to  say,  first :  Whereas,  our  sovereign  lord  the  king, 
and  all  his  liege  subjects,  ought  of  right,  and  had  been  always 
accustomed  to  sue  in  the  king's  court,  to  recover  their  pre 
sentations  to  churches,  to  maintain  their  titles  to  prebends, 
and  other  benefices  of  Holy  Church,  to  which  they  have  a  right 
to  present;  the  cognisance  of  which  plea  belongs  solely  to  the 
court  of  our  sovereign  lord  the  king,  by  virtue  of  his  ancient, 
prerogative,  maintained  and  practised  in  the  reigns  of  all  his 
predecessors  Kings  of  England.  And  when  judgment  is  given 
in  his  highness'  said  court  upon  any  such  plea,  the  archbishops, 
bishops,  and  other  spiritual  persons,  who  have  the  right  of 
giving  institution  within  their  jurisdiction,  are  bound  to  execute 
such  judgments,  and  used  always  to  make  execution  of  them  at 
the  king's  command  (since  no  lay  person  can  make  any  such 
execution);  and  are  also  bound  to  make  execution  of  many 
other  commands  of  our  lord  the  king ;  of  which  right  the  Crown 
of  England  has  been  all  along  peaceably  possessed;  but  now  of 
late  divers  processes  have  been  made  by  the  holy  father  the 
pope,  and  excommunications  published  against  several  English 
bishops  for  making  such  executions,  and  acting  in  pursuance  to 
the  king's  commands  in  the  cases  above  mentioned ;  and  that 
such  censures  of  his  holiness  are  inflicted  in  open  disherison  of 
the  crown  and  subversive  of  the  prerogative  royal  of  the  king's 
laws  and  his  whole  realm  unless  prevented  by  proper  remedies. 

To  this  article  the  archbishop,  premising  his  protesta 
tion, 

that  it  was  none  of  his  intention  to  affirm  our  holy  father  the 
pope  has  no  authority  to  excommunicate  a  bishop  pursuant  to 
the  laws  of  Holy  Church,  declares  and  answers,  that  if  any  exe 
cutions  of  processes  are  made,  or  shall  be  made  by  any  person  ; 
if  any  censures  of  excommunication  shall  be  published  and 
served  upon  any  English  bishops,  or  any  other  of  the  king's 
subjects,  for  their  having  made  execution  of  any  such  com 
mands,  he  maintains  such  censures  to  be  prejudicial  to  the 
king's  prerogative,  as  it  is  set  forth  in  the  commons'  petition ; 
VOL.  IV.  C  C 


386  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     and  that  so  far  forth  he  is  resolved  to  stand  with  our  lord  the 
^  I-       king,  and  support  his  crown  in  the  matters  above  mentioned,  to 
^William      his  power. 

1381-96!'  And  likewise,  whereas  it  is  said  in  the  petition,  that  com 
plaint  has  been  made,  that  the  said  holy  father  the  pope  had 
designed  to  translate  some  English  prelates  to  sees  out  of  tie 
realm,  and  some  from  one  bishopric  to  another,  without  tie 
knowledge  and  consent  of  our  lord  the  king,  and  without  the 
assent  of  the  prelates  so  translated  (which  prelates  are  ve*y 
serviceable  and  necessary  to  our  lord  the  king  and  his  whole 
realm),  which  translations,  if  they  should  be  suffered,  the 
statutes  of  the  realm  would  be  defeated,  and  made,  in  a  gre;it 
measure,  insignificant,  and  the  said  lieges  of  his  highness' 
council  would  be  removed  out  of  his  kingdom  without  the  r 
assent  and  against  their  inclination,  and  the  treasure  of  the  said 
realm  would  be  exported,  by  which  means  the  country  would 
become  destitute,  both  of  wealth  and  council,  to  the  utter 
destruction  of  the  said  realm ;  and  thus  the  crown  of  Englanc , 
which  has  always  been  so  free  and  independent  as  not  to  hav? 
any  earthty  sovereign,  but  to  be  immediately  subject  to  God  in 
all  things  touching  the  prerogatives  and  royalty  of  the  said 
crown,  should  be  made  subject  to  the  pope,  and  the  laws  and 
statutes  of  the  realm  defeated  and  set  aside  by  him  at  pleasure 
to  the  utter  destruction  of  the  sovereignty  of  our  lord  the  king, 
his  crown  and  royalty,  and  his  whole  kingdom,  which  God  forbid 
The  said  archbishop,  first  protesting  that  it  is  not  hi; 
intention  to  affirm  that  our  holy  father  aforesaid  cannot  make- 
translations  of  prelates  according  to  the  laws  of  Holy  Church, 
answers  and  declares  that  if  any  English  prelates,  who,  by 
their  capacity  and  qualification,  were  very  serviceable  and  neces 
sary  to  our  lord  the  king,  and  his  realm,  if  any  such  prelate? 
were  translated  to  any  sees  in  foreign  dominions,  or  the  sage 
lieges  of  his  council  were  forced  out  cf  the  kingdom  against 
their  will,  and  that  by  this  means  the  wealth  and  treasure  of 
the  kingdom  should  be  exported ;  in  this  case  the  archbishop 
declares  that  such  translations  would  be  prejudicial  to  the  king 
and  his  crown ;  for  which  reason,  if  anything  of  this  should 
happen,  he  resolves  to  adhere  loyally  to  the  king,  and  en 
deavour,  ;u;  he  is  bound  by  his  allegiance,  to  support  his  high- 


OF   CANTERBURY. 

ness  in  this  and  all  other  instances  in  which  the  rights  of  his  CHAP 

crown  are  concerned.     And    lastly,  he    prayed    the    king  this  XVI. 

schedule  might  be  made  a  record,  and  entered  upon  the  Par-  William 
liament  roll,  which  the  king  granted. 

This  declaration  of  the  archbishop  is  the  more  remark 
able,  when  we  find  the  words  used  to  be  the  very  words 
employed  in  the  Statute  of  Prammnire,  which  was  con 
firmed,  renewed,  and  completed  in  this  parliament.  We 
are  not  indeed  obliged  to  defend  the  consistency  of  Arch 
bishop  Courtenay,  but  it  is  pleasant  to  record,  that  he  was 
one  of  those  who  assisted  in  carrying  the  most  important 
anti-papal  Act  of  Parliament  that  was  ever  passed,  anterior 
to  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  It  is  probable  that  this  Act 
was  passed  at  this  time,  because  it  was  known,  that  in  the 
letter  of  Gregory  XI  to  Archbishop  Courtenay,  the  pope 
had  ventured  to  speak  of  the  anti-papal  Acts  of  Parliament 
as  null  and  void.*  To  this  important  Act  we  shall  have 
occasion  so  frequently  to  refer  that  tlie  reader  is  here  pre 
sented  witli  its  chief  provisions :— 

Whereas  the  Commons  of  the  Realm  in  this  present  Par 
liament  have  showed  to  our  redoubted  lord  the  king,  grievously 
complaining,  that  whereas  the  said  our  lord  the  king  and  all  his 
liege  people  ought  of  right,  and  of  old  time  were  wont,  to  sue 
in  the  king's  court,  to  recover  their  presentments  to  churches, 
prebends,  and  other  ben